1

1450-1750 Portfolio Table of Contents

Pgs. 3-4 City Chart

Pgs. 5-6 Spanish & Portuguese Empire Docs

Pgs. 7-18 Oceania Article

Pgs. 19-21 Slave Trade Webquest

Pgs. 23-24 The Columbian Exchange Project

Pg 25 Tale of Genji Video Questions

Pgs. 27-29 Land of the Tsar Video Questions

Pgs. 31-34 Ottoman Video Questions

Pgs. 35-37 Mughal Video Questions

Pgs. 39-46 Elizabeth & Akbar Article

Pgs. 47-49 Zheng He Activity

2

3Name: ______________________________

Role of the city architectural sites/monuments

Changes in who ruled/occupied the city

geographical features/natural resources

Along which trade routes?/how do you get there

Major events

Timbuktu

Constantinople

Tenochtitlan

Great Zimbabwe

Chang’an

Novgrod

Venice

Baghdad

4Which city would you go to? ________________________________________________________________________________________________

Write a narrative of your visit:

5Spanish and Portuguese Empires Primary Documents

Bartoleme de Las Casas, Brief Account of the Devastation of the Indies. (1542)

“The common ways mainly employed by the Spaniards who call themselves Christian and who have gone there to extirpate those pitiful nations and wipe them off the earth is by unjustly waging cruel and bloody wars. Then, when they have slain all those who fought for their lives or to escape the tortures they would have to endure, that is to say, when they have slain all the native rulers and young men (since the Spaniards usually spare only the women and children, who are subjected to the hardest and bitterest servitude ever suffered by man or beast), they enslave any survivors. With these infernal methods of tyranny they debase and weaken countless numbers of those pitiful Indian nations.

Their reason for killing and destroying such an infinite number of souls is that the Christians have an ultimate aim, which is to acquire gold, and to swell themselves with riches in a very brief time and thus rise to a high estate disproportionate to their merits. It should be kept in mind that their insatiable greed and ambition, the greatest ever seen in the world, is the cause of their villainies. And also, those lands are so rich and felicitous, the native peoples so meek and patient, so easy to subject, that our Spaniards have no more consideration for them than beasts. And I say this from my own knowledge of the acts I witnessed. But I should not say "than beasts" for, thanks be to God, they have treated beasts with some respect; I should say instead like excrement on the public squares. And thus they have deprived the Indians of their lives and souls, for the millions I mentioned have died without the Faith and without the benefit of the sacraments. This is a well known and proven fact which even the tyrant Governors, themselves killers, know and admit. And never have the Indians in all the Indies committed any act against the Spanish Christians, until those Christians have first and many times committed countless cruel aggressions against them or against neighboring nations. For in the beginning the Indians regarded the Spaniards as angels from Heaven. Only after the Spaniards had used violence against them, killing, robbing, torturing, did the Indians ever rise up against them....

On the Island Hispaniola was where the Spaniards first landed, as I have said. Here those Christians perpetrated their first ravages and oppressions against the native peoples. This was the first land in the New World to be destroyed and depopulated by the Christians, and here they began their subjection of the women and children, taking them away from the Indians to use them and ill use them, eating the food they provided with their sweat and toil. The Spaniards did not content themselves with what the Indians gave them of their own free will, according to their ability, which was always too little to satisfy enormous appetites, for a Christian eats and consumes in one day an amount of food that would suffice to feed three houses inhabited by ten Indians for one month. And they committed other acts of force and violence and oppression which made the Indians realize that these men had not come from Heaven. And some of the Indians concealed their foods while others concealed their wives and children and still others fled to the mountains to avoid the terrible transactions of the Christians.

And the Christians attacked them with buffets and beatings, until finally they laid hands on the nobles of the villages. Then they behaved with such temerity and shamelessness that the most powerful ruler of the islands had to see his own wife raped by a Christian officer.”

Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Cronicas (1553)

“...[The Incas] had representatives in the capitals of all the provinces, ... for in all these places were larger and finer lodgings than in most of the other cities of this great kingdom, and many storehouses. ... large garrisons were stationed there .... if there were any disorder or disturbance, [the representative/governor] had authority to punish it, especially if it were in the nature of a conspiracy or a rebellion.... And if the Incas had not had the foresight to appoint them and to establish the mitimaes [the practice of relocating the people of recently

6captured territories, to places distant from their original home], the natives would have often revolted and shaken off the royal rule....

Realizing how difficult it would be to ravel the great distances of their land where every league and at every turn a different language was spoken and how bothersome it would be to have to [always] employ interpreters...these rulers ...ordered and decreed, with severe punishment for failure to obey, that all the natives of their empire should know and understand the language of Cuzco [Quechua], both they and their women. ...an infant that had not yet left its mother's breast before they began to teach it the language it had to know....

In the capital of each province there were accountants whom they called quipu-camayocs, and by these knots they kept the account of the tribute to be paid by the natives of that district in silver, gold, clothing, flocks, down to wood and other more significant things... the account so exact that not even a pair of sandals was missing.... [E]ach province at the end of the year had a list by the knots of the quipus of all the people who had died there during the year, as well as those who had been born.”

Answer each of the following using the text above:

1. What did the Spanish do to the men? Women and children? Survivors?

2. According to de las Casas, what is the goal of the Spanish?

3. How did the natives view that Spanish when they first arrived?

4. What land was first attacked?

5. How much did the Spanish eat in comparison to the natives?

6. How did the rulers deal with the Spanish?

7. What is mitimaes?

8. How did the Incas deal with the language issue in their kingdom?

9. How did they keep track of the tribute sent to the capital?

10. Of what else did they keep records?

7Ocenania Article The Other One-Third of the Globe by Ben Finney

The Pacific ocean has been called the largest single feature on the globe because it occupies nearly one-third of the earth’s surface, more than all the land around the world that rises above the level of the sea. How does one approach history in this immense body of water? The most common way has been unabashedly Eurocentric. Geographer Oscar Spate, for example, opens his three-volume history of the Pacific by declaring that “strictly speaking, there was no such thing as ‘the Pacific’ until in 1520–21 Fernão de Magalhãis, better known as Magellan, traversed the huge expanse of waters which then received its name.” The Pacific is a European artifact, says Spate. In its full extent it was unknown to humanity, including its most widely traveled inhabitants, the Polynesians, until seafarers from another ocean began to sail across this mighty sea and then to chart it. Spate’s own aim, as he says in his preface, was to “explicate the process by which the greatest blank on the world map became a nexus of global commercial and strategic relations.”

In telling that story, Spate covers only three out of the five hundred or so centuries of human experience in the Pacific, and he features a parade of European explorers, adventurers, settlers, and colonial administrators. In contrast, my approach to history in the Pacific is unabashedly anthropological, in the sense that I am primarily interested in how the first people to enter the Pacific managed to explore so much of the ocean and to colonize all the habitable lands they found there, how the societies they founded differentiated and evolved over the millennia, and how the descendants of those people are faring in today’s global society. This is my way of sketching the most interesting story of the Pacific: that of its pioneering inhabitants and their descendants.This is one ocean people have really lived in, not simply sailed across. Colonizing an Oceanic WorldThe trend of the original human expansion into the Pacific was eastward from Asia, though the process was radically discontinuous. New Guinea was settled early, starting some 50,000 or more years ago, but the colonization of islands farther out into the ocean did not begin until some 3,500 years ago. The usual geographic division of the Pacific island world into Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia ignores this crucial discontinuity and its linguistic, cultural, and biological consequences.

