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    Journal of Gerontology: SOCIAL SCIENCES1994, Vol. 49, No. 6, S3O9-S317 Copyright 1994 by The Cerontological Society of America

    Sibling Support in Older AgeIngrid Arnet Connidis

    Department of Sociology, University of Western Ontario.

    Data from a multi-stage quota sample which includes 528 respondents aged 55 and overwithat leaston living siblingare used to examine instrumental support financial, help during illness, other) from siblings, the perception ofsiblings as a source of support if needed in a crisis, long-term illness, coresidence), and the characteristics ofrespondents and their sibling networks associated w ith receiving help and perceiving help to be available. A minorityof respondents have received sibling support, and a majority perceive siblings to be available in a crisis. Thosewithtw oor more siblings are m ore likely to have received help and to perceive siblings as available than those with one sibling.Significant differences by gender, marital status, parent status, and geographic proximity are discussedwithreferenceto models of support, particularly the functional-specificity of relationshipsmodel

    T HE issue of informal support is a burning o ne with regardto those groups who lack the ties which customarilyprovide needed support in old age. Given that a spouse andchildren are the two primary providers of intensive support(Avioli, 1989; Brody, 1985; Johnson, 1988), to whom dothe single (never married), divorced, widowed, and child-less turn for informal support? Answers to this question areparticularly crucial given increasing rates of divorce andchildlessness and decreasing fertility (Connidis, 1989a).Siblings are a potential source of support for the roughly 80percent of persons aged 65 and over who have at least oneliving sibling (Avioli, 1989; Connidis, 1989a). This mayprove to be especially true of the baby boom cohort who,when they reach old age, will have fewer children and moresiblings than any preceding cohort (Bengtson, Rosenthal,and Burton, 1990; Seltzer, 1989).Two primary questions have dominated research on thesibling tie and aging: What is the nature of the sibling tie inlater life; and How do middle-aged siblings sort out the carethey provide to their older parents? In the first category,studies have examined unique aspects of the sibling tie inlater life (e.g ., Bedford, 1989; Cicirelli, 1988; Conn idis,1989b; Gold, 1987) and predictors of either qualitativefeatures of the sibling tie (Gold, 1989a; Gold, Woodbury,and George, 1990) or actual contact between siblings (Con-nidis, 1989c; Lee, Mancini, and Maxwell, 1990; Suggs,1989). In the second category, researchers have identifiedcharacteristics of the sibling network which enhance theprovision of care to older parents and have noted somerepercussions for siblings of providing such care (Brody,1989;Cicirelli, 1984; Coward and Dwyer, 1990; Matthew s,1987a, 1987b; Matthews and Rosner, 1988; Stoller, Forster,and Duniho, 1992; Strawbridge and Wallhagen, 1991;Tonti, 1988).

    Research on the social support networks of adults of allages finds that a substantial portion ofthesupport received byrespondents is provided by siblings (Wellman and Wortley,1989,1990). However, because a relatively small proportionof older persons actually receives instrumental help fromtheir siblings, little attention has been paid to the factorsassociated with the provision of such support by siblings in

    old age (Cicirelli, Coward, and Dw yer, 1992). Research doesindicate that sibling ties are particularly close and activeamong women (Adams, 1986; Cicirelli, 1982; Connidis,1989b, 1989c; Gibson and Mugford, 1986; Goetting , 1986;Gold, Woodbury, and George, 1990; McCallum, 1986;Wellman and Wortley, 1989; 1990), and among older per-sons who are single (Connidis, 1989b, 1989c; Wenger,1984), divorced (Connidis, 1992; Rosenberg and Anspach,1973), widowed (Connidis and Davies, 1992; O'Bryant,1988), and childless (Kendig et al., 1988; Ward, LaGory,and Sherman, 1985). Characteristics of the sibling networkalso have a bearing on sibling ties. For example, having achildless sibling enhances the likelihood of receiving sup portfrom a sibling among younger adults who are mentally ill(Horwitz et al., 1992). As well, the gender structure of thesibling network influences the division of labor for parent care(Coward and Dwyer, 1990; Matthew s, 1987a; see also Spitzeand Logan, 1991) and sibling dyad characteristics affectcontact between siblings (Connidis, 1989c).A recent study by Cicirelli, Coward, and Dwyer (1992)does examine the characteristics of impaired elders whoreceive unspecified forms of help from siblings. They findthat recipients of sibling help tend to be younger, single(never married), divorced or widowed, to have fewer chil-dren, and to live in small cities. Similarly, in her sample ofsixty respond ents, Gold (1989b) finds that unmarried personsare more likely than married ones to receive instrumentalsupport from siblings. Thu s, siblings appear to serve a uniquerole in the lives of older persons without a spouse and/orchildren as providers of care. As well, although adults of allages are more likely to perceive sibling support than toreceive it, simply perceiving that sibling support would beavailable if needed promotes well-being among older persons(Cicirelli, 1989; Gold, 1989b; White and Riedmann, 1992).

