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    FOTO CAMI - GEAMOS HYSl

    THE B NSNTORI PUBLISHING HOUSETIRANA, 1980

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    I"St aff- r-f "'"' f

    I N T R O D U C T I O N

    The crowning of the centuries-long efforts ofthe Albanian people for freedom and justice, theirgreatest historic victory, is the establishment of thepeople's power which after the liberation of thecountry from the fascist occupiers and the local trai-tors began to perform the functions of the dictator-ship of line proletariat. This victory, which wasachieved owing to the correct strategy and tactics ofthe Communist Party (today the Party of Labour) ofAlbania, constituted the fundamental condition whichmade it possible ior Albania to embark on the roadof socialist development without delay.IThe first socialist Constitution of Albania, ap-proved by the Constitutional Assembly (March 14th,1946), sanctioned by law what the Albanian peopleunder the correct and far-sighted leadership ofthe Party of Labour of Albania with Com-rade Enver Hoxha at its head, had won withtheir war; it sanctioned the new reality created inAlbania, where the people had become the mastersof their own destiny, sanctioned the great truth thatAlbania had embarked on a new road of develop-ment, the construction of the socialist and communist1 7 3 a

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    society. With the amendments of July 1950, thisConstitution served for three decades as a legal basisfor the whole social-political life of the country. Asan important part of the superstructure and as the^fundamental law of the state, it played a great rolein the defence and consolidation of the people's'power, as well as in.the all-round development of thesocialist social order.Under the leadership of the working class and'its Party, thorough-going revolutionary changes were;made in Albania under the people's power. Suchhistoric achievements as the abolishment of private1,ownership of the means of production and the estaSblishment of the single system of the socialist ecomy in the cities as well as in the countryside, the li-^quidation of the exploiting classes and of the exploita-tion of man by man, the building of new socialistrelations, and on their 'basis, the existence of onlyjtwo friendly classes of our society the workingclass and the cooperativist peasantry, as well as th-e'stratum of intelligentsia, marked the end of the first'phase and our country's entering the phase of the*complete construction of the socialist society. As the'6th 7 Congress of the (Party pointed out, these alsqmarked the end of the period during which our first]socialist Constitution was in force. In its dynamicrevolutionary development, Albania's socialist lifeitself had gone beyond this Constitution1in many o f *its aspects, and called fo r the drafting of a new coif-fstitution in conformity with the country's presentstage of-development. ^By laying down the task for the drafting^of the New Constitution, the Party and Comrade4

    Hoxha stressed that it should be a political,ideological and juridical document of great value forthe present and the future of the country; that itshould take into consideration the rich revolutionaryexperience of our country as well as the experienceof world socialism; that it should fully reflect thereality of socialist Albania, a country loyal to theprinciples of scientific socialism and applying anddeveloping them in a scientific way; that it shouldrepresent the features of true socialism which is dis^torted and wildly attacked by the modern revision-ists. On the 'basis of the decision of the 6th Congressof the Party for the drafting of the New Constitutionand the orientations o the 8th Plenum of the CC ofthe Party (October 1975), the 'People's Assembly setup a Special Commission headed by ComradeEnver Hoxha to work out the draft of the Constitu-tion which- was given out for broad 'discussionamong the people, in January 1976. Assessing theachievements of the work for the drafting of the^NewConstitution and the discussion of its draft among thepeople, the 7th Congress of the Party made a highappraisal of it^ as a great historic victory of our Partyand people, :The 'broad popular discussion of the draft of theNew Constitution which went on for two months anda half, was avery important political,action, inwhichour people expressed their unanimous approval of.the draft-Constitution which, in essence, representedthe Marxist-Leninist line followed by our Party, withComrade Enver Hoxha at the head. This "discussionwas another clear- reflection of socialist democracyfunctioning, and ceaselessly developing in the Alba-

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    nian state, where the woriking masses with the work='ing 'dass at the head, are the real masters of the*country and decide on everything. A million and a jhalf people, practically all th e adult population o f {draft-Constitution, and among them 300 thousand,^or one out of five persons, contributed to the discus-^'sion with 3400 concrete remarks and suggestions/The unity of thought and action of our Party andpeople as well as their determination to always marchforward on the road of the revolution and socialism,- \e forcefully manifested in the popular discussionof the draft-Constitution. -"The remarks and suggestions made during the'popular discussion further completed and improvedthe new draft-Constitution. This draft was submittedfor examination to the 5th session of the 8th legisla 'ture of the People's Assembly, where it was finally1and unanimously approved (December 28th, 1976);;

    The NewConstitution is the second socialist Con-;stitution of Albania. It reflects the revolutionary:course and experience of our Party and people, andconstitutes a powerful means in their hands fo r the Idefence and advance of the socialist victories hithertoachieved in our country, for its constant progress on:the socialist road and the barring of all paths to the.emergence of revisionism and the restoration of cap-;italism in Albania. . . 9,

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    " - %This Constitution**, Comrade Enver Hoxhajjsaid in his report to the People's Assembly on*the occasion of the approval of the Constitu-i

    tion, cm. the one "hand corresponds to the con-crete reality of ou r country, a reality a t ta inedwith blood, toil and sweat and, on the otherha n d , opens to socialist Albania brilliant a ndsure perspectives from every viewpoint,**

    The principles formulated by the classics of Marx-ism-Leninism, especially on the question of thedictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the summingup of the rich experience of our Party and state inthe construction of socialism, are fully reflected inthe New Constitution. Drawing lessons from the revi-sionist betrayal which led the Soviet Union and theother former socialist countries to the re-establish-ment of capitalism, our Party has worked out acomplete program of struggle an d taken a series ofmeasures of historic importance in order to bar allpaths to the bourgeois degeneration of socialism andto ensure the incessant advance of the revolution andthe construction of socialism. This rich experience,which is a new contribution to the theory and prac-tice of scientific socialism, is fully reflected in theConstitution. The Constitution expresses the correctline of our Party of Labour, its revolutionary pro-gram for the construction of socialism and commu-nism, its consistent defenceof tihe 'teachings of Marx-ism-Leninism on the dictatorship of the proletariatand socialism. In contrast to the efforts of the modernrevisionists, who try to deny the class content of the* Enver Hoxha, Report on the new draft-Constitution,

    the newspaper Zeri i popullH, December 28th, 1978.

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    state and the entire socialist society, who advocatea state and a party of the entire people, and whopreach an abstract democracy and humanism aboveJclasses in order to cover up their .bourgeois dictator- "ship and their counterrevolutionary policy, our NewConstitution treats all problems from clear prolet-"arian class positions..The Constitution sanctions the content of our /state as a state of the dictatorship of the proletariateand defines the directions of its activity for the unin- *terrupted development of the revolution and the social- ist construction. The democratic spirit of revolution-ary humanism which, like a red thread runs through lour entire Constitution, is expressed in its basic idea'that everything is done in the name of the working*1people and for their benefit, in the name of the ~revolution and socialism anjj for their benefit. Thisis also closely linked with the aim of developingsocialist democracy which is concretely expressed not 'only in -the formulation of the related principles in ,the provisions of the. political order, but also in the:economic field, in the rights and duties of citizensand in the organization "of the state.Although the New Constitution is.centered onthe .state, the definition of its type, form, functionsmid duties, it goes beyondthe narrow limits of purelystate problems and extends 'to the broader sphere ofsocial development. And this is only logical, becausein socialism the state -is not only --"the of f ic ial repre-sentative o$ s o c i e t y a s a * H ) h o l e > > 3 as is the case with the?8

    bourgeois and revisionist countries, but also its realrepresentative*. After avoiding details which need notbe entered into in such abasicdocument, the Constitu-tion is not merely a codification of articles of a strictlystate character, it bears the seal of those fundamentalfeatures and principles which make up the base ofour socialist society.The New Constitutionnot only sanctions the vic-tories achieved up to this day, but also expresses thetendency of the country's further socialist develop-ment, with clear programmatic elements, especiallyin its Introduction. In this way it represents not onlya juridical document, which first of all registersand defines what has been hitherto attained, but alsoa major political and ideological document, and in away, also a program of work and struggle for thefuture.The New Constitution is the direct continuationof the previous Constitution. By reflecting the twostages of a single uninterrupted revolutionary pro-cess, both these Constitutions belong to the one typeof Constitution the socialist Constitution. The -unin-terrupted sequence between the two stages of therevolution the present and the past can alsobe found in both Constitutions, the New. Constitutionbeing a development of the previous one. In thisway the New Constitution does not negate or rejectthe previous Constitution, but in conformity with the

    * K. Marx - P. .Engels, Selected Works, vol. 2, p. 139,Tirana 1958, Alb. ed.