A better way to divide the Pacific, one that makes sense of both migrational sequence and sequelae, is to follow archaeologist Roger Green’s distinction between Near Oceania and Remote Oceania. Near Oceania consists of New Guinea and adjacent islands, which together with the islands of Indonesia form a chain of intervisible, or nearly intervisible, land masses separated by only short ocean gaps. Remote Oceania consists of a large number of archipelagos and islands beyond Near Oceania. This is where the open Pacific begins: distances between the islands and archipelagos of Remote Oceania can reach hundreds of miles, and in a few cases thousands of miles. Near Oceania was made readily accessible to people from Asia during the last glaciation when so much water was taken up by the ice sheets that at times sea levels were 100 or more meters below where they stand today.

This joined the main islands of Indonesia to the Asian mainland to make a long peninsular extension of Asia that geologists call Sunda. The drop in sea level also connected New Guinea, Australia, and Tasmania, plus their continental shelves, to form a greater continent that geologists call Sahul, and it narrowed the sea distances between Sunda and Sahul. To take advantage of this opportunity to settle new lands glimpsed to the east, migrants needed only some rudimentary form of watercraft—perhaps rafts of bamboo or wood, or dugout canoes. With the right combination of wind and current, plus perhaps some paddling, adventurous groups made it across the glacially narrowed gaps between Sunda and its offshore islands and Sahul. Nonetheless, however simple the technology, reaching Sahul was a major step in humankind’s spread over the globe. A clustering of sites in Australia that have been radiocarbon-dated in the range of 30,ooo-plus years b.p., along with other sites from New Guinea and Australia dated by other means at between 40,000 and 60,000 years b.p., indicates that Sahul was settled well back in the Pleistocene. It thus represented the first step in human expansion beyond the linked African and Eurasian continents that had nurtured the species.

This early movement did not extend far into the Pacific. The descendants of these pioneers went on to settle the islands immediately offshore from Sahul as far east as the Solomons, but they apparently never crossed from

8there to Remote Oceania. Tens of thousands of years passed before this gap was bridged and the settlement of the truly oceanic islands of the Pacific was begun. The seafarers who colonized Remote Oceania are commonly called Austronesians, a label originally coined to stand for all the related languages that spread across the Pacific and Indian Oceans from their point of origin, thought to lie in southern China. From what is now Fujian province, they are thought to have spread to Taiwan (where the aboriginal inhabitants still speak Austronesian languages) between 4000 and 3000 b.c.e., and then south into the Philippines and eastern Indonesia. While some moved west to occupy the rest of Indonesia and the adjacent stretches of the coast of mainland Southeast Asia, others sailed east along the north coast of New Guinea, where at around 1500 b.c.e. they show up in the archaeological record of the Bismarck Archipelago. Within a few centuries these Austronesian voyagers moved east into Remote Oceania, island hopping the length of Melanesia to the archipelagos of Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa. In time, ancestral Polynesian culture developed in this mid-Pacific location from its Austronesian roots, and from there recognizably Polynesian seafarers continued eastward to the Cooks, Societies, and Marquesas at the center of East Polynesia. Some of their descendants then dispersed to the islands beyond— sailing over thousands of miles of blue water to reach the islands that form the points of the Polynesian triangle: Hawai‘i, Rapa Nui,and Aotearoa, or if you prefer, the Sandwich Islands, Easter Island, and New Zealand.

The ocean-going canoe was the vehicle that Austronesian speakers employed to expand across the South Pacific and then to find and settle every habitable island in Polynesia, a vast triangular region equivalent in size to much of Europe and Asia combined. Austronesian canoe voyagers also colonized that region of Remote Oceania east of the Philippines and north of New Guinea, known as Micronesia because of the small size of the islands there. Some migrants evidently crossed to western Micronesia directly from the Philippines; other branched off the main Austronesian migrational trail and sailed north across the Line to the atolls of eastern Micronesia. Still other Austronesian voyagers from Indonesia sailed clear across the Indian Ocean, or around itsnorthern periphery, to become the first people to colonize the great island of Madagascar, where the national language, Malagasy,is recognizably Austronesian. This dispersion of Austronesian speakers reached from a south China–Southeast Asian heartland west almost to Africa and east to within a few thousand miles of the coast of the Americas, a span of 225 degrees of longitude. It made the Austronesian family of languages the most widespread on the globe—until Western European seafarers began their own expansion, thereby spreading Indo-European languages beyond Eurasia. Austronesian seafarers may have been initially attracted to New Guinea and adjacent islands by opportunities to trade with the local inhabitants. Upon sailing east past the Solomon Islands, they made a discovery that must have amazed and delighted them: all the islands to the east were uninhabited. This circumstance invited successive generations to keep heading east, and then north and south, until they finally ran out of islands. This Austronesian expansion to previously uninhabited oceanic islands involved crucial adaptations in four areas: nautics, subsistence, social structure, and world view.

To build a successful ocean-going sailing craft, some means must be found to counteract the overturning force of the wind upon the sails. Europeans widened the beam of their vessels and added ballast to gain the necessary stability. Austronesians in effect greatly expanded the beam of their slim canoe hulls by extending a float to one or both sides to make an outrigger canoe, or by joining two hulls to make a double canoe. Because of the double canoe’s greater stability and capacity, the Austronesians are believed to have favored it for moving across the South Pacific and then expanding to the many islands of Polynesia. Of course, these migrants also had to become expert sailors and navigators. Moving eastward across the tropical South Pacific meant sailing against the direction from which the trade winds blow. Rather than attempting to sail into the trades, these seafarers apparently learned to wait for periodic westerly wind shifts and then to use these favorable winds to probe to the east. To conduct their voyages of exploration and colonization, and to maintain communication between scattered outposts, they had to be able to orient themselves precisely and find their way from island to island.They did so by means of naked-eye observations of the stars, sun, ocean swells, birds, and other natural phenomena, and by ingenious methods of dead reckoning, and by observing telltale cloud formations,

9distinctive variations in the swell pattern, or the daytime ranging of land-nesting birds to detect land before it could be seen directly.

These seafarers did not live solely off the wild food resources of the sea and the islands they found. Fishermen and food gatherers could not have flourished in any great numbers in Remote Oceania. To be sure, the oceanic islands and their offshore waters offered a wealth of fish and bird life upon which bands of colonists could initially feast, but they furnished little in the way of wild vegetable foods to sustain large settled populations. These sailors therefore had to be expert farmers as well. They also had to develop means for carrying on their canoes a wide range of plants, such as the breadfruit, taro, yam (Dioscorea), and banana, as well as the domesticated pig, dog, and chicken, in order to provide the subsistence base needed for successful colonization.

Such features of Austronesian social structure as the principle that the senior first-born male of the lineage descended most directly from the founding ancestor was the chief also seem to have been adaptive for oceanic expansion. Small groups of hierarchically organized kinsmen possessed ready-made cohesion and leadership that must have been crucial for the success of hazardous missions of exploration and colonization. Furthermore, primogeniture encouraged migration by the younger sons of a chief who had no hope of succession to leadership at home. Instead of rebellion or fratricide, they had a more constructive outlet for their ambitions. They could create a new chiefdom of their own by recruiting followers, building a voyaging canoe, and then setting sail into unknown seas to find and settle a new island.

Above all, the way these seafarers viewed their world undoubtedly encouraged them to seek new lands far out into the ocean. Instead of envisioning the world as a series of continents inconveniently separated by great stretches of water (as I was more or less taught in school), experience had shown these seafarers that the world was covered with water through which bits of solid land poked. Sail in any direction and you will find land. Sail to the east, out into the open ocean where only you have the technology and skills to go, and you will find uninhabited lands. This was their unbeatable formula for oceanic expansion—until they reached the easternmost oceanic islands of Hawai‘i, the Marquesas, and Rapa Nui. Beyond them was only empty ocean until the already occupied Americas.

