coastal ecology lecture 19th oct

8/8/2019 Coastal Ecology Lecture 19th Oct

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SIT: TANZANIA COASTAL ECOLOGYCOASTAL PEOPLES, SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND ECONOMIC SYSTEMS

BySimeon Mesaki

[email protected]

0713 407 625

COAST and marine ecosystemsTanzanias coastal and marine ecosystems cover the mainland coast, three principal islands

(Pemba, Unguja, and Mafia) all of which are less than 100 km offshore, numerous small near

shore islands and islets, and one oceanic island, Latham I. The continental shelf, covering an

estimated 17,500 17,900 sq km (to 200 m depth) is generally narrow (narrowest point 2 km,

widest 80 km), and drops sharply after 60 m depth. Pemba and Latham are separated from the

mainland by relatively deep water (c. 400-500 m and 200-300 m depth respectively). Pemba is

believed to be part of the mainland that broke away about 10 million years ago. Unguja andMafia are limestone islands on the continental shelf and were probably part of a

Pleistoceneinshore coral reef system which is now separated from the mainland by relatively

shallow (30-50 m deep) channels.

Regions, districts and islands/isletsThe coastal regions of Tanzania have 15% of the countrys physical area and25% of the about 37million Tanzanians.

Caplan, the coast of east Africa has long been an area of perpetual change-overa millennium it has interacted with both the West Indian Ocean littoral and theAfrican interior. It has been argued that it s the role of coastal dwellers asintermediaries, traders, merchants and cultural brokers that has given this areaits distinctive quality (in a recent workshop on modernity).

ClimateThe monsoons-a word derived from an Arabic word meaning seasonallyreversing winds. The monsoons have dominant influence on wind direction andstrength, climate (temperatures and rainfall) and fishing regimes, among otherthings. Two rainy seasons: short (November) and long (March- May); rainfall=750 mm. Temperatures are high (25-30 degrees C).

Soils are sandy and coralline with poor moisture and poor drainage-alluvial soilsare found in river valleys.

Features of the coastBoth the mainland and the isles have spectacular ecosystems, e.g. the Rufijidelta described as ...stunning complex and contradictory in its expression of theelements that make up the environmentcalm and violent, extraordinarilyproductive and destructive, dangerous and soothing (Gibbon, 1998:2).Spectacular fringing reefs, river mouths, outlets and deltas, lagoons creeksThe open sea, beachesRuins and relics such as those found in Kilwa and Bagamoyo

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Corals abound and mangrove stands are extensive e.g. Rufiji.

Urban centres include Tanga, Dar es Salaam, Mtwara, Lindi, Zanzibar etc.

Marine reserves and parks e.g. Menai Bay in Zanzibar, Misali in Pemba, Mafia

and Mnazi Bay in Mtwara in mainland Tanzania have been established. AlsoSelous Game reserve is within the districts: Kilwa, Lindi, RufijiThe coast is unique: powerful meeting of landscape and seascape (e.g. Saadanigame reserve extends as far as the seashore).Scenic beauty and attractions, economic potential as well as aesthetic value

ATTRACTIONSBagamoyo: ranging from the old Boma to the old post office; from the baobabtree (whose circumference in metres has grown 1912 (5.44); 1927 (6.80); 1955(7.84) 1991 (10.20); to 2000 (12.50) to the Caravan Serai and the Kaole ruins Saadani: the perfect union of beach and bush

Zanzibar: from palatial ruins to the pristine beaches, from the narrow streets tothe Changuu island tortoises. Kilwa: another world heritage site since 1981.

Mafia

Importance of the coast

Length 800 kilometres; powerful meeting of land & sea: attractions &aesthetics

75% of countrys industries located along the coast: implications formigration and environmental impacts.

Has 25% of the population

Cultural heritage importance-Archaeological sites e.g. Kilwa Kisiwani;Kaole (Bagamoyo)

Importance of the coast range from historical legacy to its contribution to theeconomy and potential for further developments: Fishing, shipping, salt making,industries and agriculture, forestry and tourism. Economic importance rests onthe untapped potential in agriculture, offshore fishing, shipping, mining, mineralsand manufacturing.

Diverse ecosystems and resourcesThe coastal and marine ecosystems of the URT are part of the East African Eco-

region (EAME), a WWF Global 200 Eco-region, and considered globallyoutstanding for marine biodiversity. The eco-region has been identified as aglobal priority, and WWF has supported development of an eco-regionalbiodiversity vision and action plan through a multi-stakeholder process. A long-term (50 year) Biodiversity Vision is to have a healthy marine and coastalenvironment that provides sustainable benefits for present and future generationsof both local and international communities, who also understand and activelycare for its biodiversity and ecological integrity.

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Marine resourcesMANGROVESSEAGRASSES

CORAL REEFSSEA TURTLESSEA CUCUMBERSFAUNAFOREST RESOURCESDOLPHINSTHE COCONUT PALMCLOVESHoneybeesThere is a long tradition of beekeeping on Pemba, particularly in combinationwith clove production since clove honey commands high prices..

Tanzania has three types of MPAs: Marine Parks, Marine Reserves and National Parks.