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    present stage of the complete construction of thesocialist society, it further perfects the ideas of theprevious Constitution and raises them to a higherlevel.*Nevertheless, the New Constitution differs fromthe previous one. The amendments are such that theNew Constitution is not a repetition or simply acomplement of the previous Constitution, but an enti-rely fun dam ental law. This is related to the fact thatthe previous Constitution was the Constitution of theperiod when our country had just embarked on theroad of socialism, wherea s the New Constitution is theConstitution of the period w hen the economic base ofsocialism has already been built, and the completeconstruction of the socialist society is going on; it isthe Constitution of triump hant socialism.In comparison with the previous Constitution,the N ew C onstitution has structural changes, whichmake our fundamental law clearer and contribute toa better arrangement of its content. In some cases,these changes in its structure go beyond their techni-cal-juridical significance, as is the case with thegrouping in chapters, sub-chapters or special articlesof the question of the defence of the country and thearmed forces, of education, science and culture, ofthe principles of our foreign policy, etc. Such changesalso assume a political-ideological significance. TheIntroduction to the Constitution has special import-ance in this respect.

    * Hysni Kapo, On the working out of the new draft-Constitution of (the PB of Albania*, p. IS, Tirana 1975, Alb.ed.10

    Unlike the previous Constitution, the New Con-stitution is provided with a brief Introduction. TheIntroduction defines the principal stages of our peo-ple's struggle an d efforts fo r freedom an d independ-ence; it characterizes the process of the emergenceand development of our socialist state, as well as thedistinguishing features of the present stage; itemphasizes the prospects and the tendencies of theprogress and strengthening of the society and thestate, bringing into relief the idea of the uninterrup-ted character of our revolution. Th e Introduction alsolays down th e principles guiding our Republic in itsinternational relations and underlying the founda-tions of its foreign policy. It affirms ou r country'sunchanging loyalty to the Marxist-Leninist doctrinewhich is of great principled importance, especiallyunder the present circumstances, when it has becomea target of attack no t only from the imperialist bour-geoisie, but is also being negated and openly distortedbv the revisionists of all hues, Soviet, Yugoslav,-Eurocommunism, or Chinese. Couched in the formo f a solemn declaration, the Introduction to the NewConstitution is its component part. By defining thebasic Drinciples of our social and state activity, bvindicating the reasons and sources of the successes ofthe Albanian people in the construction of socialism,the Introduction contributes to a better understand-ing of the Constitution.

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    CHAPTER 1

    POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY

    The Constitution of the PSR of Albania openswith the chapter devoted to the characterization ofthe social order. This is a question of principledimportance, because the questions connected with thesocial order are the fundamental questions of the stateand the society and define their main features. Thephysiognomy of the society,the charater of the state,th e principles of its building an d functioning, cannotbe clearly and correctly revealed without analyzingthe social order itself, which is the source of all rela-tions arising and developing in the society and thestate.The foundation stone of the Marxist-Leninist sci-ence on society is Marx's elaboration of the notionof socio-economic formation under which society isnot a mechanical and arbitrary assembly of people,things and ideas, but a special social organization. Ithas its own laws of development, its own componentparts which are connected and regularly interactwith one another, and a definite type of relations of

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    production, of a social-class structure or superstrud-ture which responds or should respond to a 'definitelevel of forces of production,A clear definition of the social order gives anaccurate idea of the degree of development of thesociety, the history of which knows of five differentkinds of social order: the primitive community, theslave-owning society, feudalism, capitalism and so-cialism. From this viewpoint, the concept of socialorder also shows the trend of development of societywhich goes from a lower social order to a higher one,as an objective law of historical development. Theremay be zigzags in the historical development of par-ticular countries, but they do not deny the generallaw of development of human society as a whole,which inevitably develops from a lower stage to ahigher one, thus paving the road for the socialistand communist social order to which the future be-longs.The great people's revolution, which was carriedout in Albania under the leadership of the Party,brought about a radical transformation of the socialorder. It overthrew the old feudal-bourgeois exploit-ing order and paved the way for a new and moreadvanced social order, the socialist order. As a resultof all these revolutionary changes which have takenplace in the base and superstructure of our society,this order has by now been consolidated and is suc-cessfully developing towards the complete construc-tion of socialism amd then communism. The greathistoric merit of our Party is that not only did itlead our people to the brilliant epoch of the transi-tion from capitalism to communism, but it is also

    leading them with determination and wisdom, allow-ing no switch backwards, or zigzags on this gloriousroad which has ensured our country the most pro-gressive social order in the world.The priority treatment of the questions of socialorder is an important feature of the Constitution ofa socialist state. This distinguishes it from the Con-stitutions of capitalist states, which do not reveal thereal character of bourgeois order, and conceal anddistort its reactionary and anti-popular essence. TheConstitutions of those states make no mention at allo f the class structure of society, as a society dividedinto antagonistic classes, rich and poor people, ex-ploiters and exploited; they make no reference to thepolitical base of the state, because the state powerthere is in the hands of a minority which oppressesand exploits the broad masses of the people, and theytreat the economic base, which in fact is the capitalistprivate ownership, as something beneficial to all, andpretend that all citizens without exception are or canbecome owners of the means of production.Because of their very class stand, the bourgeoispoliticians and lawyers have no interest in, and as aresult, cannot treat with scientific objectivity theproblems of the capitalist social order, because thiswould be turned against the very order which theydefend, because this would reveal its character as ananti-democratic order based on the oppression andexploitation of the wo rking people, the enslavemento f other peoples, fascist violence and imperialistaggressions. This is why they are trying to prettifyit, presenting it as an order of Asocial harmony^,complete democracy^ and -"general well-beings*.

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    *The indisputable superiority of the socialist order!over the capitalist, bourgeois and revisionist order^emerges clearly from the analysis of the questionsofthe social order. In this sense, the New Constitutionis a great political document which inspires ourworking masses, to take legitimate pride in the so-,cialist road they have chosen, and strengthens their-unwavering confidence in the brilliant communistfuture.

    A component and very important part of thesocial order is the political order. The Constitutiontreats this order, with its main components thestate, the Party and the mass organizations fromsound Marxist-Leninist positions, on the basis of therich experience of our Party and international com-munism, as well as by taking into consideration allthe great changes which have taken place in the base ]and superstructure of our society in its present stageof development.This part of the New Constitution reflects such ;cardinal problems as: the type and form of the state,its social and political bases, the undivided leadershipof the working class and its Party in the state andsociety, Marxism-Leninism as the ruling ideology, the iplace and role of the mass organizations, as well asthe main principles which underlie the foundationsof the political organization of our society, such asthe principles of sovereignty of the people, unifiedstate power, democratic centralism, socialist law, theline of the masses and workers' and peasants' control,etc. Just as with all the other problems, in dealingwith these problems, too, our Constitution is clearlyopposed to all the distortions by the modern revi-

    sionists; these problems are seen in the light of thenew historic experience of socialism in barring thepath to the restoration of capitalism, ensuring theuninterrupted continuity of the revolution andachieving the complete and final victory of socialisman d communism.