Diversity and Adaptation

Part of human diversity in the Pacific must stem from this differentialsettlement of Near and Remote Oceania. For example, consider the contrast between the short, stocky highlanders of New Guinea who speak languages unrelated to Austronesian and live in societies led by upwardly mobile “big men,” and the tall, lighter skinned Polynesians who speak Austronesian languages and live in societies ruled by hereditary chiefs. This contrast seems more likely to be a function of these two very different migrations into the Pacific than the result of local differentiation from a common source. But between these extremes the picture is decidedly mixed. Austronesian speakers are found here and there along the coast of New Guinea and on some of the other islands of Near Oceania, and on all the Melanesian islands of Remote Oceania. Some of these Austronesian speakers are as dark as some of their non–Austronesian-speaking neighbors, and social organizations are highly variable. These circumstances must reflect a complex history of mixing between “old Melanesians” and more recent migrant populations.

Well before Austronesian seafarers entered the Pacific, the descendants of the first settlers of Sahul had already undergone radical transformations. Some of the diversity of the aborigines of New Guinea, Australia, and Tasmania may have reflected separate migrations to Sahul from various Southeast Asian sources.Still, many of the linguistic, cultural, and physical differences among the descendants of the first Sahulians must have come from their wide dispersion over such a vast and varied continent, and the later separation of Tasmania and New Guinea from Australia as sea levels rose in the Holocene. Dispersion to a wide range of environments, followed by long-term separation, would have allowed ample opportunity for the founder effect, random drift, and evolutionary adaptation to work on biological and cultural forms. Consider the differences

10among the scattered hunters and gatherers adapted to the temperate forests of Tasmania, the bands of Aborigines attuned to a wandering life in the dry interior of Australia, and the dense, sedentary populations of neolithic farmers in the mountainous valleys of the New Guinea interior.

Because of the relatively recent occupation of Polynesia by a single migratory movement and the region’s comparative isolation until the coming of Europeans, the individual island and archipelago societies there are much more homogeneous in language and culture than those of Micronesia and, above all, Melanesia. Nonetheless, the Polynesians’ adaptation to a wide variety of island types—coral atolls barely above sea level, lush volcanic islands, and a few comparatively huge continental chunks—provides a fascinating panorama of variations from a common ancestral theme.

Some islands of Polynesia were apparently too small, dry, or barren to sustain permanent settlement. For example, archaeological remains indicate that some dry equatorial atolls, as well as a few minuscule high islands scattered throughout the region, once hosted small groups of Polynesians who either died out on these so-called “mystery islands” or set sail in search of more fruitful lands. The better watered coral atolls of the northern Cook Islands and the Tuamotu archipelago sustained permanent settlements, although the limited size and agricultural potential of most meant that the population of individual islands typically numbered only a few hundred. High, volcanic islands with well watered and fertile soil on which the full range of Polynesian crops could be grown sustained populations numbering anywhere from a few thousand on the smaller islands to many tens of thousands on the larger islands.

The impact of these neolithic farmer-fishermen on the hitherto uninhabited islands of the tropical Pacific was considerable. On island after island the extinction of numerous bird species, particularly flightless ones, coincides with the arrival of Polynesian colonists. The clearing of forests for agriculture and the introductionof the rat, with its predilection for feasting upon the eggs of ground-nesting species, may in some cases have been more harmful than direct human predation. Agricultural clearing, particularly for slash-and-burn farming, deforested the slopes of the high islands and also rearranged the landforms. Soil washed down from slopes stripped of forest cover filled in embayments and extended the narrow coastal plains. Often, however, this was to the advantage of the settlers, who thereby gained more flat land for intensive agriculture, including the development of irrigated taro cultivation.

Temperate Aotearoa provided a unique environmental challenge for Polynesian colonists, whose descendants are now known as the Mäori. There was no lack of land or rain; the well-watered, heavily forested islands must have seemed unbelievably huge to people used to the comparatively tiny islands of the tropical Pacific. The problem was that Aotearoa was too cold for the tropical crops of the Polynesians. At the northern end of the northernmost island of Aotearoa, taro and to some extent bananas could be grown, but these plants shriveled as the colonists probed southward. To the rescue came the sweet potato, a South American tuber that had somehow spread to Polynesia. According to Mäori tradition, it was introduced to Aotearoa sometime after original settlement. This new tuber proved to be much more resistant to the cold than the crops the colonists had been trying to grow, allowing them to push their settlements farther south

Once the growing island populations began to noticeably affect the environment and test the limits of each island’s resources, did the people begin to practice measures designed to protect their environment and limit their own numbers? Since the pre-European systems were shattered long before such questions were posed, it is perhaps not surprising that they are difficult to answer. Certainly, there is evidence of a wealth of seasonal and ad hoc prohibitions placed upon exploiting particular species. And there were some ingenious practices, such as the custom of the united population of the twin atolls of Manihiki and Rakahanga in the Northern Cooks to live alternately on one and then the other island, always keeping one in fallow so that fish stocks and vegetation could recover. Similarly, there is fragmentary evidence of various methods of population control. These ranged from severely regulating births by abortion, infanticide, and various marital arrangements to actually driving weaker clans into the sea, or at least pressuring them to take to their canoes and leave the island to the rest of the

11people. Whether these measures reflected a conscious conservation ethic, or whether they were calculated for individual family, clan, or tribal survival, the fact remains that on island after island the Polynesians were able to build thriving, self-sufficient societies.

One spectacular case stands out, however, where any measures of conservation or population control failed utterly. Rapa Nui is the loneliest outpost of Polynesia, lying some 1,500 miles from the nearest permanently inhabited islands in the Tuamotus and some 2,300 miles from the Chilean coast. Those Polynesians who first colonized Rapa Nui around 1,500 years ago apparently found it thickly covered by tall palm trees. In clearing land for farming and in cutting trees to build houses and canoes, as well as rollers and scaffolding to move and erect their giant stone statues, the people of Rapa Nui progressively desiccated their island so that crops could be grown only in small areas sheltered from the omnipresent wind. The famine-stricken people fought one another, overthrew the great statues and the socioreligious order they represented, and dropped in number from an estimated 8,000–10,000 to 2,000–3,000. Ironically, in “crashing” their island, the people of Rapa Nui also eliminated any possibility of escape, for there was not enough wood left to build voyaging canoes.

One theme that has fascinated students of Polynesia is how societies founded by small bands of seafarers developed into large and highly stratified chiefdoms with complex cultures. Anthropologists see, or think they see, on atolls and small islands societies that essentially conserve, or at least strongly reflect, the ancestral social organization carried into Polynesia by the first explorers. On these small islands, where the populations typically numbered only in the hundreds, the ruling chiefs were not greatly separated from the common people. They were regarded as senior kinsmen, stewards of the land and the bounty of the sea, whose duty was to look after the people and intercede with the gods and nature on their behalf. This ancestral pattern became transformed—some might say warped—on the larger islands and in some archipelagos, where populations expanded into the tens of thousands and in some cases hundreds of thousands.

An extreme example was ancient Hawaiian society, one of the largest and most stratified in all Polynesia. Population estimates for the entire archipelago range from a quarter-million to upwards of a million. An endogamous chiefly class ruled over the mass of common people who were generally without direct kinship links to their rulers. Within the chiefly class, politically astute and militarily skilled men who were not necessarily of the highest genealogical rank vied for leadership, organizing chiefdoms that controlled a district of an island, an entire island, or in some cases several islands. The aggrandizing bent of these ambitious chiefs, their control of resources including intensive irrigation systems, and their retinues of administrators, priests, soldiers, and servants of various kinds might seem utterly alien to the modest chiefdoms of the smaller islands of Polynesia. Yet a case can be made that the class stratification and complexity of Hawaiian society represent a logical, if exaggerated, example of how a social system adapted for oceanic exploration and colonization can be transformed when small colonizing groups grow into great populations on large and fertile archipelagos.