Currently, mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar have a total of 10 MPAs, with more planned in thenear future. The Marine Parks and Reserves Unit (MPRU) was set up under the Ministry of

Natural Resources and Tourism. The Marine Parks are: Mafia Island Marine park; Mnazi Bay-

Ruvuma Estuary Marine Park and the Marine Reserves are: Fungu Yasini Island, Mbudya Island,

Bongoyo Island, Pangavini Island and Maziwi Island. In Zanzibar: Chumbe Island MarineSanctuary, Menai Bay Conservation Area (MBCA) in Unguja, Mnemba Conservation Area in

Unguja and Misali Island Conservation Area (MICA) in Pemba.

The Human dimension/Coastal communities:

the coast of east Africa has long been an area of perpetualchange-over a millennium it has interacted with both the WestIndian Ocean littoral and the African interior. It has been arguedthat it is the role of coastal dwellers as intermediaries, traders,merchants and cultural brokers that has given this area itsdistinctive quality (P. Caplan in a recent workshop onmodernity).

25% of the 33 million Tanzanians live in coastal areas. Urban migration to double of this in the next decade (Rate between

2 and 6%; DSM-8%) Density ranges from 1,793 in Dar es Salaam region to 72 in Lindi; inTanga =61; Coast=27 and Mtwara =68 persons per square km. Note: the density for Tanzania is 39 and Zanzibar is 400. Household sizes: DSM=4.3; Coast region = 4.9; Tanga =5.1; Lindi4.6, Mtwara = 4.4 and for Tanzania = 5.2. The ideal (mean) number of children is 5.8 for rural Tanzania; alongthe coast it is 5.2

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All this indicates that contraceptive use is low, fertility is high andattitudes towards many children are positive.

Living along the coast poses difficult in achieving stable relationship with theearths environment

Main threats to the coasts are: unplanned coastal development, pollution andover fishingIDENTITIES: PLURALISM, COSMOPOLITANISM AND WA-SWAHILI

The question of identities on the East Coast is a complex one which has generateda large literature. It is clear that identities have shifted over time, as an examination ofthe census data reveals. It has recently been argued that the Swahili are indeed asingle people and have thus constituted a single African civilization for a variety ofreasons including language, architecture, stratification system, religion but that they arequite different from their neighbours (Horton and Middleton 2000: 2). Yet within thegroup termed Swahili, there are numerous differences for example, between patriciansand commoners or between townspeople and rural dwellers. The Swahili themselves

distinguish difference in terms of origin and lineage: Wa-Arabu, Wa-Shirazi, Wa-Bajuni,Wa-Mbwera, Wa-Mrima and so on. The term Wa-swahili has also at various timessignaled someone who cannot lay claim to any of these statuses, and who is thereforeperhaps even of slave origin. Thus within the broad category, the Swahili have manyidentities from which they can select in different contexts.

More recently, however, there have been calls for the term to be applied to all thosecoastal dwellers who have lived there for a long time, practice Islam, and speak Swahilias their first language. Such a definition recognizes a common identity which subsumessome of the above differences, but distinguishes between coastal Swahili, with aparticular history and culture, and Africans from inland areas.Digo, Segeju, Zaramo, Rufiji, Nyagatwa, Ndengereko, Ngindo, Makua, Doe,

Kwere, Makonde are the main ethnic groups along the mainland coastIn the islands (Zanzibar, Pemba & Mafia) the population is more cosmopolitan-difficult to identify ethnic groups or kabila (tribes).Need to explore the intriguing concept of the Swahili. Who is an Mswahili?Ethnic (racial) group, a religious category or linguistic entity?1000 years of history involving African mainland, Asian and Arab immigrants)and rule by Oman Arabs.Trading, colonial, Islamic influences/impacts: slavery, esteem, status, power andproperty, civilised Vs uncivilised (mstaarabu and mshenzi).Mswahili- ambivalent concept, a sophisticated person, cultured, cheat, cunning,witty etc.As opposed to a person from upcountry a mshamba, wa-kuja etc.Ki-Swahili language (rich and subtle), vocabulary e.g. on human qualities,characteristics, mannerisms and etiquette, poetry, novels, proverbs, riddles andmessagesThe Swahili, as observed by Middleton, is a centurys old mercantile society withan unusual structure that does not conform to the same boundaries as ethnicidentities. He argues that the Swahili is a unique and so complex an that it hasvirtually never been adequately studied by anthropologists, it is a poly-ethnic

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society A more recent definition: a people of both Zanzibar and the mainland,who speak Swahili as their mother tongue, who are Muslims and who share aunique coastal culture, hence it is a cultural and not an ethnic term (Bakari,2000:69).

INTANGIBLE ASPECTS History

Languages

Literature

Poetry

Rituals

The Pande Ziara

Tales, stories and legends

Linking culture and nature

Songs

Wit and Humour

Hospitality

MIGRATIONMigration plays a large and important role in the demographic make-up of the villages.Seasonal migration dominates population dynamics in coastal villages. Throughout theyear, men-mostly between the ages of 15 and 39move between villages according tofishing and farming seasons. In Saadani, for example, the high shrimp season betweenFebruary and May attracts over a thousand young men (an increase of 60%) to thecoastal village.