    1) The PSR of Albania a State of theDictatorship of the ProletariatIn compliance with the teachings of Marx andLenin, with world revolutionary practice and theexperience of our own revolution, the New Consti-tu t ion clearly expresses the basic idea that -thePeople's Socialist Republic of Albania is a state ofth e dictatorship of the proletariat {Article 2). Thisdefinit ion is of great importance, because not onlyis it a truthful reflectionof the reality of our country,where the dictatorship of the proletariat exists andis continuously strengthening, but it affirms at thesame time the great Marxist-Leninist truth that there-can be no construction of socialism an d communismwithout the dictatorship of the proletariat.With thisdefinit ion, a dividing line was drawn with all trendsof old and new opportunismin the workers' and com-munist movement.The dictatorship of the proletariat constitutes thebasic question of Marxism-Leninism, so the standtowards it has been and will always be a touchstonefor all real revolutionaries.

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    The question of the stand towards the dicta-',torship of the proletariat,* Comrade Enver^Hoxha has said, is one of the most vitalquestionsof socialist development about whichthere exist two diametrically opposed linesand a bitter struggle goes on between theMarxist-Leninists and the modern revision-jists.*

    For the Marxist-Leninist, during the entire historical]period of the transition from capitalism to com-|nrunism, jthe state... can be nothing but the revolu--tionary dictatorship of the proletariate** $

    Tand *j

    ihe transitionfrom capitalist society tomunist society is impossible without aitical transition period and the state in this,period can only be the revolutionary dictator-*,.ship of the proletariat.*** f j> v-. (In overt opposition to the teachings of Marxism^

    * Enver Hoxha, ^Report to -the 5th Congress ol the, p. 18, Alb. ed. *** K. Marx F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. 2, p. 23.Tirana 1958, Alb. ed. *|*** V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 188, Alb. ed.

    Leninism, the modern revisionists are trying to denyan d distort the idea of the dictatorship of the pro-letariat. AH the demagogy of the modern revisionistsabout ^bureaucratic etatism, -the liquidation of theconsequences of the cult of the individual*-, -"liber-alization, and democratization;*, -^direct democracyan d the state of the entire people are a flagrantdeviation from Marxism-Leninism and serve only onepurpose: the degeneration and liquidation of the dic-tatorship of tfae proletariat.With the establishment of the dictatorship ofthe proletariat, true democracyis guaranteed for thef irst time in history.

    T7ie first step on the revolutionby the work-ing class, -The Communist Manifesto* says,-is to raise the proletariat to the position ofruling class to win the battle of democracy**.

    This is the most complete democracy, democracy forthe broad masses of working people, a democracywhich is clearly reflected in our New Constitution.By reflecting the really democratic character ofthe dictatorship of the proletariat which runs throughthe Constitution like a red thread, our Constitutionembodies the Marxist-Leninist thesis of our Partythat the general road to the strengthening of thedictatorship of the proletariat, the entire socialist

    * K. MarxF. Engels, Selected Works, vol. 1, p. 39,Tirana 1958, Alb. ed.

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    order, goes through the development of democracyfor the masses and that their participation in the gov-erning of the state is the main direction to deepensocialist democracy in action, **"Ensuring broad socialist democracy,* Com-rade Enver Hoxha has said, ^constitutes a

    fundamental condition for the protectionan dstrengthening of the dictatorship of the prolet- \ itself, just as the dictatorship of the\ constitutes an indisdecisive condition for the existenceof genuine idemocracy for the working people***. < j

    Being the broadest and most real democracy forthe working masses, the socialist state is at the sametime a fierce dictatorship for all the internal and ex-jternal enemies of socialism. There is a dialectical?connection between these two aspects of the socialiststate. Only the opportunists and revisionists, in theirquality of flunkies of the bourgeoisie, set them on eagainst the other, seeking to liquidate the dictator-^!ship of the proletariat supposedly as a condition for.the development of democracy. They deny the demo-cratic character of the socialist state, and some ofthem go even further in the service of this hostile 'idea, by setting democracyagainst the state in general,':From all this they want to draw the conclusion that ]the very existence of the state is a negation of demo- cracy. In reality, however, Lenin teaches us, demo-

    * Enver Hoxha, Report to the 7th Congress of the]PLA, p. 19, Eng. ed. ;t20

    cracy means also the state, because there can be nodemocracy without the state, because the abolish-ment of the state will bring about the abolishment ofdemocracy, too.It is these two aspects of the socialist state, de-mocracy for the majority, for the broad masses of theworking people, and dictatorship for the minority,the enemies of the people and socialism, that Leninhas in mind while defining the socialist state as demo-cratic in a new way and dictatorial in a new way. Heconsidered this a historical necessity for the entireperiod of transition from capitalism to communism,during which an acute class struggle goes on. Thisis a struggle between two roads of development, thesocialist and capitalist road, a struggle which goes onuntil the final goal the triumph of communism athome and in the world, is achieved. And as long asthis victory has not been achieved, the question ofpower and the dictatorship of the proletariat which

    z s the powerful and decisive weapon to carryth e socialist revolution forward , to its com-plete and final victory**,always remains the basic question of the revolution.The broad masses of working people powerfullysupport the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat,because it is close to and vital for them, because, asthe Constitution has it, it expresses and defends theinterests of all the working people (Article 2). The

    * Enver Hoxha, *Report to the 7th Congress of thePLA, p. 17, Eng, ed.21

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    new type of state the dictatorship of the prolet^jariat, as well as all the ways it realizes its state power,1clearly show how strong and inseparable are the ties'of the broad masses of working people with the pro-']letariat organized as the ruling class. In this view, it]is necessary to stress the following points:First, the community of the main interests of the}working class and the other "working masses. The pro-letariat, as the only class revolutionary to the endand the only leading force of the struggle for theemancipation of the working masses f rom any kindof oppression and exploitation, unites the broad jmasses of the people around itself, thus indissolublyjlinking its emancipation with the simultaneous andfinal emancipation of the entire society. Second, the method of the political rule employedby the working class towards the other working jpeople who are its allies. Towards them, the workj|ing class uses persuasion and education, not oppres-jsdon and violence, as it does towards the exploitingclasses. The dictatorship of the proletariat implies]co-operation and alliance between the proletariat,!which leads the peasantry and the other working;masses. ' \, the participation of the broad working \s in exercising thworking class, and under its leadership, the o ther -working people, too, participate in the proletariat*state and the exercise of state power. So the represen-jtative organs, which are the main link in our state;organization, are elected by the citizens in general!elections. |All this is clear testimony to the real content and-r

    the great importance of the principle sanctioned inthe Constitution, that in Albania the state powerderives f rom and belongs to the working people, andthat all working people, under the leadership of theworking class, participate in the exercise of statepower through the representative organs as well asdirectly. Naturally, this does not rule out the prolet-arian character of the Albanian state, which is deter-mined by the fact that, it is the working class whichis in command, which leads and directs the state.Lenin has defined the essence of the dictatorshipof the proletariat, as state leadership by the workingclass, a leadership which it does not and cannot sharewith the other classes. Laying great emphasis on thisimportant question, Lenin said:class that took political power did so inthe knowledge that it was doing so alone. Thatis intrinsic to the concept o f the dictatorshipo f the proletariat,*-*

    The working class is also conscious that this politi-cal rule is necessary through the entire historicalperiod of socialism until the construction of commun-ism. All these bring out the falsity of the preachingsof the Khrushchevite revisionists that the socialiststate, which emerged as the dictatorship of the prolet-ariat, has fu l fi l led its historical mission , and hasno w given the place to the state of the entire people*-.The form of the state as well as its naming areelosely linked to the type of the state. The Albanian

    * V, I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 32, p. 318, Alb. ed.

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    state, which was the offspring of the people's rev-.'olution, was from the very start a dictatorship of the;proletariat, exercised in the form of people's demorleracy. So our state was rightly called a People's":Republic in our first socialist Constitution. The chanr]ges made in the base and superstructure of our so-?ciety put forward the need to change the name of our j ;state, so that it could better correspond not only to.}ts goal, the readiness and determination of the people\o build socialism, but also to Albania's present-day;socialist reality. And on this basis the New Constitu-ition sanctioned the new name of our socialist state,!calling it a People's Socialist Republic (Article 1). 1}This solution to the question of the name of our}state not only reflects the class content of the state]and the present socialist reality of Albania moreclear-:]ly and expressly, but also maintains the conti-{nuity from the first Constitution to the New Consti- jtution, the connection with the previous name it hadadopted for the state as a People's Republic, underwhich Albania has won a worthy position and greatrespect in the international arena. This new namenot only is correct and proper, but it is also an orig-inal choice which distinguishes our New Constitutionfrom the Constitutions many revisionist countrieshave had in the recent years. For demagogical pur-poses, some of them have named their countries social-ist republics, while others have kept their previousnames of people's republics.