Intruders from Another Ocean

The Pacific islanders were not totally isolated from the rest of the world before their encounter with Europeans. The introduction of the sweet potato to eastern Polynesia indicates a maritime connection with South America, although at present we do not know whether the tuber was carried to Polynesia by South American raft voyagers, or whether some intrepid Polynesian seafarers; sailed all the way to South America and then returned to their islands carrying it with them. Disabled Japanese fishing vessels may have occasionally drifted into Polynesian waters in earlier times, as we know they did in more recent centuries, and wayward Chinese junks may also have made landfalls on some oceanic islands. There is some archaeological evidence of continuing contact between Belau (Palau) on the western edge of Micronesia and the Philippines, and there was no natural border between New Guinea and the islands of eastern Indonesia that prevented travel and trade. Nonetheless, the island societies of Remote Oceania remained neolithic outposts that were largely isolated from the outside world until seafarers from another ocean began to intrude into the Pacific.

12Magellan’s voyage across the Pacific marked the beginning of the end of this isolation, although the full opening of Oceania to the outside world took several centuries. The Europeans’ limited capability for long-range voyaging and even more limited ambitions for exploring for its own sake prolonged the process. Magellan and his crew were unprepared for the immensity of the Pacific. They had expected to cross it in a matter of weeks. Instead it took them an agonizing three months and twenty days to sail across a sea that seemed to a stunned chronicler to be “so vast that human mind can scarcely grasp it.” Magellan, as wellas most of the other European navigators who followed over the next two centuries, did not want to explore the Pacific, much less to settle it as the Austronesians had done. Like the proverbial chicken, the Europeans simply wanted to get to the other side, typically to reach rich Asian ports. The few expeditions that did set out to find fabled islands or the hypothesized Southern Continent of cosmographers did not develop into sustained exploration programs. Exploration of so vast a region strained European seafaring technology and abilities. Further, the Spanish and Dutch— the main sea powers active in the Pacific at that time—had more than enough on their hands with their American and Asian possessions. Officials were understandably hesitant to fund speculative exploratory ventures into the South Seas.

To be sure, European navigators did bump into Pacific islands here and there on their passages across the ocean. Only Guam, however, received much sustained attention. Magellan’s landfall proved to be an ideal place to stop on the Manila galleon route, and the Chamorro people there became the first Pacific islanders to suffer systematically from colonial occupation. More typical of those first centuries was the situation in Polynesia. European ships, including the galleons plying between Mexico and Manila, managed to sail clean through Polynesian waters for two and a half centuries without anyone noticing that they were passing through an island realm populated by peoples of a common cultural heritage. What landfalls were made here and there in Polynesia did not result in the linguistic and cultural inquiries that would have led to recognition of the cultural unity of the widely dispersed Polynesians. Nor did they lead to any sustained relations between the Polynesians and the outside world. All this changed in the late eighteenth century when the rival sea powers of Britain and France used vastly improved ships, navigation methods, and provisioning to send into the Pacific expedition after expedition charged with conducting scientific research as well as gaining geopolitical advantage. Cook’s three voyages into the Pacific stand as monuments to this new approach. Cook demolished the myth of the Southern Continent and the possibility of easy access to Asia via a northwest passage. Moreover, he charted the location of one oceanic island after another, laying the groundwork for the first accurate map of the Pacific. Cook was the first to realize the cultural unity and extent of Polynesia, in the sense that he recognized that the islands within the triangle formed by Hawai‘i, Rapa Nui, and Aotearoa were all inhabited by people closely similar in appearance, language, and culture who formed what he called the “most extensive Nation spread over the face of the earth.”Not surprisingly, many islanders do not agree that such enlightened “discoveries” were necessarily good. A Christmas card I received a few years ago from the Hawaiian Studies Department at the University of Hawai‘i depicts the faculty and students in protest. One of the placards they carried reads “Remember Captain Cook,” meant in the sense of “Remember Pearl Harbor.”

They have a point. In addition to introducing previously unknown and devastating diseases, Cook and company made Hawai‘i and so many other islands accessible to the parade of sea captains, whalers, missionaries, and colonists who followed, by so accurately fixing their locations on the map. The succession of traders, whalers, plantation owners, mining companies, and tourism developers attracted to the region, and the activities they undertook or stimulated, served to pull the Pacific islanders into the world economy in a peripheral, dependent status. World-systems theory and its cousin dependency theory provide ways for analyzing how this took place. Yet it is also obvious that the strategic ambitions of the various core countries and their Pacific surrogates of Australia and New Zealand were more often crucial in island takeovers and the events that followed. For example, consider France’s early grab for the Marquesas and Tahiti as points in a French global empire; Germany’s tardy rush for Pacific colonies; the late nineteenth-century extension of U.S. “manifest destiny” to Hawai‘i, Samoa, and Guam; Australia’s covering of its northern flank by controlling the eastern half of the great island of New Guinea; the Pacific-wide clash of American and Japanese empires in World War II; and the subsequent use by the United States, Britain, and France of their various Pacific dependencies as “nuclear

13playgrounds” to test their deadly weapons. Whether one wants to emphasize economic or political imperialism, the inevitable result of the voyages of Magellan, Quiros, Bougainville, Cook, Krusenstern, Wilkes, and other explorers was to bring the Pacific islands and their inhabitants into the larger world system, for better or for worse.

The New Pacific

What has happened to the Pacific islanders as a result of their progressive entanglement with global society? The picture is mixed according to region, colonial history, resource distribution, and other factors. For lack of space I can only lightly sample, starting with Polynesia.

To begin with, the Polynesian populations were hard hit by imported diseases. For example, in the century that followed Cook’s opening of Hawai‘i to the outside world, the number of Hawaiians declined to less than 50,000, a horrendous drop whether the pre-Cook population was 250,000 or closer to 1 million, as current revisionists advocate. Even harder hit were the Polynesians living on lonely Rapa Nui at the time of European contact. By 1877, 150 years after Roggeveen first sighted the island on an Easter Sunday, only around 100 members of the original population remained. After a slow decline, the population had plunged precipitously starting in 1862 and 1863 when slave raiders carried off more than 1,000 people to Peru. Most quickly sickened and died there, and the handful who were returned after an international outcry brought back smallpox, measles, and various respiratory diseases that almost succeeded in finishing off those who had escaped the slave raiders.

During the nineteenth century, France, Britain, the UnitedStates, Germany, British New Zealand, and Chile took over the various Polynesian archipelagos, either through outright annexation or by imposing protectorates of various sorts. White settlers were most numerous in Hawai‘i and Aotearoa, and the Hawaiians and Mäori ended up losing most of their lands. They became minorities on their own islands, forced to compete with the more numerous descendants of later migrants. Other Polynesians kept control of most of their lands and haverecently organized independent or quasi-independent nationstates. Because of the lack of local economic opportunities, however, many of them have left their islands. Over one-third of the 300,ooo-plus Samoans and more than half of the citizens of the smaller islands and archipelagos of Tokelau, Niue, and the Cook Islands live overseas in New Zealand, Australia, the United States, and even in Europe. According to some analysts, this outmigration has radically “underdeveloped” these islands, turning them into consumer dependencies disproportionally populated by older people and young children supported largely by remittances sent by the economically active islanders living overseas.