POPULATION COMPOSITIONLike most other developing countries, a high percentage of Tanzanias population isunder the age of15. In the eight coastal villages included in the PEACE Project area,40% of the population is between the ages 0-15. Such a large proportion of youngpeople indicates a future of rapid growth. This is due to the large numbers of childrenwho will soon enter into their childbearing years.

Primary and secondary livelihood activities in the villagesMatipwili Farming (corn, peas, plantain, rice)Fishing (Wami river) and fish processing, house building, selling water, carpentry, tailoringSaadani Fishing (primarily shrimp).Salt making, firewood cutting, producing andselling local brew and selling meals and beveragesduring high fishing seasonMkalamo Farming (corn, rice, peas, coconuts, cassava, sesame, pineapples, oranges, andcashews)Fishing in ponds, livestock, charcoal making, food processing, house building, carpentry,tailoring. Women operate small businesses to supplement household income: making andselling mats, selling meals and beverages, selling vegetables and fruits.Mkwaja Fishing (22 sailing outrigger canoes and 140fishers)

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Farming (coconuts, cashew nuts), seaweed farming (150 seaweed farmer; 90 percent women)Ushongo Fishing (30 sailing outrigger canoes and 120fishers)Coconut farming, seaweed farmingSange Fishing Agriculture (crops, coconuts, cashew nuts),seaweed farming, charcoal makingBuyuni Fishing Agriculture (coconuts, cashews, cowpeas and other non-cereal crops)Mikocheni Farming (coconuts, cashews, cassava and rice)

Fishing, charcoal makingOther livelihood activities in the project site include salt making and salt storage(Saadani, Matipwili), charcoal making (Mkalamo, Mikocheni, and Sange), seaweed farming(Mkwaja, Ushongo, Sange), and other small business activities (making and selling mats andbaskets, running small hotels, preparation of simple meals for customers and sale ofbeverages, drying and selling fish, selling water and fuel wood, and making and selling of localalcohol). Small and large-scale salt production involves cutting of mangrove trees to providespace for drying reservoirs for large-scale salt works and cutting of fuel wood for small-scale saltworks involving boiling. Large-scale salt works cover approximately 1000 ha employing about365 staff, some of whom stay in campsites close to the salt works.

GENDER AND LIVELIHOODS

Despite womens significant contributions to household and resource management, womenhave little decision-making power and suffer from a very low status relative tomen throughoutthe Project area. Women participate in limited numbers in womens group activities andoccasionally hold membership in a village committee; but generally, women do not participatefully in local political organizations and are largely left out of the community leadership.Furthermore, despite a newly enacted national law guaranteeing a Tanzanian womans right toinherit land and property after the death of her husband, women in these coastal villages aredenied this right.

Women in this coastal area of Tanzania have primary responsibility for rearing children andensuring sufficient resources to meet family needs. Women also are the main managers ofessential household resources like water, fuel for cooking and heating, and food for household

consumption. Despite these significant responsibilities, the malehead of household makes most decisions concerning income expenditure, labor allocation,health care provision, food production and acquisition (both agriculture and fishing), and mobilityof family members. Access and control exercises, which were carried out in four of the eightcoastal villages, were particularly informative, revealing deeply embedded inequalities in accessto income, transportation, educational opportunities, and political representation. Over the pastdecade, women have been forced to devote more time to income generating activities for threemain reasons: limited access to cash income earned by men, an increased number of female-headed households, and increased expenditures on food and health care. Women reported thatwhile women use their cash income on family expensesfood, medicines, school fees, etc.,men spend their cash on their individual wants. Women may never see the money that isearned by men (or goods purchased with this money), and are expected to say nothing of it. As

a result, women have become more entrepreneurial and have adopted coping strategies in aneffort to retain some control over at least a portion of household income. The PRA exerciseshowed that in many of the villages there has been a steady increase in female-headedhouseholds over the past five to ten years resulting from divorce, separation, and widowhood.Women reported that women now head most households in Mkalamo. This may be partlyattributed to HIV/AIDS as well as a general dissolving in rural areas of social bonds as a resultof stress and changes in agrarian livelihood opportunities (Bryceson, 1999). The result is anincrease in female marginalization and arise in poor and vulnerable female-headed households.Womens Income-Generating Activities in Selected Pilot Villages

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Village ActivitiesMatipwili Fish frying and marketing in village and outside, water collection and sale, sellingbeverages and preparing simple meals for customersSaadani Selling beverages and preparing simple meals for customers, collecting and sellingfirewood, making and selling local brew, fish processing and marketingMkalamo Water and firewood collection for sale, hair plating, mat making

Mkwaja Fishing in shallow water for small fish, seaweed farming, fish processing and marketing,making and selling local brew, buying charcoal and selling it to middlemen, making and sellingwoven mats and baskets, selling vegetables, chapatti, donuts, and other snacks.Ushongo Seaweed farming, buying, processing, and marketing fish, fishing from the beach forsmall fish for family consumption, making and selling thatch, running small hotelsSeaweed farming, once a lucrative business in Mkwaja and Ushongo and enthusiasticallyembraced by women, is now in decline. One reason for this is seaweed die-offs, the suspectedcause of which is rising average water temperatures. Coconut and cashew farmingtwo otherpopular income-generating activities in several of the villagesare also no longer viable asincome-generating businesses. In this case, it is a result of the combination of disease andneglect, loss of ownership and access, and foraging by wild animals which has largelydecimated the coconut and cashew crops.