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    2) The System of the Dictatorship of theProletariat and the Leading Roleof the Party

    The dictatorship of the proletariat, as a form ofthe state leadership by the working class, is exercisedno t only through the state organs, but also throughthe mass organizations which are a component parto f the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat.This is another reflection of the profoundly demo-cratic character of our political order.The Marxist-Leninist party of the working classis at the head of all state organs and mass organiza-tions which make up the system of the dictatorshipo f the proletariat. Without the leading role of theMarxist-Leninist party there can be no question aboutthe dictatorship of the proletariat, or the constructiono f socialism and communism, therefore this leadingrole constitutes the fundamental principle of the en-tire social and state life of the socialist society. Thisidea is expressed in the Article 3 of the Constitutionwhich says, The Party of Labour of Albania, thevanguard of the working class, is the sole leading pol-itical force of the state and the society^. Contrary tothe viewpoints of the modern revisionists, this Articleclearly stresses three main points: first, that theParty of Labour of Albania is the vanguard of theworking class, thus emphasizing its class proletariancharacter; second, that it is the sole leading politicalforce, which reflects the reality of our country, whereother political parties do not exist, and the fact thatthe Party shares this leading role with nobody;third,

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    that the leading role of the working class is utterly-unconceivable and cannot be realized without itsMarxist-Leninist political party.The leadership by the Party constitutes a basicquestion of vital importance for the dictatorship ofthe proletariat and the fate of the revolution. Thevery notion of the dictatorship of the proletariat com-prises, as its inseparable and main element, the idea,of the leadership by the Marxist-Leninist party.

    * < T h e dictatorship o f the proletariat,* Leninsays, would not work except through theCommunist party.*And in the process of development towards socialism - jand then communism this leading role of the Partynot only is not weakened, but is strengthened, influ-encing all fields of life and all state and social activ-ity. This is why ComradeEnver Hoxha has forcefully jstressed that the Party is the sharp-edged sword of jthe working class and that we should devote the great-est attention, all our minds and hearts, to the causeof its defence, continuous strengthening and revolu-tionization. The weakening of the Party, its inner lifeand leading role would lead to catastrophic consequ-ences. Our Party has condemnedand smashed all hos-tile attempts to attack the Party and weaken its lead-ing role, as was the case with the plots discoveredand foiled in the recent years in the economy, thearmy, the arts and culture.By sanctioning the leading role of the Party,

    * V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 32, p. 226, Alb. ed.

    our Constitution reflects a general law of the socialistrevolution, the validity of which has been provedby both the positive experience of our country, aswell as the negative experience of the Soviet Unionand the other former socialist countries. All oursuccesses in the road of revolution and socialism aredue to the leadership of our Party of Labour, to itscorrect Marxist-Leninist line. It is also a fact that itis exactly the weakening of the leading role of theParty and its degeneration from a revolutionary,Marxist-Leninist party into a revisionist party thatwas the real cause of the regressive counterrevolu-tionary process the former socialist countries wentthrough.By raising the leading role of the Party to ajuridical-constitutional norm, socialist Albania hasput itself in complete opposition to the preachingsof the Yugoslav, Soviet and other modern revision-ists, who advocate the reduction of the role of theparty to a merely ideological or economic factor^,who see the leading role of the working class -evenwithout the party and its proletarian state, preachabout tthe party of the entire people , the multipartysysteni in the period of socialism, the transition tosocialism Bunder the leadership of non-proletarianparties^, etc. In their essence, all these theories,which deny the leading role of the working classand its revolutionary party, Comrade Enver Hoxha.says, actually negate the revolution, socialism andMarxism-Leninism.The idea of the leading role of the Marxist-Lenin-ist party is also directly linked with its revolution-ary ideology. On this question, too, our Constitution

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    adopts a clear-cut stand, stating that Marxism-Lenin-ism constitutes the only ideological basis of ou rfsociety and state, 'that the entire socialist order is^developed on the basis of its principles (Article 3),The sanctioning of this fact reflects our socialist real-ity and at the same time stresses that the Marxist-Leninist theory is the only sure compass guiding ourcountry on the road of triumphant socialism for theestablishment of the socialist and communist society.The historic experience has proved to the hilt thatit is only on the basis of the life-giving ideas of Marx-*ism-Leninism that the dictatorship of the proletariatca n be established, defended and continuously,strengthened, and the successful construction of so-cialism and the transition to a classless communistsociety can be ensured.Besides the state and the party, an importantplace in the system of the dictatorship of the prolet-ariat is also occupied by the mass organizations whichplay a constantly increasing role in the process ofsocialist development of the country and the deepen-ing of socialist democracy. Our Constitution Jiascorrectly defined the role of the mass organizations,their place in society and their relationships withthe state. It recognizes the citizens the right to unitein different organizations, intended at drawing in anorganized way the masses, the broad strata of thepeople, into the socialist construction and the govern-ing of the country, imbuing them with communistideas and looking to it that then1 particular problemsare solved. As regards the relationships of the statewith the mass organizations, the Constitution stressesthat in all its activity the state relies on the mass23

    organizations and creates the conditions for them todevelop their activity.On this question, too, our Constitution draws adividing line with the modern revisionists. It is oppo-sed to the revisionists of the capitalist countries whoadvocate the so-called independence of the massorganizations from the Marxist party of the workingclass, as well as to those of the revisionist countrieswho, having supposedly given them some state func-tions, have transformed the mass organizations intoappendages of their bureaucratic state an d tools todeceive the masses.

    3) The Social Basis of the Socialist StateTh e social basis of the state depends on theclasses or social forces on whifch the state relies, onwho supports it. This social basis of the state is notgiven once and for all, it is not unchangeable. Th efact is that although the nature and the class essence

    o f the state may not change, its social basis maychange, and in reality it cannot but change as societydevelops. In capitalism and imperialism the classnature of the bourgeois state does no t change itremains a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. But itssocial basis changes, it becomes narrower an d narrow-er as the internal an d external contradictions of thecapitalist order and, especially, the fundamental con-tradiction between the social character of productionand the private appropriation of the product of workbecomes deeper an d sharper. The big concen-

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    tration of capital, which reaches its highest stageunder state monopoly capitalism, weighs heavy not'only on the shoulders of the working class and thepeasantry, but also of the strata of the petty andmedium bourgeoisie of the cities, as well as of partof the intelligentsia, especially those participating inproduction. /Entirely different is the case with the social basisof the socialist state which is sanctioned in Article2 of the Constitution. Judging from f f o h e mass of peoplesupporting the socialist state, this basis becomes largerand larger in the process of development of the socie-ty. This happens because of all the changes takingplace in the economic base and social structureof the society, especially with the abolition of privateownership and the disappearance of the exploitingclasses and the peasantry embarking on the road of

    collectivization, changes leading to the remainingfriendly classes ttie working class, the cooperati-vist peasantry and the stratum of the intelligentsia drawing closer together for an ever stronger socio-economic and ideo-political unity of the people.There is no doubt that the foundation of thesocial basis of our socialist state is the alliance of the jworking class with thepeasantry, thelatter makingup the overwhelming majority of the population. The -,peasantry is. not only the closest and the lar- igest ally of the working class in the socialist rev- jolution and construction, but in our country it alsohas a rich patriotic revolutionary tradition, it hasalways played a major progressive role in the historyof our people, a role which manifested itself power-

    fully during the National Liberation War. Even todayit makes up 65 per cent of the population and remainsa decisive factor for the complete construction of thesocialist society and the defence of the Homeland.That is why our Party has always highly valued therole of the peasantry, its revolutionary potential, al-ways following a correct policy toward the country-side and the peasantry.The alliance of the working class with the peas-antry under the leadership of the working classis aprincipled question of great importance to the rev-olution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, a ques-tion exhaustively and scientifically treated by theclassics of Marxism and especially Lenin, who hascalled this alliance the Alpha and Omega of the social-ist state, the loftiest principle of the dictatorship ofthe proletariat. In the worker-peasant alliance, hewrote, lies the strength of the proletarian state pow-er, lies the guarantee of all the successes achievedin the road of revolution and the warrant for ourfinal victory. Only the modern revisionists have comeout against this great idea and are trying to replacethe alliance with the peasantry with all kind of alli-ances with the bourgeoisie, the petty-bourgeoisie ofthe cities and especially with the intelligentsia, whichsome of them are trying to present as the leadingforces in the revolutionary movement, because, ac-cording to them, the working class has allegedly beenintegrated into the capitalist system and no longerconstitutes a revolutionary force.The alliance with the peasantry remains a basicprinciple of the dictatorship of the proletariat duringthe entire historical period of socialism. This is dueto the fact that during this entire period, the funda-