    To date, research on sibling support in late life hasaddressed neither the forms of instrumental support that areprovided nor the characteristics of sibling networks that areassociated with receiving sibling support. Examining vari-ous forms of instrumental support increases our understand-ing of the sibling tie and helps identify potential strengthsand weaknesses in the support which is available from

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    S310 CONNIDIS

    siblings. As some of the studies cited above suggest, charac-teristics of the sibling network may be central to understand-ing the supportive potential of the sibling relationship. Con-sidering characteristics of respondents an d their siblingnetwork highlights the interactive nature of relationships.In this article, the following research questions areaddressed:1. Am ong older adult s, to what extent are siblings a sourceof instrumental support?2. Am ong older adult s, to what extent are siblings perceivedto be potential sources of support should the need arise?3. Which characteristics of older respondents and theirsibling networks are related to receiving and perceivingsibling support?

    Theoretical models of support are relevant to this discus-sion of sibling relationships. Typically such discussionsfocus upon two models: the hierarchical-compensatorymodel (Cantor, 1979) and the task-specificity model(Litwak, 1985). In the former, older persons are assumed tohave a hierarchy of preferred relationships from whom theyseek all forms of help. Spouse and children are assumed tobe at the top ofthishierarchy and thus favored as approp riateproviders of a broad range of support. If unavailable, tieslower in the hierarchy serve as substitutes, thus compensat-ing for the missing relation ships. Th e task-specificity modelfocuses on the match between the features ofagiven task andthe features of a given relationship. A task requiring regularcontact is most likely to be performed by someone who canmaintain regular contact (spouse, friend, neighbor, a childonly// proximate). A third model (Simons, 1983-84) thefunctional specificity of relationships model adds muchneeded flexibility and variability in the conception of sup-port. A ccording to this model, differences can be expected inhow relationships are negotiated such that, e.g., for some aspouse may be the most likely provider of support duringillness while for others a sibling or friend might be. Thus,relationships may be functionally specific bu t functions arenot tied to specific relationships. As well, one relationshipmay perform a broad array of functions. An example willillustrate how this alters our interpretation of support.In their conclusion, Cicirelli and his colleagues (1992, p.346) argue that their findings of greater sibling supportamong the unmarried and those with fewer children len dsupport to the concept of substitution hiera rch y and that the lack of available helpers higher in the substitutionhierarchy appears to be related to the greater involvement ofsiblings in careg ivin g. However, applying the functional-specificity of relationships model would suggest that thisinterpretation applies best to the previously married, forwhom siblings may indeed substitute for a former spouse.But, the single and childless may more properly be regardedas having negotiated uniquely supportive ties with theirsiblingsover lifetime(Connidis and Davies, 1990; Simons,1983-84).