Until recently, the migrant Polynesians may have envied their cousins in Tahiti and the other islands of French Polynesia, an overseas territory of France, because they did not have to leave to find well-paying jobs. But their arguably good economic fortune depended upon a dictated Faustian bargain to let France use their islands for nuclear testing. Along with the testing came radioactive pollution, real or imagined; a heavy military presence; inflation; rural-urban flight; and a heavy import-dependency, extending even to basic foodstuffs. Now, with the post-Cold War end of testing, the annual “atomic rent” of around US$1 billion that France was pouring into the islands is drying up, leaving French Polynesia bankrupt. Some local politicians have demanded that France resume testing or keep subsidizing local standards of living, which until recently rivaled those of the metropole. Others say that this may be the time for a clean break from France. World War II had a greater impact on Micronesia than on any other part of the Pacific, and the strategic concerns of the victorious United States have continued to dominate all but the tiny nations of Nauru and Kiribati at the extreme southeast corner of the region. On the eve of the war Japan controlled much of the region. As soon as hostilities began Japan took over the few islands there that it did not already rule. Three years later, the victorious United States elected to hold on to the former Japanese possessions of the Marshalls, Carolines, and Northern Marianas (which in World War I Japan had taken from Germany which had bought them from Spain). This arrangement was sanctified by the United Nations as a “strategic trust.” Implementing this strategic trust has involved, among other things, using Bikini and Eniwitok atolls in the Northern Marshalls to test nuclear weapons early in the Cold War; a

14dislocating extension of U.S. economic and social programs starting in the Kennedy administration; and a marked reluctance to allow any political evolution that would result in full independence of the whole or any of its parts. The people of the Northern Marianas eventually voted to be a U.S. Commonwealth like Puerto Rico, and the Marianas have since become a tourist center for the nearby Japanese. The people of the Marshalls and Carolines have become quasi-independent, giving the United States strategic privileges in return for a handsome settlement. However, the settlement is already beginning to run out, leaving them import-dependent and without an economic base.

In Melanesia, the highlands of the great island of New Guinea offer an intriguing glimpse of what might have happened if the Pacific peoples had been able to enjoy some of the fruits of the outside world without its devastating diseases, rapacious traders, and intrusive colonial administrators. The New Guinea highlands remained truly a blank upon the world map until the 1930s. At that time gold prospectors, missionaries, and government patrol officers found dense populations of stone-age farmers living in fertile valleys and foothills along the island’s mountainous spine. Some evidence suggests, however, that these seemingly untouched people may not have been totally isolated, and that the population of more than 1 million was probably considerably larger than it would have been if Europeans had stayed in the Atlantic.

Hunters and gatherers first penetrated the New Guinea highlands tens of thousands of years ago. Indirect evidence of agriculture there—probably the cultivation of irrigated taro—may go back as far as 9,000–10,000 years. According to an intriguing hypothesis, however, the population was nowhere near as large as the number found living there in the 1930s—until the sweet potato was introduced in the sixteenth or seventeenth century. The tuber apparently did not travel to New Guinea across the Pacific island by island; rather, it came from Spanish America, probably via Iberia and the Indian Ocean, to the spice-rich islands immediately to the west of New Guinea, and from there over local trade routes to the highlands. There the farmers found this new crop much better suited to the cool conditions of the highlands than the lowland tropical crops they had been growing. It gave greater yields, and it could be grown higher up in the mountains than taro, bananas, and other lowland staples. The availability of this new food led to a marked population expansion, analogous to what occurred when another South American crop reached Ireland.

Because the colonial frontier was so late in reaching the highlands, the people there were spared some of the worst effects of contact with the West experienced by islanders in earlier centuries. For example, during World War II when highlanders on the eastern side of the island began to die from an epidemic of shigella dysentery spread by Japanese troops, the speedy introduction of village sanitation measures and the airlifting of tons of sulfaguanidine tablets stopped the epidemic. Otherwise, mortality rates might have reached 25% or more, as occurred in earlier centuries when untreated scourges were visited upon the more accessible islanders. Soon after the war coffee was introduced as a high-value cash crop in the eastern highlands. This enabled the inhabitants, many of whom had been born in the Stone Age, to earn good money from their own plantations. Since then, they and their successors have greatly expanded their holdings and have bought out the Australian coffee plantations. The industry is now in the hands of highlands capitalists controlling multimillion-dollar enterprises. Not surprisingly, these beneficiaries of the world system express little regret about their brief and relatively benign colonial experience.

The peoples of New Guinea were never united into states or even large chiefdoms. Instead, they were politically divided into a multitude of separate village, clan, and tribal units and belonged to hundreds of distinct language communities. The late nineteenth-century extension of colonialism to the island caused it to be divided among three powers. The Dutch took over the western half of the island, the Germans the northeast quarter (plus adjacent islands, including Bougainville in the adjacent Solomon Islands chain), and the British and Australians the southeast quarter. In the early 1960s Indonesia made the western half of the island into an Indonesian province now called Irian Jaya, to the dismay of local elites whom the Dutch had been hastily preparing to administer an independent West New Guinea. In 1975, the Australian-administered eastern half (the Germans had surrendered.

15

The great island of New Caledonia has rich nickel deposits. These, along with France’s ambitions to retain a chain of territories spread around the globe, have helped to keep that island French despite the desire of many of its native Melanesian inhabitants to form the independent nation of Kanaky. The presence of a large colonial French population in New Caledonia, along with a sizable number of Polynesians brought in to work in the nickel industry, has further complicated New Caledonia’s political evolution. Similarly, in Fiji the presence of an ethnically South Asian majority, descended from workers brought in to grow and process sugarcane, has made democratic political evolution problematic. For almost two decades there was some degree of cooperation between ethnically Fijian and South Asian politicians. Recently, however, military coups by the Fijian-dominated army have led to a Fiji-for-Fijians regime. The new regime is being watched with interest by islanders from other Pacific countries and territories with large nonindigenous populations.

Pacific Basin, Pacific Rim, or Pacific Islands?

During the last decade or so it has become increasingly popular outside this island world to talk about the “Pacific Basin” or the “Pacific Rim.” This trendy conception is focused not on the ocean and its peoples, but rather on the nations around the edge and the increasing trade between them that is shifting the global economy’s center of gravity away from the Atlantic. This attitude turns the ocean in the middle into an immense inconvenience that adds to shipping time and jet lag. While contemporary travelers hurtling from one rim to the other sealed within long metal tubes suffer little in comparison to the starving, scurvy-ridden sailors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, many of them certainly wish the ocean was smaller so that they could get on with their transoceanic activities, and without so many mind-boggling changes of time zones.

Where does this basin/rim conception leave the Pacific islands and islanders? With the exception of mineral-rich and—temporarily at least—timber-rich New Guinea and a few other wellendowed islands, the Pacific is not all that attractive to rim investors. Similarly, island populations are too small to provide a large market and too well off to provide cheap labor, so they do not loom large in basin manufacturing schemes. Thus, at the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) “Pacific Rim Club” forum of presidents and prime ministers held in Seattle in November 1993, not a single Pacific island state (save for European-dominated New Zealand) was represented, although Papua New Guinea was elected to membership at the meeting. What about the rest of the Pacific islands? Are they fated to be rest and recreation stops for the increasingly affluent rimmers, while their peoples either migrate to the rim or stay to live off remittances, foreign aid, and financial crumbs from the tourist tables?

Rather than become mired in such “rimonomic-speak,” I would prefer to close this essay by highlighting some Pacific island developments that reflect how the islanders themselves are attempting to shape their lives so that they may thrive and not just survive in the global system into which they have been thrust. By no means have all Pacific islanders passively accepted their “peripheralization” to the world-system or the “underdevelopment” process that formulation implies. The coffee capitalists of the Papua New Guinea highlands provide a case in point. In a way, so do those Samoans, Tongans, and other Polynesians who moved from their home islands to the margins of the Pacific. Instead of looking at this outmigration as a desperate search for money that cripples the home islands by stripping them of their young and able citizens, think of it in terms of the continuation of a structure of the longue durée in Austronesian history. The Polynesian migration, put on hold when the oceanic islands became filled, has now resumed thanks to the incorporation of these islands into the world-system. Large Samoan communities can be found in Auckland, Sydney, Honolulu, San Francisco, and other major cities. Substantial amounts of money, goods, and people flow back and forth between these overseas outposts and the homeland. Tongan emigration, though on a somewhat smaller scale, seems more targeted. Extended families based on Tonga are famous for training their talented members and placing them in good jobs around the world. The Samoans, Tongans, and smaller migrating Polynesian groups are on their way to becoming transnational populations.