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    mental distinctions between the working class andthe cooperativist peasantry still exist, they will befully abolished only under communism when no classdistinctions whatsoever will exist. As a result, theleading role of the working class in this alliance willbe preserved until then, because this alliance has beenformed to fight against the bourgeoisie and capitalism;for the triumph of socialism and communism. And itis only the working class, as the most progressive,organized, disciplined and conscious class that can leadthis complex struggle with its own revolutionaryparty and theory. -The merit of the New Constitution is that it con-siders all the changes in the social basis of our state,while at the same time making a clear class definitionof this basis and the still existing class distinctions.So , besides the alliance of the working class with thecooperativist peasantry which lies at the foundationof our socialist state, our Constitution also stressesthat our Republic relies on the unity of the peoplearound the Party. By emphasizing this idea, ourConstitution lays particular stress on a very important,feature of our socialist society which distinguishes itfrom the bourgeois society which is divided and erod-ed by antagonistic contradictions. This unity is areality of new socialist Albania, one of the greatestvictories of socialism and the Party, a great drivingforce of society. Its economic base is the socialiststate property, which has been established both inthe town and 'Countryside; its political base is thegeneral line of the Party for the construction ofsocialism and the defence of the Homeland; its ideol-ogical base is Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionaryideology of the working class, which is the dominant32

    ideology; its organizational base is the DemocraticFront led by the Party.The defence and strengthening of the unity ofthe people around the Party is a continuous processwhich develops along with the process of the deepen-ing of the socialist revolution itself. This unity isachieved by recognizing and correctly solving the con-tradictions through the class struggle, and not bycovering them up.

    To consider the question of unity outside theclass struggle,* Comrade Enver Hoxha hassaid, to deny the class struggle and the non-antagonistic contradictions of the socialistsociety allegedly for the sake of this unity,means to lull the political and ideological vi-gilance of the Party and workers to sleep, toundermine unity and the cause of socialismitself.**

    In this question it is of special importance todistinguish between the two types of contradictionsexisting in the socialist society. Failure to achieve acorrect understanding of the character of the twotypes of contradictions, lumping together antagonisticcontradictions with non-antagonistic ones, ComradeEnver Hoxha says, damages the line of the Party, asit leads to sectarian and opportunist stands whichseriously disrupt the unity of the people.

    * Enver Hoxha, ^Reports and Speeehes)19e7-1068-, p. 182.Alb. ed.3 72 S3

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    4) The Achievement of Real Sovereigntyof the People

    The principle of sovereignty of the people per--]meates the entire Constitution, clearly reflecting thefact that this principle can really be implementedjonly in the conditions of the socialist order. It is the, leadership by the working class, realized through itsjMarxist-Leninist party, and the state of the dictator-1ship of the proletariat, that gives the working people\lpowers, from which derives the real character of\e ipJrincsocialist Constitution which is the opposite of the!juridically formal and out-and-out deceptive charac-]ter of this principle in the bourgeois and revisionistconstitutions.Reflecting the full powers exercised by the work-ing people on the question of state power, our Con-stitution proclaims: *A11 state power in the People'sSocialist Republic of Albania derives from and be-longs to the working people (Article 5). In this con-]text, it also takes up the question of the class content\f sovereignty, stressing that this question has to dSwith the working people themselves, who consist o f '-the working class, the cooperativist peasantry andche other working people* (Article 5), and that it isthe working class as the leading class of the society:*(Article 10) that leads them. '-|The Constitution lays down that the working;people exercise their state power through the repre^sentative organs as well as directly. It recognizes to jnobody, except the organs explicitly mentioned, the;34 s|

    right to speak in the name of the PSR of Albania orto exercise its sovereignty. Thus it rules out the pos-sibility of any attempt which could be made by certainpeople (individuals or groups), in certain situations,to attribute to themselves the right to exercise thesovereignty or any of its attributions. From the juri-dical-constitutional point of view, this bars the pathto any attempt by hostile elements or traitors toattribute to themselves illegal and anti-constitutionalcompetences, to demand assistance f rom peopleoutside the borders of the Homeland, allegedly inthe name of the Albanian people or the organs ofour Republic, to actually legalize an intervention byimperialist, revisionist or other reactionary forces inour country. Thus the Constitution condemns one ofthe common manoeuvres of the states following anaggressive foreign policy, as the one the Soviet social-imperialists resorted to, when they invaded Czecho-slovakia in 1988.In compliance with the principle of sovereigntyo f the people, the Constitution expresses in a clear-cut manner the sovereign right of the Albanian peo-ple to defend the socialist Homeland through a peo-ple's war, by all means, and through to the end, untilcomplete victory over any aggressor or group ofaggressors. It proclaims the territory of socialist Alba-nia unalienable and its borders unviolable.The prohibition of the establishment of foreignmilitary bases and the stationing of foreign troops inthe territory of socialist Albania also aims at thedefence of freedom, complete sovereignty and inde-pendence of the country. This is at the same time asolemn proclamation that the territory of socialist

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    Albania will never be used as a basis for aggressionagainst other countries. Baising the prohibition of theestablishment of foreign military bases and the sta-'tioning of foreign troops to a juridical-constitutionalnorm, assumes special importance under the presentinternational situation, when such bases have been"established on all the continents of the world. Socialist Albania provides a good example of the stand thatshould be maintained towards foreign military basesand troops which constitute a flagrant violation of thesovereignty of the countries where they have beenestablished, and pose a serious threat to peace andthe freedom of the peoples. *$Of special importance to the defence of the indeVpendence of our country and the socialist order is the.provision of the New Constitution, which affirms thatthe granting of concessions to and the creation offoreign economic and financial companies and other,institutions, or the ones formed jointly with bour-geois and revisionist-capitalist monopolies and states;as well as the obtaining of credits from them, are.prohibited. This is a question of principle, ComradeEnver Hoxha says, because no country can buildsocialism by getting credits and aid from the bour^-geoisie and the revisionists, by integrating its econ-omy into the gears of the capitalist world economy.Such a policy makes the country dependent on imperiTalism and social-imperialism, the capitalist-revision-ist world, and opens the doors to the degeneration ofthe socialist order. '*r *The realization of - the real sovereignty of the,people not only is sure to bring about the independ-*ence of the country in all fields and forms, but also36 :!

    is its greatest guarantee, because only the workingpeople with the working class and its revolutionaryvanguard at the head, are most determined and capa-ble of defending the independence of the countrythrough to the end. Living testimony to this Marxist-Leninist truth is the example of socialist Albaniawhich defends its independence and faces up bravelyto the imperialist-revisionist blockade and encircle-ment.A real socialist state does not accept any form ofdependence, intervention, or dictate from outside bothfor itself and any other country and opposes them.Therefore, by defending its own independence,through its foreign policy, the PSE of Albania wagesa principled struggle for the exposure of all neo-colonialist -"theories"-, such as those on the *inter-dependence of nations, -limited sovereignty,* andthe theory of three worlds, through which Amer-ican imperialism and Soviet and Chinese social-imperialism are trying to legalize the enslaving prac-tices to dominate other countries mid states.