The PRA exercise also found that women in coastal villages such as Saadani, Mkwaja, andBuyuni fish by foot with cloth in shallow water along the shore for small prawns and small fish.These small fish are used for household consumption.To compensate for the decline in these activities, other strategies for income-generation havebeen developed. This includes working harder and longer in farming, fishing, and fuelwood andwater collection (so extra fuel wood or water can be sold); engaging in alternative, non-traditional income-generating activities such prawn fishing, alcohol brewing, weaving and sellingmats and baskets, acting as wholesalers in the charcoal trade; and exchanging sex for money.Table 13 shows womens income-generating activities in selected pilot villages.These relatively new income-generating activities have placed new burdens on womens timeand energy, and have implications for their health and well-being. Women walk upto 12kilometers everyday to collect fuel wood, spend more time in the collection and hauling of water,

and spend hours stooped over in shallow waters fishing for prawns and small fish. Even morethan simply expanding the time and strain of increased physical labor, however, particularactivities can threaten womens health and safety directly. For example, in Ushongo, womenhave begun to sell fried fish in villages along the Tang highway. They travel by bus and typicallystay out for three weeks before returning for more fishtraveling farther and staying awaylonger than they ever used to. The difficulty of traveling by bus, the stress of being away fromfamilies, the increased burden on womens time and energy, and the threats to their health andsecurity are tolerated, women say, for the small income that they can earn doing this kind ofwork.In sum, understanding the tremendous gender inequality that currently exists in this coastal areais necessary to understand the root causes of risky sexual behavior, theHIV/ASIDS epidemic and poor health in general, and unsustainable resource use. Therefore,

over the long term, redressing gender inequality is central to any mitigation strategy. Actionsshould aim to provide women with increased autonomy over and diversification of income-generation activities; improved access to health care andeducational services regarding nutrition, HIV/AIDS and other STIs, and property and ownershiprights; leadership development training and increased opportunities to participate in decision-making processes.

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Households

Households in coastal communities tend to be large families with low per capita

incomes and high illiteracy rates. They are faced with poor housing conditions, little to no access to credit and

market facilities, few personal savings, and lack of property ownership.

The average size of coastal households is 4.9 persons in Mainland Tanzania,and 5.3 per household in Zanzibar.

Many coastal villages, especially on the Mainland, have high fertility rates,countered by a high population migration to larger urban centres.

Many coastal communities remain relatively isolated due to poor infrastructuresuch as roads, communications, electrical service, water supply, and ports.

The National Bureau of Statistics household budget survey in 2000-2001

indicated that 2% of households in rural areas have electricity, 6% have bankaccounts, 25% have modern walls, and 45% need to travel more than 1 km fordrinking water.

Access to health resources remains an issue for coastal households, with thedemand for social services being directly related to a lack of safe drinking water,and access to medical facilities being hampered by a need for infrastructureinvestments. The average distance for communities to access hospital facilitiesranges from 29 km in Tanga to 2.8 km in Dar es Salaam.

Life expectancy in coastal regions is 47 years for men and 50 years for women;this is marginally greater than the national average of 44.56 yrs.

Infant mortality remains high in coastal areas with a large number of malnutrition

cases among children under five. The most common disease in coastal areas ismalaria, affecting 69% of children and 60% of adults.

Coastal communities in Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar are highly dependenton natural resources extraction for their livelihood activities.

Traditional activities undertaken in coastal communities are based aroundsubsistence and small-commercial initiatives. These are activities that eitherprovide food or a source of shelter, or which involve income-generation within thelocal market.

Key activities include: artisanal fisheries, agriculture and animal husbandry,mariculture, salt and lime production, beekeeping, small-scale trade and crafts,and mangrove and coastal thicket-related activities.

A characteristic of households in coastal communities is the necessity toundertake several livelihood activities simultaneously to supplement incomes andensure a consistent food source for family members.

Social Capital is defined as the attitudes and values that govern interactionsamong individuals, and the norms and traditions through which community-leveldecisions are made and individuals have access to power. It is defined by asocial group's characteristics, intra-group and inter-group relationships, and the

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VISION of the National Integrated coastal Environment management Strategy ishaving a coast with thriving coastal settlements where people rely on itsabundant resources for their food and livelihood and are actively working toprotect and sustain the resource base for future generations and maintainingtheir global values.