    Previous research and the support models just outlinedlead us to expect several respondent characteristics to affectreports of instrumental support which has been received orwhich is perceived to be available from siblings. Suchsupport is expected to be greater among women than men;

    the single (never married), divorced, and widowed than themarried; and the childless than parents. Regarding siblingnetwork characteristics, support is expected to be morelikely among those with sibling networks which includesisters, unmarried (single, divorced, or widowed) siblings,and childless siblings.Studying various forms of support will provide evidenceof whether siblings tend to perform specific tasks for oneanother, as indicated by the task specificity model (Litwak,1985). Any differences based upon respondent and siblingnetwork characteristics would be indicative of either func-tional specificity the differential negotiation of the sametie (siblings) by different groups (e .g ., single versus marriedpersons) (Connidis and Davies, 1990; Simons, 1983 -84), orcompensation for lost ties (Cantor, 1979). Whether thecomp ensatory or functional-specificity of relationship smodel is favored will reflect in part the degree of ethnocen-tric bias embodied in assuming the preeminence of spousaland parent-child relationships, as is done in the hierarchical-compensatory model.The functional-specificity model challenges us to map outdifferent hierarchies of relationships for different groups ofpeople rather than assume that all instances of divergencefrom reliance on a spouse or children represent compensa-tion among those with inferior support networks (Connidisand Davies, 1990). I argue that the hierarchical-compensatory model is, at best, suited to comparisons be-tween those who currently have a given tie and those whoonce did (e.g ., the married versus the widowed). Even here,the compensatory model loses its applicability as the timewithout a given tie increases (e.g., those who are widowedor divorced in late life versus those who are so in earlyadulthood or middle age). The view of social support net-works encouraged here resembles that of the convoy, de-scribed by Antonucci and Akiyama (1987, p. 5 19, emphasisadded) as:

    a protective layer... of family and friends who surround theindividual and help in the successful negotiation of life'schallenges. Each person canbethought of as moving throughlife surrounded by a group of otherpeopleto whom he or sheisrel ted through the exch ngeof social support. Convoysare thought to be dyn mic and lifelong in nature, that is,changing in some ways but remaining stable in others, acrosstime and situations.Thus, the social exchange relationship, no t assumed staticfeatures of a given relationship (spouse, child, sibling),defines membership in the convoy (or support network).

    M ETH O D SSample. The data reported on here are from interviewswith a multistage quota sample of 678 persons aged 55 andover who reside in a Canadian city of 300,0 00. The study'sgeneral purpose is to examine the social support networks ofolder persons with particular emphasis on groups which are

    statistically atypical. Thus, the sample deliberately overrep-resents men, the single (never married), divorced, and child-less in order to ensure large enough numbers in these groupsfor comparative analysis of all gender, parent, and marital

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    SIBLING SUPPORT IN OLDER AGE S311

    status group s. Because the sibling relationsh ip is the focus ofthis article, those respondents who do not have any livingsiblings are excluded from the following analyses, leaving asample of 528 respondents (79% of the total sample).In the first stage of sample selection, cases were random lyselected from a sampling frame g arnered from provin cial taxassessment listings. The gender and age of potential respon-dents were known prior to contact and marital status wasestimated based on the presence and characteristics of co-residents, if any. Potential respondents were screened basedon gender, marital status, child status, and age until prede-termined quotas were filled. In the first phase of sampleselection, potential participants were only selected on thebasis of gender and age, the response rate was 34 percent,and 283 participants were recruited. In the second phase,more intensive screening was used in order to fill quotas forthe more unusual subgroups, the response rate was 43percent (i.e., 43% of those who met the screening criteriaparticipated), and the remaining 395 respondents were re-cruited. Interviews were conducted in the respond ents' 'home during 1990 and 1991 and lasted an average of onehour and nine minutes.The distribution of sam ple characteristics is given in Table1. As can be seen, just over half the sample are women.There is roughly equal representation of married, widowed ,and divorced or separated respondents and somewhat fewersingle respondents. There are more parents than childless inthe sample (three-fifths vs two-fifths) and a fairly evendistribution by 5-year age group. One third ofthesample hasone sibling and the remaining two-thirds, two or moresiblings. Close to half of the sample has both brothers and

    sisters; just over one-third, a sister or sisters only; and one-fifth, a brother or brothers only . Nearly one-fifth of respon-

    Table 1. Percentage Distributionof Sample Characteristics N =528)Gender of Respondent