    5) Democracy and Proletarian Centralismin Indissoluble Unity

    A new democracy and a new centralism fullypermeated by the proletarian spirit are established inthe socialist order. Bothofthem operate in indissolubleunity as the two component parts of the importantprinciple of democratic centralism,The principle of democratic centralism is an ob-37

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    jective necessity for the socialist order. It respondsto the new economic and political system, to theplanned development of the entire economic and social life of the country, and ensures the participationof the working masses in the governing of the stateand the management of the economy. The essence ofth'is important Marxist-Leninist principle, says Com-rade Enver Hoxha, ^

    is the centralized leadership by the work-ing class of the entire life of the countrythrough it s Party and the proletarian state,the combination of centralized managementwith the creative initiative of the local or -gans and the working masses.*-* jBecause of the great importance the principle of

    democratic centralism assumes in the socialist society,our Constitution vests it with high legal power bysanctioning that < t h e organization of the state andstate activity, all the political and economic life inthe People's Socialist Republic of Albania* (Article11) are based on this principle and develop accordingto it. This accounts for the close and indissolubleunity of the new democracy with the new centralism,which are established and operate in the socialist or-der, of the proletarian democracy and centralismwhich are essentially different from the democracyand centralism of the exploiting order. Proletarian

    * Enver Hoxha, ^Report to the 7th Congress of the PLA,P. 20, Eng. ed. f38

    democracy is broad an d genuine democracy for theCorking people (democracy for the exploited majo-rity an d oppression through violence for the exploit-ing minority), whereas democracy of the exploitingorder is of a limited an d formal character (it is a pri-vilege of the exploiting minority and a deception forthe exploited majority). Proletarian centralism, too,through which unity of action and the harmoniousand planned development of the life of the countryare ensured, is in complete opposition to the bureau-cratic-military centralism of the exploiting orderwhich, as Marx says, constitutes the lowest and cru-dest form of centralism.Our Constitution not only raises the principle ofdemocratic centralism to the level of the major juri-dical-constitutional principles, but also stresses thatthe combination of proletarian centralism with pro-letarian democracy ensures -the centralized directionand the creative initiative of local organs and the mas-ses of the working people in struggle against bureau-cracy and liberalism^ (Article 11). In this respect,the Constitution makes special mention of the neces-sity of the fight against bureaucracy and liberalism,because any relaxation of this struggle would under-mine the principle of democratic centralism and thesocialist order itself. Manifestations of bureaucracylead to the negation of proletarian democracy withall its dangerous consequences, just as manifestationsof liberalism lead to the negation of proletarian cen-tralism and sliding into positions of anarchism andliberal degeneration. The practice of the Soviet

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    Union, Yugoslavia and the other revisionist countries,is clear evidence of these consequences. ^ jAs the Constitution points out, democratic cen-;tralism, as the foundation of the entire political andeconomic life of the PSR of Albania, is inseparable^from our state organization and activity. On the basisof democratic centralism, in the work of our state^organs close links are established between thorough^going democratism, which characterizes them, andproletarian centralism, which ensures observance o f _state discipline, the subordination of the lower or-";gans to the higher ones, the compulsory character*of the decisions of the latter for the former, 3*Every state organ has well-defined rights andduties, carries out its activity on its own initiative"within the limits of its competences, has the rightto criticize the activity of the higher organs, while at,the same time, working under the direction and cop?trol of the latter. The principle of democratic cen?tralism secures the co-ordination of the activity be^ttween the higher organs and the local organs and, si-1multaneously, the leadership of the higher representtative organs in relation to the local representative";organs and all the other state organs. It lays down!as a precondition! ithat all our state organs, in their-iactivity rely powerfully on the creative initiative of the working people, draw them into the running of >the country and look to it that both their employees;and the state organs themselves are answerable tojthem.

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    6) Socialist Law in Constant ActionSocialist law, which means precise and equalapplication of the laws, constitutes one of the essen-tial principles of our state and society. Here theprofound democratism of the socialist order findsanother of its expressions. The rigorous implementa-

    tion of the Constitution, of the laws and all the otherjuridical norms is a duty laid down by the Constitu-tion for all state organs, social and economic organi-zations, employees and citizens.The body of juridical norms, which, as the Con-stitution proclaims, express the will of the workingclass and the other masses of the working people (Ar-ticle 12), forms our socialist law. The rigorous andequal application of these norms serves the construc-tion of socialism and the defence of the Homeland, thestrengthening of the state and the socialist juridicalorder, the guaranteeing of the rights and freedomsof our citizens. Hence the rigorous and irreconcilablestand maintained in our country towards whoeverviolates the norms of the socialist law. The socialiststate and society do not allow the least distortion ofthe proletarian content of our law, its evasion, orhampering of its operation.The demand for the equal and precise imple-mentation of laws is inseparable from the demandfor a full and perfect socialist legislation. Socialistlaw is a form of the state policy and a major factorfor the realization of state power by the workingclass. Hence the great importance the Party has al-ways attached to the working out of the legislation

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    of our state. In this respect,"during the recent years in *particular, great work has been carried out for the?further revolutdonization of the whole life of the^country, thus putting into practice the instruction of^the Party that legislation must ever better reflect the;experience of our socialist state, becoming ever more]perfect, simple, clear and accessible to the masses. 4$The constant improvement of legislation consti-?tutes a permanent task of great importance. As theclassics of Marxism-Leninism point out, the very con^ditioning of socialist law on the socialist economic?order and the cultural development of the society\hstems from it, accounts for the dynamic cha^'

    racter which has characterized and should alwayscharacterize our legislation in the future, too. Ourlaw has always progressed, following and reflectingthe development of socialist society itself. As in every jother field, in the field of law, too, everything back--*ward and outdated should courageously be overcome;so that the changes which take place in the process 0$our socialist development are reflected on time andserve the latter. In this direction, the work begariafter the adoption of the New Constitution to reviseour entire legislation, in its spirit and make it morecomplete, is of great importance. ^Both in the practice of our socialist state so farand in the future, too, all activity for the creationof juridical norms is carried out on the basis of theConstitution and along with its implementation. Thisstems from the special role of the Constitution andits main place in the system of our socialist law, be-cause as it itself sanctions, The Constitution is thefundamental law of the state (Article 110).

    7) All-round Activity for the Benefit of thePeople, the Eevolution arid SocialismThe functions of our state have f ou n d their fullreflection in the Constitution. It clearly and correctlyreflects the activity of our state in all fields of thecountry's life, as well as in the international relations.The essence of the activity of our state, whichalso constitutes its historic mission, is to ensure theceaseless development of the revolution, the triumphof the socialist road of development, the completeconstruction of socialism and communism. To thisen d the state carries out a broad political, economic,educational, cultural and military activity, as well asin the field of foreign policy, asnd all this activity ispermeated by the spirit of the class, struggle for thet r iumph of the socialist road .of development over the

    capitalist road.Undoubtedly, in the process of development ofthe state, its functions.undergo deep changes whichare linked with the great transformations carried outin the economic base, in the social structure and thesuperstructure of the society. Like any other state,our socialist state, too, is a machine to suppress oneclass, with the great difference that previous forms ofstates, including even the most democratic bourgeoisstate, were dictatorships of the exploiting minorityover the exploited, majority, while the socialist stateis the dictatorship of the overwhelming majority ofthe people over the exploiting minority. This is soprofound a distinction that, as Lenin says, here wehave to do with a completely new state, which, to acertain extend and in a certain sense, cannot be called

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    a state in the full sense of the word. In the transi- -*tional period, he writes, *I1 1 suppress ion is still nece s sa ry , but it is now \ s u p p r e s s i o n of the exp lo i t ing minority by jthe exp lo i t ed majori ty. A special apparatus , \ spec ial machine fo r s u p p r e s s i o n , 'the state' is jstill nece s sa ry , bu t this i s now a t rans i t i onal 5state. It i s n o l o nge r a state i n the p r o p e r fs e n s e o f the word**. *|