ETHNICITY, COSMOPOLITANISM AND WA-SWAHILIDigo, Segeju, Zaramo, Rufiji, Nyagatwa, Ndengereko, Ngindo, Makua, Doe,Kwere, Makonde are the main ethnic groups along the mainland coastIn the islands (Zanzibar, Pemba & Mafia) the population is more cosmopolitan-difficult to identify ethnic groups or kabila (tribes).Need to explore the intriguing concept of the Swahili. Who is an Mswahili?Ethnic (racial) group, a religious category or linguistic entity?1000 years of history involving African mainland, Asian and Arab immigrants)and rule by Oman Arabs.Trading, colonial, Islamic influences/impacts: slavery, esteem, status, power and

property, civilised Vs uncivilised (mstaarabu and mshenzi).Mswahili- ambivalent concept, a sophisticated person, cultured, cheat, cunning,witty etc.As opposed to a person from upcountry a mshamba, wa-kuja etc.Ki-Swahili language (rich and subtle), vocabulary e.g. on human qualities,characteristics, mannerisms and etiquette, poetry, novels, proverbs, riddles andmessagesThe Swahili, as observed by Middleton, is a centurys old mercantile society withan unusual structure that does not conform to the same boundaries as ethnicidentities. He argues that the Swahili is a unique and so complex an that it hasvirtually never been adequately studied by anthropologists, it is a poly-ethnic

society A more recent definition: a people of both Zanzibar and the mainland,who speak Swahili as their mother tongue, who are Muslims and who share aunique coastal culture, hence it is a cultural and not an ethnic term (Bakari,2000:69).

SOCIAL ORGANISATIONUrbanisation and settlements: pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial.Traditionally the Waswahili were urban dwellers and their civilisation is an urbanone.The basic unit of their society was and has been the town (mji) composed ofmitaa (streets).Swahili towns varied greatly some densely built up areas and many havedeclined or even died (ruins)Saadani, Kilwa, and Bagamoyo etc. Bagamoyothrived up to 19th century, into being the headquarters of German colonial rulebut declined as a result of the end of slave trade/caravans and new modes oftransport e.g. railwaysKilwa was one of the greatest of Swahili (coastal) towns, since 13th century (itspalaces, baths and mosques);

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Zanzibar once dominated and controlled even the interior, hence when the pipein Zanzibar they dance in the great lakesOthers have grown into modern cities. Dar es salaam from mere fishing village atthe turn of the last century has grown in the past 100 into a city of 3 million andFishing villages more compact than farming settlements that are more spread out

ASPECTS OF SOCIAL ORGANISATIONSwahili sayings and messages in khangas

There is a great Swahili tradition of making up sayings and expressions; also thekhangas have become mediums of communication, decoration and consumption. Many of

the expressions often demonstrate wit ... For example:

1. Siku utakayokwenda uchi, ndiyo siku utakayokutana na mkweo (Theday you go naked, is the day you will meet your mother-in-law).2. Kitanda usichokilala, hujui kunguni wake (You cannot know the bugsof a bed you have not lain on)3. Zanzibar ni njema, atakae aje (Zanzibar is beautiful, please enjoy)

4. Nifae la mvua nikufae la jua (Do me a favour in the rainy season and Illreciprocate in the dry season)5. Mgeni ni kuku mweupe (A stranger is like a white fowl)6. Anayekataa wengi ni mchawi (A person who dislikes company is awizard)7. Taratibu ndiyo mwendo (lowly is indeed the way to walk)

8. Kikapu cha mama kimejaa ndago (My mother's basket is full of straw)9. Samaki akioza usimtupe ataokotwa uje ujute(If a fish goes bad don't throw it

away lest you regret when someone picks it up)10. Usiache mbachao kwa msala upitao(Don't abandon your old rug for a passing

mat)11.

Utamaliza limau shaba haiwi dhahabu (You will run short of lemon juice(rubbing), but never will copper turn into gold)

Role of ruling party e.g. for a long time ten cell leadership (multiparty today)village chair persons/sheha (appointed) and ward secretary/ village executiveofficers appointees of the executive

Political affiliations

Language

Marriage (1971 law 7 four types of marriage)

Beliefs and practices: Religion and shrines

Festivals and celebrations

Social differentiation in terms of gender, age, ethnicity, and social statusinfluence

Language and folkloreThe predominant language along the coast, in common with the rest of the EastAfrican coast is Kiswahili. As its name implies, Kiswahili is the language of theSwahili people and as such is very much a Bantu language, with strong Arabinfluence. Similarly, equivalents of many of the words in Kiswahili can be found inother tongues. In Portuguese for instance, words such as mesa, meaning table

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are common to both languages and lay testament to the two hundred years ofPortuguese occupation; also shule that is German in origin and many others.Kiswahili is the national language fro Tanzania.

SOCIALISATION

The life cycle: birth, puberty, marriage and death rituals

GENDER RELATIONSBed rocks of gender relations e.g. reproduction, fertility rates, kinship/ patriarchy,sexuality, culture norms and customs, stereotypes etc.Coastal (Swahili) society full of contradictions and ambiguities, marginal groups.E.g. the glaring different spheres of men and women; the public arena for menwho do the shopping, sells crops/fish catches vs. the private [domestic] domainof the womenThe visibility of men and the invisibility of women,Sexual segregation, division of labour and different access to land and other

resourcesrely on father, husband, brother or son.Constraints on women e.g. seclusion, easy/fragile/early marriage and equallyeasy divorce (fate of children), the veil, high fertility rates (frequent and difficultpregnancies).Inequalities in opportunity e.g. education for girlsDecision-making, imbalances in representation hence not consulted on coastaldevelopment plans.