    MaleFemale

    Marital Status of RespondentMarriedSingleWidowedDivorced/Separated

    Parent Status of RespondentParentsChildless

    Age of Respondent55-5960-6465-6970-7475-7980 +

    4654271427326040141921241210

    Gender of Sibling NetworkSister(s)Brother(s)Both

    Marital Status of SiblingNetwork

    All marriedSome marriedNone married

    342145

    443818

    Parent Status of Sibling NetworkAll parentsSome parents

    Number of SiblingsOn eTw oThreeFourFive or more

    Geographic Proximity of Closest Sibling (miles)0- 910-5960-720721-9998

    37123021

    68323327171112

    dents have no married siblings and one-third has at least onechildless sibling. The subsequent analysis involves within-sample comparisons rather than estimates of populationcharacteristics (for details regarding the entire sample, seeConnidis and McMullin, 1993).

    Measures. The table of sample characteristics includesthe independent and control variables used for analysis. Theindependent variables are: the gender of both the respondentand his or her sibling network (female and sister/s as refer-ence categories for dummy coding); the parent status of boththe respondent and his or her sibling network (parent, allparents as reference categories); and marital status of boththe respondent and his/her sibling network (married and allmarried as reference cate gories). C ontrol variables are age ofrespondent, number of siblings (where applicable), andgeographic proximity to the nearest sibling, all entered ascontinuous variables.Two categories of dependent variables are examined: (1)received instrumental support (instrumental support whichhas actually been received), and (2) perceived support ex-change (instrumental support which is assumed would beforthcoming or given as needed). Received instrumentalsupport has three indicators: receipt of help when ill, receiptof financial assistance, and receipt of other forms of help.For each form of support, respondents indicated whetherthey had ever received such support from each of theirsiblings.

    Perceived support has four indicators: whether sibling/swould be approached for help in a crisis, whether sibling/swould be approached for longer-term help due to illness,whether the respondent would live with sibling/s if it werenecessary to live with someone, and whether sibling/s couldlive with the respondent if it were necessary for sibling/s tolive with someone. Again, respondents were asked if theyperceived such help would be available from each of theirsiblings or, in the lattercase,whethereachsibling could livewith them.

    Data An alysis. Analyses are performed separately forthose with one sibling (n = 174) and those with two or moresiblings n =354). Because received and perceived supportare dichotomous dependent variables (yes or no), logisticregression is used. The amount or frequency of supportmight be a better dependent variable. However, withoutknowing how much help is actually needed, such a depen-dent variable could create a false sense of certainty aboutdifferences in sibling ties; more support could be a functionof more supportive sibling ties or a greater need for support.For those with more than one sibling, a code of yesindicates that the respondent answered in the affirmative forat least one but not necessarily all siblings. The number ofsiblings from whom help is received or perceived to beavailable by the number of siblings among those with two ormore siblings is analyzed separately. In addition to testingfor main effects in the multivariate models, an interactionterm for gender of respondent by gender of sibling networkwas entered in separate m odels. Th e model w ith the best fit isdiscussed in the Results section.

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    S312 CONNIDIS

    RESULTSTable 2 presents the percentage distribution of variousforms of sibling support for two groups, those with onesibling and those with more than one sibling. The percentagewho include at least one sibling as a source of support rangesfrom 6 percent for financial assistance among those with onesibling to 74 percent for approaching a sibling for help in acrisis among those with two or more siblings. There aresome notable statistically significant differences betweenthose with one and those with two or more siblings. Thosewith two or more siblings are more likely to report receivinghelp with things other than financial help or help when ill atsome time, expecting help from a sibling in a crisis, andexpecting longer-term help due to illness from a sibling.