    * 1Of course in the process of the development of Ithe socialist state, the coercive function undergoesand cannot fail to undergo changes. But this func-toi (remains also after the liquidation of the exploit-ing classes when tihe socialist state enters a newstage of its development, of which ComradeEnver Hoxha spoke at the 4th Congress of the PLA,Even in this second stage of the development of thesocialist state, its coercive function is not liquida-ted; this function is preserved and will be preservedas long as the class struggle exists, as long as thedanger of retrogression exists. The degree of its utili-zation dependson the degreeof intensity of the classstruggle, the degree of resistance and activity of theclass enemy.Suppression, coercion have always constitutedonly one aspect of the activity of the socialist state.The creative and construction work for the organiza-tion and management of the economy, the develop-ment of education and culture, the all-round activity

    * V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 550, Alb. ed.44

    for "the consolidation arid development of the socialistorder, have always been and remain essential for thesocialist state, something which fundamentally distin-guishes it from all exploiting states. This special andever increasing function of the socialist state hasfound amore complete reflection in the NewCotnstitu-tion, in conformity with the current tasks of the so-cialist construction of the country and the perspec-tives of its future development.The Constitution exhaustively reflects the activ-ity of the state in the field of the economy. Thestate organizes, directs and develops the entire econ-omic and social life according to a general unifiedplan, defends socialist property as the inviolable baseof our social order, exercises control on the amountof work and consumption, keeps the monopoly offoreign trade, sets prices for the sale and purchaseofindustrial and agricultural products, assists the agri-culturalcooperatives in their development, strengthen-ing and transformation into modern economies oflarge-scale socialist production, worksfo r the narrow-ing of distinctions between town and countryside,etc. The activity of the state in the field ofideologyand culture, whose essence is the communist educa-tion of the working pople, the formation and tempe-ring of the new man, with special attention beingpaid to the all-round development and education ofthe younger generation in the spirit of socialism andcommunism, has found full reflection in the Consti-tution. It sanctions the fundamental principles ourstate abides by in the development of education, cul-ture, science and the arts.The activity of the state in the field of the rights

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    and duties of citizens, as well as the defence of thesocialist juridical order, in general, occupies an ini--portant place in the Constitution. This is another as-jpect of major importance in the activity of our state!an d which clearly reveals its profoundly democratic ]character. ^The Constitution broadly outlines the external*functions of our state. In concise but complete form, it;defines the fundamental principles of the foreign poll-1cy of our state, which resolutely adheres to Marxism-*Leninism an d proletarian internationalism. Guided by?these principles, it pursues a policy of friendship, col-1laboration and mutual aid with the socialist states;!supports the revolutionary movement of the workingclass and the peoples' struggle for freedom, independ-jence, social progress an d socialism an d relies o n jtheir solidarity. Our state is for peace an d good-jneighbourliness, for relations with all states oh theibases of equality, respect of sovereignty, non-inter-1ference in the internal affairs and mutual benefit. The;Constitution proclaims that the PSR of Albania op-|poses any form of imperialist aggression, colonial ex-!ploitation, tutelage, dictate or hegemony, national!oppression or racial discrimination; it abides by t he jprinciple of self-determination of the peoples, the ex-1ercise of complete national sovereignty and equality!between all countries in international relations. i &A very important aspect of the activity of ouHstate is the defence of the socialist Homeland.Laying;stress on this "task', the Constitution clearly states thatsocialist Albania will secure its defence at all cost andin all circumstances, that an y aggressor or group of;aggressors daring touch it, will be burned in the fla-jmes of its people's war.

    The full and broad outline of the internal andexternal functions of the state enables the analysisand concretization of its class content. This is of greatimportance, because the character of a state canmothe iudged by its name or some other general attribu-tions but, in the first place, by its internal and externalpolicies, by the fact who benefits from its activity,Viewing the problem from this angle, it clearlyemerges that the entire activity of our state is earnedout to the advantage of the people, the revolution andsocialism.

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    15

    CHAPTER 11

    THE CEASELESS DEVELOPMENT OF THEREVOLUTION AND SOCIALIST

    CONSTRUCTION

    The revolution and socialist construction in Al-bania have always inarched ahead. Their unceasing'development, which has never known zig-zags o r^turning-back, constitutes another experience of,great theoretical and practical value. JInternational communism has gained a wealth ofexperience in regard to the question of how shouldthe revolution be carried out and how should the bases.of socialism be laid down, proceeding f ro m the ex-;perience of the October Revolution and the construe-:tion o f socialism in the Soviet Union of the time o f ,Lenin and Stalin. But up until recently, the commu-!nist movement has lacked a properly worked-out-experience of how the revolution and the socialist;construction should be prevented f r o m stopping, h o w jthey should be carried through to the end, how the;socialist society should be completely built in order to.43

    go over to communism. The Soviet Union could notw o r k out this experience, because the revolutionaryprocess there came to a halt because of the revision-ist counter-revolution. This new experience is beingworked out now, and in this question, too, the Partyo f Labour o f Albania is rendering an outstandingcontribution, which at the same time, Is an enrich-ment of the theory and practice of scientific social-ism. The emergence of modern revisionism and, con-sequently, the bourgeois degeneration of the SovietUnion and some other f o r m e r socialist countries, rai-sed the great task of discovering its causes and tak-ing measures to bar the way to this regressive trendin the other socialist countries in the future. Eightfrom the beginning, the Party of Labour of Albaniahas been concerned about this problem, and drawnimportant lessons and conclusions f r o m what hap-pened in the Soviet Union and in other countries. Inthis direction, the generalizations made by the PLAand Comrade Enver Hoxha, as well as the measuresfo r the further revolutionization of the whole life ofo ur country bear heavily on the question of how tobar all paths to the emergence of revisionism and therestoration of capitalism, ensuring the uninterrupteddevelopment of the revolution and socialist construc-tion.

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    1) In Socialism, too, Class Struggle Is the MainMotive Force ' *

    j

    The uninterrupted development of the revolutionis inseparable from the consistent waging of the classstruggle. Reflecting this important Marxist-Leninistthesis, our Constitution says that, The PSR of A14bania unceasingly develops the revolution by adher-]ing to the class struggle and aims at ensuring the;final victory of the socialist road over the capitalist'road, at achieving the complete construction of so-1cialism and communism* (Article 4). This gives the*fundamental content of the activity of our socialiststate, clearly expresses the ideas of the continuationof the revolution and the class struggle, reflects the:historic task of ensuring the final victory of the sor;cialist road over the capitalist road and defines the^final goal the 'complete construction of the socialist'and communist society. With this, another clear-cutdemarcation line ba: been drawn with the modern!revisionists, who advocate the end of the class9truf?le in socialism. Thev proclaim the triumph ofsocialism nomt>lete and final, stating that there existsno danger at all for retrogression, thus demagogically,covering U D the big counter-revolution they them-rselves made in the Soviet Union and in other coun-;tries. They spread the idea of the weakening and.-dying out of the class struggle, trying to 'disguisethe danger from the enemies of socialism and to lullthe revolutionary vigilance of the masses to sleep. \r tContrary to the preachings of the revisionistsabout the alleged termination of the class struggle in;

    socialism, our Party has always abided by Lenin'steaching that,t7ie dictatorship of the proletariat is not anend, bu t a continuationof th e class strugglein new jorms*.