16Even in Hawai‘i and Aotearoa, where the indigenous Polynesians were first swamped by emigrants from Europe, America, and Asia and then submerged in alien polities, the people are now stirring. The Hawaiians and Mäori have embarked on vigorous cultural renaissance movements. They are relearning their languages, reviving their dance and art forms, and reconstructing their ancient voyaging canoes and sailing them over the routes by which their islands were first settled. Even more, they are vigorously contesting colonial arrangements and seeking a return of their “stolen lands,” as well as separate status as sovereign entities within their current polities. Some are agitating for total independence.Although some Pacific islanders are accused of being more concerned with dreaming about an idealized past than with facing up to the realities of today’s world, my reading is that all or virtually all of them want to participate in the wider world, but on their own terms rather than on those set by outsiders. How are they to work out satisfactory ways of living, particularly on the smaller islands anchored far out to sea?

Those who first tested the waters of the Pacific had to develop a new technology to sail where no one had gone before, to discover and settle the islands they found scattered over the ocean, and to develop thriving societies on the fertile but biotically impoverished oceanic islands on which they settled. Those now leading the renaissance in Polynesian voyaging are betting that the innovative approach to oceanic exploration and living pioneered by their ancestors may provide inspiration for their future.

Almost twenty years ago the Höküle‘a, a reconstruction of an ancient double-hulled voyaging canoe, was launched in Hawai‘i. It has since been sailed on a series of long, traditionally navigated voyages throughout Polynesia, combining experimental research into the ancient migrations with cultural revival. This initiative has stimulated people throughout the islands to reconstruct their own voyaging canoes and to think about the technology, skill, and courage that went into the founding of their widespread nation. Nainoa Thompson, the Hawaiian navigator of Höküle‘a, relearned the art of guiding a canoe by naked-eye observations of the stars, ocean swells, and other clues provided by nature. Under his leadership, this movement now seeks to employ this voyaging experience to get Polynesian youths to consider their problematic future and not just their distinguished past. Hawaiian students have begun to analyze in scientific as well as cultural terms the original Polynesian expansion into the Pacific and the colonization of the islands. With that background in mind, they next want to tackle the problems of fashioning a sustainable lifestyle for the islands in today’s crowded, interconnected, and fast changing world. The Pacific needs more such initiatives.

17The Other One-Third of the Globe

1) What occupies 1/3 of the Earth’s surface?

2) What does Near Oceania consist of? What does Remote Oceania consist of?

3) What did the last glaciations connect?

4) What are the seafarers who colonized Remote Oceania called and why were they initially attracted to

New Guinea?

5) Explain the human diversity in the Pacific.

6) Explain the impact of the Neolithic farmer-fishermen.

7) Explain the unique environmental challenge for Polynesian colonist.

8) What signifies that the Pacific islanders had contact with South America prior to their encounters with

Europeans?

9) Explain the significance of Magellan’s voyage across the Pacific.

10) What changed with the arrival of Britain and France in the 18th century and how did it change?

11) What happened to the Pacific islanders as a result of their progressive entanglements with global

society?

12) Describe the impact of World War II on Micronesia.

13) Describe the significance of Melanesia.

14) Describe the politics of New Guinea.

1815) What has helped keep New Caledonia French?

16) What is the “Pacific Basin” or “Pacific Rim”?

17) Where does this basin/rim conception leave the Pacific islanders and islands?

18) After reading this article, what is one fact you found interesting about Oceania?

191450-1750 Labor Webquest Name: ________________________

Go to http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/index.faces and answer the following questions:

Click on Examine Estimates of the Slave Trade1. Which country was responsible for the majority of the slaves taken from Africa?

2. In which time period were the most slaves taken out of Africa?

3. What is the percentage of all the slaves taken out of Africa were imported into the US?

Click on the “timeline” tab1. When did the British and US abolish the slave trade?

2. When was the last trans-Atlantic voyage of a slave ship?

Click on “Resources” on the very top of the page. Then click on the “images” tabClick on the Plan of the Slaver "Vigilante" tab

1. From where was this ship?

2. How many slaves did it carry?

3. Why was it captured by the British?

4. Where did it end up?

Go back to “Images” Click on “images of slaves”1. What age are the slaves depicted of the majority of the images?

2. Click on Catherine Zimmermann-Mulgrave, c.1873. How did she gain her freedom?

3. Click on Slaves Liberated from Slaver "Zeldina", Jamaica Why would the London newspapers publish pictures such as these?

Go to http://www.understandingslavery.com/1. What does “Maafa” mean and what language does the word originate?

Click on “Europe Before Transatlantic Slavery”1. What was the origin of using slaves in Europe?

2. From where were the majority of European slaves?

3. How was this different from the Trans-Atlantic slave trade?

4. How as the key player in the Atlantic slave trade?

5. Who were the Europeans not willing to use as slaves?

6. How did European rivalries impact the slave trade?

20Click on “Africa before Transatlantic Enslavement”

1. Who was Africa trading with before the Europeans showed up?

2. What were the major kingdoms of Africa prior to 1500?

3. What did is David Hume say about the Africans?

4. Describe slavery in Africa between 7th and 15th centuries?

5. What was the impact of the slave trade on Africa?

Click on “Plantation Life”1. Why was slave labor so important for the plantation system?

2. On which type of plantation was labor the harshest?

3. Explain the gang system?

4. How were the slaves punished and why were they punished?

5. What were some of the personal violations the slaves experienced?

6. Explain the “slave family”

7. What was the impact of Christianity on the slaves?

8. How did the planters view slave religions?

9. What were some of the forms of resistance the slaves used?

Go to http://www.ushistory.org/us/5b.asp1. What crops created the need for labor in North America?

2. What is the “head right system”? Who used it?

3. What were the benefits of this system for the servant?

4. How many lived out their contracts?

5. What even led to planters preferring slaves and why?

21Go to http://www.differencebetween.net/miscellaneous/culture-miscellaneous/difference-between-slaves-and-

indentured-servants/

How are indentured servants different from slaves?

Go to http://www.pbs.org/opb/historydetectives/feature/british-navy-impressment/

1. Define impressment

2. What was the impact of impressments on the War of 1812?

3. Why did the British have such issues manning their ships?

4. What did the Vagrancy Act do?

5. What did the act passed in 1740 do for impressed sailors?

6. What changed in the 18th century? Why?

7. What changes were made after the Napoleonic Wars?

22

23The Columbian Exchange Project Name: __________________________________

1) Research: You have been assigned a good, disease, or animal that was part of the Columbian Exchange. You are to analyze the origins of your item and where it was traded. You need to also analyze the impact of your item.

2) Create a visual: You will need to create a poster that displays your research. You will present this information to the class in a 2-3 minute presentation.

3) Bring in a food item: You are to create a food item that represents your item. Those of you with diseases or food items we don’t eat in the US will have to get creative!

4) Label map: During presentations, you will label the map on the back with the items being presented. Create a key of the following items:

Cows Pigs Horses Wheat Rice Cotton Silk worms Sugar Coffee Measles Smallpox

Influenza Bubonic plague Turkey Tobacco Chocolate Corn (maize) Squash Onions Beans Chilies Potatoes

Tomatoes Pineapples Peaches Sweet potatoes Malaria Sugar cane Pumpkins Citrus fruits Olives Banana

You must also label the following on your map: North America The Caribbean Mesoamerica

South America China Europe

Africa

5) Annotations: Choose 4 items (one from each hemisphere). Explain the effects as they were transferred

across the world as a result of the Columbian Exchange. Annotations will be on your own paper.