MarriageThe marriage institution has witnessed a number of changes since the 1960s.With respect to Mafia Island, Caplan has analyzed the changing features of the

marriage institution in the island.She notes that in the 1960s the seclusion of girls was common as well asarranged marriagesThe 1970s were characterized by the villagisation programme, in compulsoryprimary education was instituted with implications to the age of marriage.The 1980s saw liberalisation measures which led to many women migrating toDar es Salaam in search of jobs and men marrying late in life than before.With more economic and political changes of the 1990s other developmentshave surfaced. For example it has become more difficult to marry as bride pricerates have increased.At the same time illegitimate pregnancies are on the increase as well as singleparenthood. Also contraceptive use has become acceptable.Over two thirds (68%) of the marriages in Rufiji district are monogamous; 32%)are polygamous marriages.Divorce is high e.g. in Mafia Island 30% of all marriages end in divorce (Caplan,1995).

Social differentiation: the case of Mafia (cf Caplan, 2006)

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Economic differences-ownership of coconut or cashew-nut trees or largeboats - have rarely solidified into class differences.

Households have remained mainly dependent upon their own labour,

Shortage of enough people of the right sex and age, lead to beingdisadvantaged in terms of felling, marketing coconuts and planting new trees.

High birthrate and Islamic laws of inheritance mean that even if someonebuilds up a fair amount of capital during a lifetime, the estate will be divided ondeath.

Cultural capital: education?Those who have had their Islamic education away from the island, or outsiderswho have come to teach and settle there, who are given the most prestige andattract students.

Secular education, Mafia Island has produced few highly educated men orwomen and many Mafians refer to themselves as sisi tusiosoma, (cf Walley,

2004b).

Coastal hierarchy? In the 1970s and 1980s there was a greater tendency for people to identifythemselves as Washirazi and Waswahili. More recently, Arabness has againbecome a salient factor, tied in with Islamic missionization, and particularlynoticeable in both female and male dress1.

There have also been some changes in terms of age and gender. In themid-1960 older people tended to have more wealth than younger ones theyhad inherited coconut trees or planted them, and they could command the labourof younger people.

Such a situation has changed, or at least is different (Caplan 1998). Young men have the option of going to Dar and there are new economicactivities such as lobster fishing which command relatively high incomes.

New forms of consumption have emerged: bicycles, watches, radios,video shows and clothes The change in the distribution of assets has led, according to older people,to the lack of respect they now receive from the young, who are seen to be goingwith the times (kwenda na wakati).

Gender Previously women had a good deal of sexual autonomy, playing a major

role in production and in certain ritualsmila (custom) them significant roles andsocial importance.

Yet due Islamic inheritance laws, women owned much less property thanmen, and had fewer rights in relation to divorce. No women held public office inany of the villages then

1 In 2002, for example, I filmed a village wedding where the groom wore a kaffiya (a la Arafat) and when Iasked about this was told Nowadays we want to be as much like Arabs as possible.

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In the 1980s female children died in larger numbers than male, and thatgirls and womens entitlements to food was less than that of men, Women didnot have access to contraception at village, only at district level, involving a longand expensive journey, and they had to have written permission from theirhusbands before they could obtain it.

By the 1990s many aspects ofmila, such as the womens puberty ritual(unyago), were under attack from a new Islamic orthodoxy emanating from themiddle east.

Women were beginning to cover themselves up more, a trend which hadintensified greatly by the time of my next visit in 2002.

Yet at the same time women were playing a greater role in public life.Thus five out of 18 councillors were women by 2002.

Also women felt that in many respects, life had improved: more girls wereat school, including secondary school, women had a clinic in which to give birth,contraception was now available at the village clinics, more husbands were likelyto agree to their wives playing public roles and attending training courses.

However in other respects, women still remained worse off than men: theyworked much harder; many girls married too early, sometimes to men not of theirchoosing, and so their education was cut short; some girls who had passed theexamination to go to secondary school were refused permission to do so by theirparents; many husbands still preferred their wives not to get involved in publicactivities.

HIV/AIDS was beginning to make an impact and was worse by 2002,because men going to Dar es Salaam to sell coconuts would have had casualsexual relations, thus risking the health of their wives on their return to thevillage.

Traditional Resource Management systems Fishing and resources use had for many years been managed sustainableby the local populations by using low impact fishing gears. In fishing aconservation system similar to fallow in agriculture was used to ensure continuedsupply of fish. Thus heavily fished areas were closed against fishing for seasonsor an agreed period through mutual agreement between elders of variousvillages so that fish stock could recuperate and protecting village owned areas ofreef (Shunula)

A good example is Kisimkazi village where a traditional managementsystem involved seasonal closures of fishing areas, particularly for octopus, withcontrols on fishing gear and use of the area by visiting fishers.

In some villages there was also a system of forbidding the killing of certaincreatures such as dolphin because of special magical powers,

There would also be limit in the number of turtle eggs taken, Seasonaloctopus closures (kurimbika pweza) Another method was for the reservation of certain fishing grounds orspecies for certain groups of people: women, elders and youths etc.