    Table 2. Percentage Distribution of Sibling Support

    VariablesRespondents WithOne Sibling8 n = 174)

    Instrumental SupportHelp when ill received from

    No siblingsOne or more siblings

    Financial assistance receive sib)

    Marital Status of Sibling NetworkAll marriedSome marriedNone married

    Parent Status of Sibling NetworkAll parentsSome parents

    Geographic ProximityNumber of SiblingsModel

    CrisisLogit

    - .21

    .70

    .31

    .11

    .54- .02

    -1 .13*- . 6 6

    - . 4 6-1 .23*

    .16_ 04-2***

    .00X2 = 43.84

    df = 13p

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    S316 CONNIDIS

    in light of the fact that one person m ay suffice for most formsof support. This scenario also receives some support fromthe findings of greater dispersion of sibling support acrossthe network for ot he r forms of support and for theperception of potential support during a crisis, for long-termillness, and for coresidence. A more complete understandingof the impact of family size requires research which ad-dresses the process by which siblings become involved inproviding assistance to one another.Instances where respondent or sibling network character-istics (gender, marital status, parent status) are significantpredictors of sibling support lend support to the functionalspecificity of relationships model (Simons, 1983-84). Sig-nificant differences b etween the married and the widowed ordivorced could provide support for the substitution orhierarchical-compensatory model (Cantor, 1979). How ever,in the absence of empirical evidence that one supportiverelationship is considered a substitute for another, it is moresuitable to view differences among these groups as a reflec-tion of the different ways in which relationships have beennegotiated , as encouraged by the functional-specificitymodel. Clearly, longitudinal research which studies theevolution of networks or convoys over time is needed toaddress directly the relevance of substitution or compensa-tion to the negotiation of relationships over time.Regarding gender, those with one sibling are more likelyto have received sibling support during an illness if theirsibling is a sister. Similarly, among those with two or moresiblings, perceived support during a crisis is higher amongthose with sisters only than those with brothers only. Thesefindings confirm a substantial body of literature regardingthe stronger familial ties established among women thanmen (Connidis, 1989a; Finch, 1989). However, perhaps asnotable is the fact that ge nder is not significant in any of theother models.

    Marital status is the most frequent predictor of siblingsupport among those with two or more siblings. Single andwidowed respondents are more likely than the married tohave received sibling support during illness. They are alsomore likely to expect long-term support during illness ifneeded. The single, divorced, and widowed are also morelikely to say that a sibling could live with them if needed. A swell, among those with one sibling, support during an illnessis more probable if that sibling is divorced. These findingsshow that the single and widowed have negotiated particu-larly active sibling ties, characterized to some degree byreciprocity. Reciprocity is an important feature of supportiverelationships generally (Antonucci and Jackson, 1990) andmay be especially so in the sibling relationship given itsegalitarian nature (Cicirelli, 1982; Cumm ing and Schneider.1961). The divorced are more available to their siblingsduring illness and as potential coresidents but are not morelikely to receive or expect to receive support from them . Thisimbalance could prove problematic and suggests the value ofexploring the issue of reciprocity in sibling support ex-changes.One somewhat inconsistent finding is the lower likelihoodof considering siblings a source of support during a crisisamong those whose two or more siblings are all unmarried.These cases may represent families in which several siblings

    have experienced widowhood and/or divorce in fairly quicksuccession, or in which several siblings have never married.Both possibilities may either inhibit the negotiation of sup-portive ties among siblings or reflect a given family's generalinability to form supportive ties.Parent status is a predictor of support in two modelsinvolving those w ith two or more siblings. Childless respon-dents are more likely than parents to have ever received helpfrom a sibling during illness, and those whose sibling net-work includ es at least one childless sibling are more likely tohave received other forms of help from a sibling. Onceagain, there is evidence of the differential negotiation ofsibling ties; in this case the childless neg otiate more su pport-ive ties with siblings than do parents.Finally, in four of the five significant models for thosewith two or more siblings, geographic proximity is a signifi-cant predictor of support, with greater distance lowering theprospects of receiving or perceiving support. In a societytypified by mobility, this suggests some precariousness inrelying on siblings as primary providers of support. As well,the similarity in age of siblings means that growing frailtymay occur in tandem. Con sequently, among those receivingaid from siblings, instrumental support tends to go downwith age and over time, with regret but without rancour(Cicirelli, Coward, and Dwyer, 1992; Gold, 1989b). How-ever, this vulnerability in the sibling tie is not unique;precisely the same concern applies to support betweenspouses. In both situations, the essential issue is the need fordiversity in social support networks (Simons, 1983 -84).If future research takes as its premise the view thatdiversity is critical in the support networks of all olderpersons, including the married, the tendency to assume thatany tie is able to meet most or all needs will be minimized.Such an all-encompassing assumption about marriage mayrun the risk of actually isolating married individuals fromother sources of support, including siblings, both in real lifeand in research. Thus, future research can build upon theresults reported here by examining the different supportnetworks of various groups of older persons and establishingempirically w hose networks are most diverse and most likelyto meet the needs of their members. The latter issue can onlybe addressed by treating as a research question whethersmaller or atypical networks leave older persons with moreof their needs for support unmet.ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