6) Thesis Statement: Write a thesis statement in response to the following prompt: “Analyze the social and

economic transformations that occurred in the Atlantic World as a result of new contact among Western Europe, Africa, and the Americas from 1492 to 1750.”

At the end of the presentations, you will turn in your visual, your map, and your annotations with a thesis

statement.

24Name: _____________________________

25The Tale of Genji Name: ________________________

http://www.learner.org/courses/worldlit/the-tale-of-genji/watch/

1) What are the two reasons the author Chiori Miyagawa takes pride in the Tale of the Genji?

2) “The ‘Tale of the Genji’” is a story spanning _________ generations, over ________ decades and

involves a cast of several ___________________ characters in the course _________ pages.”

3) What are some of the positive attributes Genji possesses?

4) What is Genji’s major transgression?

5) What is the metaphor for life that cherry blossoms represent?

7) How is Genji used as a literary device in the story?

8) What kind of marriage arrangements do Japanese engage in at that time?

9) What is the name of Genji’s “love of his life?”

11) Why was the tale censored?

12) In what ways does the Tale of Genji permeate pop culture today?

13) At what point in the book does Genji die?

26

27Land of the Tsar Video Questions Name: _______________________

1. What title did Ivan III take?

2. To whom did the family tree connect the royal family?

3. What building did Ivan III build to show his power?

4. In what year did Ivan III die?

5. What is the legend about the night that Ivan IV was born?

6. What nickname was give to Ivan IV?

7. Who are the boyars?

8. How many murders took place in the Kremlin when Ivan IV was growing up?

9. How did the violence impact Ivan IV?

10. What title did Ivan IV insist on?

11. How did Ivan IV control the nobility (boyars)?

12. How many miles per day did Ivan IV expand every day?

13. What did St. Basils symbolize?

14. From what family was Anastacia?

15. What was the impact of Anastacia’s death?

16. What did Ivan IV get when he returned to the throne?

2817. How many people died when the Tatars sacked Moscow?

18. Why was Ivan IV upset with his son?

19. What was the impact of Ivan IV on Russia?

20. What year did Ivan IV die?

21. What do the Russians call the early 16th century?

22. What is being sent home “Russian Style”?

23. How was the new Tsar chosen after liberation from the Poles?

24. How old was Michael Romanov when he took the throne?

25. How long did the Romanov’s rule Russia?

26. What did the nobles get in return for their loyalty?

27. What was the impact of this policy on the peasant class?

28. Why was there a succession issue for Peter the Great?

29. Who wanted to claim the throne?

30. How old was Peter when his family was attacked?

31. Why was Peter spared?

32. Why couldn’t his sister take the throne herself?

33. What did Peter spend his teenage years playing at?

2934. How talk was Peter the Great?

35. How did Peter deal with his sister?

36. What time period did Russia seem to be stuck in?

37. What was Peter’s goal?

38. What symbolized the “New Russia” for Peter?

39. What was the problem with developing this symbol?

40. What sea did Peter attempt win access to first?

41. How did Peter respond to this loss?

42. What did Peter do in order to learn more?

43. How did Peter respond to his men being squeamish at the site of a corpse?

44. Why did Peter go to England?

45. How long was Peter gone?

46. What did he force the men of Russia to do?

47. Who did Peter have to fight in order to win access to the Baltic Sea?

48. What did St. Petersburg symbolize?

49. What palace did Peterhof attempt to outdo?

30 .

31“The Ottoman Empire: The War Machine” Video Name: ____________________________

1. In which modern day country did the nomadic Muslim Turks live?

2. Who was coming in from the east to challenge the nomads? Who was to the west?

3. Who emerged as the tribal leader to become the founder of the Empire?

4. What weapon gave the tribe a military advantage?

5. How old was the Byzantine Empire when Osman began to challenge it?

6. What weakened the Byzantine Empire?

7. What did the rains do for Osman in the Northwest?

8. What was the motive of the Ottoman troops? (not religious)

9. From whom did Osman learn military tactics?

10. What is a “whirling dervish”?

11. What did Osman’s dream mean according to the Sufi sheik?

12. How did Osman treat those he conquered? (religiously)

13. When did Osman die?

14. What changes resulted from Orhan’s conquering of Bursa?

15. How many people were under control of the Ottoman’s after 16 years of expansion?

16. Why did the Ottomans use “conquer and tax” instead of “conquer and convert”?

17. Why did many Christians welcome the Ottomans?

18. How did the Ottoman’s gain soldiers for their military?

3219. What is a “Janissary”?

20. How did the attitude toward this system change over time? Why did this happen?

21. How did they develop the Janissary’s physical well being?

22. What was the purpose of the bands?

23. What rewards did men earn if they were a good Janissary?

24. What tradition was created by not naming the eldest the heir?

25. How old was Mehmed II when he took the throne the second time?

26. What problem did he have right away? What was his solution to this problem?

27. What was the purpose of building a fortress on the European side of the Bosporus?

28. What was the population of Constantinople? What had protected the city for so long?

30. How did Mehmed II steal the cannon maker?

31. What was the date of the siege of Constantinople?

32. How many times could the cannon be fired a day?

33. How many weeks did it take to siege Constantinople?

34. How did this help Mehmed II?

35. What tradition did Mehmed II change?

36. How did Christian Europe react to the taking of Constantinople?

37. What was the city’s new name?

38. How did Mehmed II rebuild the economy?

3339. What is the most famous export?

40. Why is Mehmed II considered a Renaissance Man?

41. How long was Mehmed II’s reign?

42. What were the effects of his reign?

Janissaries: Religious leaders:

43. What Islamic law did Salem break? What title did he earn?

44. What did Sulyman need to develop to compete with Europe?

45. Which side did the Ottoman’s take in the Reformation? Why?

46. What did he change culturally in the city? Why?

47. Describe his law code.

48. What system allowed the assurance of the royal line?

49. How did Sulyman break this tradition?

50. What were the effects of Sulyman’s reign?

51. In what ways do the Ottoman’s lose their military powers?

52. How long was the decline of the Empire?

53. What was the issue with their system of succession?

54. Who defeated them in the Crimea?

Define fratricide:

3455. Who defeated them in Eastern Europe?

56. What were the Janissaries doing?

57. How did Mehmut II deal with the Janissaries?

58. What economic problems developed for the late Empire?

59. What was the nickname of the Empire?

60. What was the effect of building Dome Abachi?

61. What changes did Abdul Hamid attempt to make?

62. How did nationalism affect the territories of the Ottomans?

63. What was the goal of the Young Turks?

64. How did the Turks justify the removal of the Armenians?

65. What European power attempted to capture Istanbul?

66. What did Mustafa Kamal think about him not dying in battle?

67. Who did the Ottomans side with during WWI?

68. What happened to the Ottoman lands?

69. What did Kamal do with old titles?

70. What changes did Kamal make as President? (there are tons)

35Mughal Video Questions Name: ______________________________

1. From where did the Mughals originate?

2. How much of the global economy did India process?

3. What stone was only mined in India at this time?

Babur 1526- 1530

4. What city did Babur focus on in India first?

5. What did he notice about Lodi to help him in battle?

6. What weapon did the Babur use?

7. What were the advantages of this weapon?

8. How many football fields could it shoot across?

9. How many inches does the arrow need to be able to penetrate?

10. What are the advantages of the Mughal cannon?

11. What was the first thing the Mughal emperors built in their new territories?

Akbar 1556-1605 (just to give you a reference, Queen Elizabeth died in 1604)

1. How old was Akbar when he took over?

2. What were the advantages of the kitar?

3. How many plates made up the elephant armor?

4 .How many elephants did Akbar personally own?