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The creation of special fishing areas that can only be fished to generatemoney for collective communal activities like special celebrations. These formswere in practice at Bweleo, Uzi, and Fumba. Crabs (kaa) fishing was confined to low water during spring tide

With respect to mangroves there was selective felling technique of in

Chwaka bay. Kamba (prawn) were subjected a closure for 2-3 months by Charawe andChwaka villagers between the short and long rains the time when they werehatching and growing The closures and reopening were ritually announced and enacted. Suchsystems were enforced with the authority of elders (wazee wanne). Theviolations of such conditions were usually met with punishment in the form offines, ostracism and even bakora (canning). It was also believed that if a onewent against the laid down prohibitions he might end up losing his boatmysteriously or catching a snake instead of fish, anasimbwa.

In Michmavi an area called Kimazingia nets and weirs were forbidden.

Outsiders and migrant fishermen had to seek permission to fish in zonescontrolled by particular communities

THE ECONOMYTanzanian coastal areas are abundant in natural resources that are importantsocially, nutritionally, economically, and environmentally, yet they are vulnerableto both overexploitation and degradation of their habitats. Natural resources areimportant for living conditions, human and health, food security and economicdevelopment.

The coastal dwellers are semi-autonomous and artisanal users of the adjacentmarine and terrestrial environment.

An economic transition leading to changes production strategies due toenvironmental and economic changes

Factors in the choice of production strategy, production constraints, and riskdiversifying behavior and transitions in the subsistence economy.

Increased integration with the market economy

Specialization in production

Diversifying production sources between ecosystems.

Subsistence has increased in terms of market value

Composition of products used for home consumption has changed

The main consequence is increased income inequality where the most exposedgroup seems to be individuals who have many agricultural activities in theirproduction strategy caused by lack of the necessary financial wherewithal toinvest in new technologies and to transfer capital between production sources.

From the beginning of the 20th century the coastal villages on these islands haveundergone several economic transformations mostly triggered by externalfactors.

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Before the 20th century most villages were close to self-sufficient in theproduction of most of the articles of consumption and input to production. Theexceptions were a few essential imports such as iron and textiles

First was the abolition of slavery caused a labour shortage on the clove andcoconut plantations, which enticed villagers to provide labour in return for cash.

Traditional production practices were not abandoned, but productions strategiesere altered to cope with the new situation.

The pattern of consumption began to change from locally-produced goods only,to a combination local products and foreign made goods.

The next transformation was the gradual adaptation of production strategies toallow for the marketing of traditional produce mangrove poles were sold as asource of tannin already in 1903.

The lime industry (produced from burning corals) expanded in the 1930s, butdecreased when cement became available.

Improved transportations system in the 1960s made it possible to transport freshand dried fish to the town market and to the plantation belt.

Inputs, production practices, and techniques changed as equipment and gearwere imported to the local market.

Cotton nets were replaced by nylon, wooden traps were replaced by traps builtfrom chicken wire, motorized boats (less common) were imported, destructivefishing methods such as beach seine-netting and dynamiting became known andincreasingly practiced.

Economic liberalization programmes of the 1980s, inaugurated the most recenttransformation

The most important factor that had a major impact on the lives of the coastaldwellers is the boom in the tourist industry.

Together with increased market integration and increased migration in and to thecoastal zone has prompted several changes in villagers' individual productionstrategies.

DETERMINATION OF PRODUCTION STRATEGYProduction opportunities available to a coastal dweller:

to exploit common property resources by fishing,

to cut mangrove or to collect seashells,

cultivate the agricultural land,

to sell produce from rope-making or gear-constructing, to hire out labour or capital assets,

to lease out land or fishing equipment.

One consequence is that production is less conditional on seasonal variations, becausethe coastal dweller is able to spread out production, and keep the flow of cash andsubsistence fairly constant for the whole year.Although, this requires planning as well as an inherent under-standing of naturalprocesses there is room for more flexibility in production compared to farming.

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A farmer does not only have to match the quality of the soil with the most appropriategrain, but needs to consider future production costs as well as potential regulationswhen making decisions.The seasonal aspect to agricultural production is more likely to constrain yields becauseof different input bottlenecks, such as, labor, fertilizers, seeds, and irrigation water (15).

Thus, attempts to change farmers behavior requires correct timing.

For a fisherman, a mangrove cutter, a seashell collector, a new policy is more likely tohave an overnight effect.The particular character of fishing, which is the single most important production activityin most coastal areas, has prompted differences in the nature of income, remunerationschemes, and other economic arrangements, compared to most non-fishingcommunities.Fishermen are exposed to high degrees of risk and uncertainty in terms of personalsafety as well as income, which has prompted a greater emphasis on cooperativebehavior.

In the study area, a share system insured the respective fishermen against days withoutcatch.This sort of system was often built on kinship.Agrarian peasants on the other hand have been described as adamantly individualisticand reluctant to join in cooperative endeavors.Coastal dwellers rely more heavily on common property re-sources (CPR). There aredistinct differences between decision making for the management of a private plot ofland, and for a sea without tenure-ship. Although a farmer does not necessarily own theplot of land he is farming, his production decisions normally entail larger legal securityand predictability.If a fisherman does not catch the fish somebody else will. A large literature has

developed within this field and most promising is self-governed common propertyresources (CPR), which has shown that local management systems can provideefficient governing of common resources.