    The data reported-here are from a study funded by the MCSS ResearchGrants Program, sponsored by the Ministry of Community and SocialServices, Ontario Government, and administered by the Research andProgram Evaluation Unit in cooperation with the Ontario Mental HealthFoundation. Ongoing data analysis has been supported by a grant from theSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The authorthanks both agencies for their support.Address correspondence to Dr. Ingrid Arnet Connidis, Department ofSociology, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, CanadaN6A 5C2.

    REFERENCESAdams, BertN. 1986.The Family: A Sociological Interpretation(4th ed.).Toronto: Harcourt Brace Javanovich.Antonucci, Toni C. and Hiroko Akiyama. 1987. Social Networks in Adult

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    Received August 20, 1993Accepted February 15, 1994

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  • 8/13/2019 Connidis!!!

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    RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPSINGERONTOLOGYAT THE UNIVERSITYOFMICHIGANPostdoctoral research fellowships, supported in part by train-ing grants from the National Institute on Aging are available atthe University of Michigan Institute of Gerontology. Stipendsand related expenses will be provided to qualified applicants.Postdoctoral trainees must have completed a Ph.D., M.D., orequivalent degree. Prospective faculty mentors represent thebehavioral, biological, clinical and social sciences, and thehumanities as follows:W. A. Achenbaum , Ph.D., R. C. Adelman, Ph.D., N. B. Alexan-der, M.D., A. Ashton-Miller, P h.D., F. L. Boo kstein, Ph.D ., S. F.Bradley, M.D., D. T. Burke, Ph.D., B. M. Carlson, M.D., Ph.D.,J.A. Faulkner, Ph.D., D. J. Fink, M.D., B. E. Fries, Ph.D., A.Gafni, Ph.D., S. A. Goldstein, Ph.D., M. M. Gross, Ph.D., K.Guan, Ph.D., J. B. Halter, M.D., A. R. Herzog, Ph.D., N.Krause, Ph.D.,J. Liang, Ph.D., X. Liu, Ph.D., R. A. Miller, M.D.,Ph.D., D. E. Rosenblatt, M.D., Ph.D., A. B. Schultz, Ph.D., D.G. Steel, Ph.D., M. A. Supiano, M.D., M. S. Terpenn ing, M.D.,B. R. Troen, M.D., L. M. Verbrugge, Ph.D., W. G. Weissert,Ph.D.Candidates should forward a letter of interest, identification ofa potential mentor, complete curriculum vitae and bibliogra-phy, graduate transcript, representative article if available),and at least three letters of recommendation to: GabrieleWienert, Institute of Gerontology, University of Michigan, 300North Ingalls, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109-2007. The applica-tion deadline for fellowships is March 31 ,199 5.The University of Michigan is an Equal Opportun ity/AffirmativeActionEmployer

    hePh D rograminGerontology

    or write:Admissions Information ServiceUniversityofMassachusetts BostonBoston,MA02125-3393

    This doctoral program offersadvanced interdisciplinary studyinaging and socialpolicy. By bringingtogether theories, concepts, andresearch methods from severalsocial sciences, it providesaframe-work for assessing critical socialquestions andtoolsfor consideringnew responses.The program seeks highly qualifiedstudents of diverse backgrounds. Itwill prepare its graduates to expandthe frontiers of gerontologies knowl-edge through research, teaching, orpolicy developmentand toplayleadership roles in our agingsociety.

    Please note: the application deadline is February1.GRE scores arerequired.

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