5. What was the purpose of the elephant in the military?

366. How did Akbar elevate his cannons? Why did he have to do this?

7. What did the women and children do rather than be captured by Akbar?

8. How large was Akbar’s empire?

9. How long did it take to build Akbar’s capital?

10. What was the problem with the location?

11. How did he solve this problem?

12. How is the architecture similar to the nomadic lifestyle of the Mughals?

13. How many women were in Akbar’s harem?

14. How long did Akbar stay at this capital?

15. What was an important behavior in a war horse?

Shah Jahan 1628-1658

1. How did he ensure his power?

2. How many languages were spoken in his Empire?

3. How many religions were in his Empire?

4. Why was the Taj Mahal built?

5. How many artisans worked on it?

6. How high is the main dome?

7. What was the building material used to construct it?

8. What was on the other side of the river?

379. What was the black Taj really?

10. What happened at the end of Shah Jahan’s life

11. How far could the cannon shoot?

Aurangzeb 1658-1707

1. How many people did he kill to gain power?

2. Why did Akbar want Golcanda?

3. How was the cut of diamonds used in the architecture of the fort? Why?

4. How did the Mughals win?

5. How many subjects did Akbar rule?

6. What happened politically as the he lost control?

7. Who took advantage of this weakness?

8. What weapon helped hold them off?

9. Why is accuracy not always most important?

10. What war was this technology used in?

11. When was the last Mughal Emperor deposed?

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

DIRECTIONS: Read the article and answer the following questions. Name: _________________________________

1. Explain the religions environment Elizabeth created in England.

2. Do you think Elizabeth made the right choice about religion in her country?

3. Do you think she compromised her own beliefs for security of her power?

4. Do you think she was acting on behalf of her country or herself?

5. Explain the background of Akbar. What type of person was he and why?

6. What was Akbar’s original goal when he took the throne?

7. How did he compromise with the Hindus?

8. Explain the development of his own religion.

9. Why did he do this? For power or for religious reasons?

10. Where either Elizabeth or Akbar successful in creating religious unity? Political stability?

11. Did either monarch’s choices have long lasting effects? Why or why not? In what ways?

12. What is your personal opinion of Elizabeth and Akbar? Were their choices motivated by religion or were they just really smart monarchs?

47

Zheng He Activity Timeline: A Chronology Of the Ming Voyages

First Voyage 1405-1406

Zheng He commanded a fleet of 317 ships, almost 28,000 men, their arms and supplies. The fleet included several massive "treasure ships," approximately 400 feet long and 160 feet wide. The places the fleet stopped included Champa (central Vietnam); Majapahit on Java; and Semudra and Deli on the northern coast of Sumatra. It continued to Ceylon and then to Calicut, known as "the great country of the Western Ocean." Traveling through the Straits of Malacca on its return, the Chinese defeated a pirate chief who had been threatening trading ships in the Straits. Zheng He was not able to find any trace of the deposed Emperor whom some Chinese had thought might have found asylum in Southeast Asia.

Second Voyage 1407-1409:

Zheng-He did not go on the second voyage which probably returned the Siamese ambassador who had gone to China earlier on his own, and installed a new leader in Calicut. Again the fleet stopped at Champa (central Vietnam); Majapahit on Java; and Semudra and Deli on the northern coast of Sumatra; Ceylon; and Calicut.

Third Voyage 1409-1411

This expedition's special charge concerned Malacca, a port on the Malay peninsula that was gaining importance. Stopping in Malacca, the Chinese recognized Paramesawara as the legitimate ruler of Malacca and gave him a tablet officially declaring that the city was a vassal state of China. Increasing Malacca's power, the Chinese court believed, would establish a balance of power among Siam, Java and Malacca and insure Chinese trading rights through the Straits. After stopping at Semudra, the fleet went to Ceylon where they got involved in a local power struggle among its Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslim populations. Luring the Sinhalese troops out of the city, Zheng He and his troops took the capital, captured the ruler and installed a ruler of their own choice in his place. After this voyage many ambassadors from the countries the treasure fleet had visited brought tribute to the Ming court.

Fourth Voyage 1414-15:

This voyage headed for Hormuz and the Persian Gulf. The fleet stopped at Champa and Java. At Sumatra, the Chinese captured a pretender to one of the local thrones and sent him back to Nanjing where he was executed. One part of the fleet went to Bengal and brought a giraffe back to the Emperor. (The Chinese believed the giraffe was a magical animal comparable to the unicorn, an auspicious sign and symbol of the righteousness of the Ming reign.) Cheng He and the rest of the fleet continued up the coast of Malay; to Ceylon; the Maldives; ports on the Indian coast; and Hormuz. This voyaged marked the height of Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean.

1415: The Emperor decides to move the Chinese court from Nanjing to Beijing.

1416: Repairs on the Grand Canal are completed.

Fifth Voyage 1417-19

This impressive fleet was to take back home 19 ambassadors who had brought tribute to the Chinese court. While at Quanzhou, Zheng He tried to stop the persecution of Muslims there. The fleet then went to several ports on Champa and Java; to Palembang and other ports on Sumatra; to Malacca on the Malay peninsula; the Maldives, Ceylon; and Cochin and Calicut. This time the Chinese attempted to strengthen Cochin to counter the power of Calicut. The fleet explored the Arabian coast from Hormuz to Aden and the east coast of Africa, returning ambassadors from Mogadishu, Brawa, and Malinda and also stopped at Mombasa. The sailors brought the Emperor another giraffe from Africa.

Sixth Voyage 1421-22:

48Besides taking ambassadors home, this voyage explored more of the coast of Africa. At Semudra the fleet divided and the majority of the ships went to Aden and the coast of Africa while Zheng He returned to China, perhaps so he could participate in the events surrounding the dedication of the Forbidden City in Beijing as the new capital.

1419-23: A costly rebellion erupts in Annam.

1421: Fire destroys much of the Forbidden City. Emperor Zhu Di first invites criticism, but soon he kills those who criticized him.

1422: Emperor Zhu Di plans a military expedition against the Mongols.

1424: Emperor Zhu dies while on military maneuvers in the north.

1424: Zhi Di's eldest son becomes Emperor. He favors his Confucian advisors and hopes to lessen tax burdens on the people caused by expensive military maneuvers, the voyages of the fleet and moving the capital.

1424: The Emperor issues an edict ending all voyages of the treasure ships.

1425: The Emperor dies.

1425-1435: Zhu Zhanji becomes Emperor.

1430: Emperor Zhu Zhanji issues an edict calling for a 7th voyage to inform distant lands of his rule and to urge them to "follow the way of heaven and to watch over the people so that all might enjoy the good fortune of lasting peace." (Levathes, pg. 160 -- see Resources, end of lesson)

Seventh Voyage 1431-1433

300 ships with approximately 27,500 men embark. Besides ports on Champa and Java, the fleet stops at Palembang, Malacca, Semudra, Ceylon and Calicut. The Chinese urge the Siamese king to stop harassing the kingdom of Malacca. At Calicut, one part of the fleet goes along the east African coast to Malinidi and trade on the Red Sea and several of the Chinese sailors may have visited Mecca. Zheng He, who had probably stayed in Calicut, died on the return voyage and was buried at sea.

1435: The Emperor dies.

1436 - 1449: Zhu Qizhen, the emperor's seven year old son, becomes Emperor. Initially he is controlled by eunuch Wang Zhen

1449: Wang leads an expedition against the Mongols on the northwest frontier. During this campaign, the Mongols capture the Emperor Zhu Qizhen and hold him prisoner.

1450: Emperor Zhu Qizhen gets free from Mongols and is reinstated as Emperor. Tension and rivalry exist between Confucian scholars and other advisors, particulars the court eunuchs. Emperor Zhu Qizhen faces the urgent question: Should the court resume the voyages or end them?

49Name: _______________________________________