Fishing, for example, is one of the most capital-intensive activities in the coastal zonesince it requires expensive equipment and a boat.In addition, it requires knowledge and familiarity with sailing, gear handling, baitcollecting, maintaining of equipment and marketing of catch.According to tradition, small boys accompany their fathers when fishing on Sundays,when they learn how to navigate and locate the best fishing grounds. In the eveningsand after school, they assist their father in the maintenance of gear and in preparing forthe next days fishing activities.In their early teens, they either inherit a small ngalawa (canoe) or borrow moneytogether with a companion of the same age to buy one. In this way, tradition provides acomparative advantage through easier access and it also acts to provide security,familiarity and a sense of identification. In the studies in 1997 and in 1998, the numberof individuals following tradition had decreased; only 46% followed their parents'production activities. The underlying reason for this was "economic" or "lack ofalternatives".

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The majority, 25%, were women who previously collected inter-tidal products such asoctopus, seashells, and sea cucumbers and are now engaged in seaweed farming.Collecting inter-tidal products was, apart from collecting sea cucumber, a traditionalactivity performed by women for generations. Profitability decreased dramatically whenmen, equipped with snorkeling gear, started to dive for the same products. Requiring

small financial investments, merely labor time, it was an attractive income source fornewcomers and immigrants.However, the pressure on this resource increased to the extent that several speciescollapsed. When seaweed farming was commercially introduced in 1989 it rapidlyabsorbed most of the existing female labor.Within a period of a few years it became a major industry. Production increased from260 Figure 2. Incomes (cash + subsistence) generated by the respective productionstrategies in 1993 compared to 1998.

INDIVIDUAL INCOMES IN COASTAL VILLAGESFishing is particularly interesting since the literature often referred to it as not only a

livelihood, but also a lifestyle. This sort of identification can sometimes be so strong thatit overrides all rules of economic theory.It seems that being a fisherman provided security in the form of identification andbelonging, and individuals that derived comparatively smaller share of their income fromfishing still preferred to identify themselves as fishermen.In general, however, and in particular among non-fishermen, fishing was thought of asan activity conferring low societal rank.Fishing was the single most important income source, in total 67% of those interviewedfished.A predominately male activity it was in some areas also preformed by women whocaught dagaa (small anchovies) in cloths.

Only 11% of the respondents relied on a single production activity for their livelihood.The rest designed individual production strategies based on two or more productionactivities.Based on the respondents' own definitions the most common production strategy was tocombine fishing as a main income source, and agriculture as a second.

PRODUCTION CONSTRAINTS

Based on generations of accumulated experience coastal dwellers are able tooptimize production strategies subject to a number of local constraints naturallyinherent in the environment.

Factors that influenced production behavior were; tides, winds, currents, weather,

morphology, soil fertility, accessibility to reefs and forests and natural productioncycles of resources and ecosystems.

Local variations of those variables are large, and every village has in a uniqueway adapted to the constraints, opportunities, risks and uncertainties offered bythe environment and ecosystems surrounding their village.

Over the past years, several reports have documented decreasing stocks ofmarine resourcescatches have decreased for several species (e.g. lobster,octopus, sea-cucumber, and sharks),

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the composition of fish has changed and ecosystems have been degraded ortotally destroyed.

Increasing environmental damage and loss of ecosystem resilience havereduced coastal dwellers' ability to "read" the environment, impairing theircapacity to efficiently incorporate restrictions and opportunities into the

production strategy. Resource and ecosystem-related (traditional) production strategies are

increasingly exposed to uncertainty, unpredictability, and risks.

The traditional mechanism for coping with risk and uncertainty is to diversifyproduction between several different sources, confirmed in the large number ofvillagers (89%) that included more than one production source in their productionstrategy.

Diversification between different production sources might, however, not suffice ifthey rely on the same ecosystem.

The majority within this group combined fishing with agricultural activities, butalso activities such as seaweed farming and the collection of inter-tidal products

was combined with agriculture or firewood collecting. The second group includes marine-based activities combined with non-resource-

related activities. As discussed earlier, this is the combination that has grown themost.

Despite the growing market for non-resource-related income sources there werefew that combined this with agriculture, which denotes the third combination.

The fourth ecosystem combination includes individuals who combined closelyrelated marine ecosystems, for example fishing and inter-tidal activities.

However, two inter-tidal activities such as sea cucumber and shell collecting areregarded to be within the same marine ecosystem, registered as the fifthecosystem combination. The sixth combination includes respondents thatcombined different terrestrially-based activities in their production strategy. Thegrouping is simple and general. It does not, however, fully capture the highcomplexity of the inter-linkages and interactions between and within the relevantecosystems.

Further, the grouping is solely based on how individuals combined differentproduction sources. There are likely to be ways to diversify risks by applyingdifferent production techniques and using local knowledge of seasonal variationsand ecosystem linkages. A larger sample of individuals would allow for a morerefined and detailed grouping that is able to provide a more comprehensivepicture of the dwellers' ecosystem diversification behavior.

This indicates that ecosystem diversification might be one response to thetransition and maybe a response to increased environmental uncertainty and lackof predictability.

An interesting area for further research would be to assess if this is a traditionalmechanism to cope with abnormal periods of stress or if it is a permanent changein the production strategy

The Role of Agricultural Land

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coastal ecology lecture 19th oct

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