    The experience of world socialism has fully confir-med this. The revisionist counter-revolution itselfwhich took place in the Soviet Union and in othercountries, was an expression of fierce class struggle,it was a savage fight, by violent and non-violentmeans, against the dictatorship of the proletariat andthe entire socialist order. And this happened whenthe old exploited classes were on a whole liquidatedthere. In this way the Marxist-Leninist conclusionwas once more proved that the class struggle goeson not only during the period of transition from cap-italism to socialism, when the exploiting classes stillexist, but also after their liquidation as such, duringthe whole period of the construction of the socialistsociety and the transition to communism.This conclusion is based on the fact that evena f f e - - the liquidation of the exploiting classes as such,people from those classes are still existing and acting;that traces and -blemishes- of the old capitalistsociety, remnants of the old order, traditions andcustoms as well as manifestations of the alien ideo-logy still exist in all fields of life; that the class

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    round pressure on the socialist country; that, asCom-rade Enver Hoxha stressed at the 7th Congressofthe Party, as long as the hostile bourgeois pressurefrom within and without exists, there always willexist the danger of the emergence of new enemiesand of their activity against socialism. rfThe class struggle in socialism is directed againstthe internal and external enemy, as well as againstevery alien manifestation in the socialist social life/with the new fighting everywhere with the old, thematerialist world outlook with the idealist and reli-gious ones,... the proletarian ideology and morality1with the ideology and morality of the old exploitingclasses. The class struggle extends over all the fieldsand sectors of social life over the political, economic'?ideological and cultural fields. jg

    Contrary to the statements of the modern re-visionists, the triumph of socialism cannot be calledcomplete and final as long as the class struggle con-tinues. The danger of the restoration of capitalismstill remains. The revisionist degeneration in a seriesof countries showed that the threat to socialism doesnot come from the counterrevolution of 1ihe exploitingclasses and their remnants within the country, orfrom external imperialist aggression alone, but alsofrom the internal bourgeois-revisionist peaceful de-generation. This degeneration is fostered by the -tra-ces of capitalism within the country and by the pres-sure of the capitalist-revisionist world outside it.EThese sources and together with them, the classstruggle, will cease to exist only when the triumphof communism is achieved on a world scale, andonly then can this victory be called final. -S|Hence the class struggle continues during the52

    whole period of transition from capitalism to com-munism. This means that during this period the strug-gle between the two roads of development, the so-cialist road and the capitalist road, continues. Thelate of socialism and communism depends on it. Onlyby resolutely waging the class struggle and carryingit through to the end on all fronts, political, economicand ideological, both within the country and in theinternational arena, can a retrogression be avoidedand the questionof the revolution, socialism and com-munism carried further ahead. Hence, the classstruggle remains the main motive-force of the social-ist society even after the liquidation of the exploi-ting classes, during the whole period of the construc-tion of socialism and the transition to communism.Comrade Enver Hoxha has said that, whatever formthe class struggle is waged in, and whatever the fieldit is extended to, practice has proved that it has al-ways to do with the cardinal issue of the revolution,the question of state power; in the final analysis,it is a struggle over the following alternative: is thedictatorship of the proletariat going to be preservedand strengthened, as the example of Albania shows,or is it going to degenerate and be overthrown, as wasthe case with the former socialist countries?

    2) Self-reliance an Expression of theDecisive Role of the InternalFactor

    The revolution and socialist construction in Al-bania have always been carried out by consistentlyadhering to the important Marxist-Leninist principle53

    of self-reliance. Our people did not expect and never racter. Based on this profound understanding of the

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    even dreamt of having national and social liberationas -"donated^ from others, but prepared it relying ontheir ownforces, won it with their blood and struggle,under the leadership of the Party. Likewise, the fur-ther carrying out of the revolution and the successfulconstruction of socialism also, are the deed of ourpeople and Party. Only by resolutely adhering to theprinciple of self-reliance, have all these victories beensecured and their defence guaranteed. ComradeEnver Hoxha says; *&*O w e country's experience proves that thesafeguarding of the economic and political in-dependence and the defence of national so:vereignty are closely linked with th e con-sistent implementation of the principle o fselp-reliance.* "t|

    The Constitution raises the principle of self-re?liance to the level of its most important principles.In sanctioning this principle by law, it proceeds fromthe dialectical concept of the decisive role being play--ed by the internal factor in the development of thesociety. Revolution and socialism are neither impor-ted nor exported, but are the result of the revolutio-nary struggle of the working masses of the countrywith the working class at the head, under the leader-ship of the Marxist-Leninist party. In preparing anddeveloping these external factors, internationalist so-lidarity and aid have an auxiliary, not a decisive cha-* Enver Hoxha, -"Report to the 7th Congress of the PLAVp. 28, Eng. ed.

    revolutionary content and vital importance of theprinciple of self-reliance, our Constitution says that,In the construction of socialism, the PSR of Alba-nia relies mainly on its own forces (Article 14),Our Constitution makes a high assessment of thesupport by the world revolutionary forces, consider-ing it an auxiliary and complementary factor. There-fore, along with the internal factor, which is themain and decisive factor, Article 15 of the Constitu-tion says that, the PSR of Albania relies on the col-laboration with, and mutual .assistance by the socialiststates, as well as on the solidarity of the revolutio-nary movement of the working class and the move-ment of the peoples for freedom, independence, socialprogress and socialism. This support and aid has afraternal character, it is not charity, but a reciprocalinternationalist duty; it is accompanied with no sti-pulations encroaching upon the political and econ-omic independence of the country which receives it,but on the contrary preserves this independence andserves its further strengthening.Hence, the principle of self-reliance does not inthe least deny the role of the external factor in theprocesses going onwithin each particular country, onthe contrary, makes the support and aid from theexternal revolutionary forces surer. This externalfactor does not exert its influence directly, butthrough the internal factor. Great though the exter-nal aid and support may be, the question of the rev-olution and socialism would not be a success if theinternal factor is not equal to its historic tasks. Like-wise, when the internal factor is put on sound rev-olutionary positions, and the internal forces are pro-

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    perly prepared and determined to wage a persistentstruggle by relying on their own forces, the revolu-tionary cause can be carried further forward, no mat-ter how difficult and complicated the internationalsituation. 4The principle of self-reliance does no t mean in^the least ^shutting oneself up in one's own shell* or,"sliding into nationalism*, as the Khrushchevite,revisionists want to make out. On the contrary, the,principle of self-reliance is deeply permeated by theproletarian internationalist spirit, because the impler;mentation of the internationalist task of the proletaryiat goes through the carrying out of the revolution;and the construction of socialism in its own country.*He who has no confidence in the strength of hispeople, who does not carry out his revolutionary taskin his own country, but pins all his hopes on externalaid and support, can never be an internationalist^Only by carrying out the revolution and buildingand successfully defending socialism can favourable^conditions be created for greater and more active.:support and aid to the international revolutionaryjmovement. Lenin, said, j

    There is one, and only one Jdnd of real in-tternationalism and that is working whole-*heartedly fo r the development of the revolu-Jtionary movement and the revolutionary ^struggle in one's own country, and support-^ing... this struggle, this, and only this line.*in every country without exception**.

    1V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 24, p. 63, Alb. ed,'|56

    Self-reliance is aprofoundly revolutionary princi-ple, because it strengthens the revolutionaries' andpeople's confidence in their own forces and theiroptimism in victory, arouses their contempt fo r mani-festations of fear or capitulation, imbues them withthe deep conviction that they are invincible, capableoffighting, working.and living under all circumstances,no matter how complicated they may be. This isa universal principle valid for all countries, advancedor backward,big or small.In this question, another line of demarcation isdrawn between the Marxist-Leninists and the modernrevisionists. Our Party has powerfully exposed thechauvinistic theorizings of the modern revisionistsabout ^external aid, as being allegedly the decisivefactor in the struggle for freedom and socialism, andwhich the Soviet socialimperialists are -utilizing asa means to bring pressure to bear on and interferein the internal affairs of other countries. Likewise,the Party has also exposed the preachings about the^international socialist division oflabour* and eeon-omic integration^ of the countries of the -"Socialistcormnunity>>, behind which lurks the economic andpolitical enslavement of these countries by Sovietsocial-imperialism.

    3) De fence of the Socialist Homelanda Duty Above All DutiesThe New Constitution fully reflects a task ofvital importance for the safeguarding of the victoriesof the people's revolution and the construction ofsocialism the defence of the freedom, national

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    independence and territorial integrity of the coun-try. Laying forceful stress on this question, the Con-stitution clearly expresses the determination of ourpeople under, the leadership of the PLA, to defendtheir socialist Homeland at any cost and under what-'ever circumstance. It reflects their solemn vow thatthey will reply to any aggressor with the unceasingfire of their people's struggle, defending every inchof their soil, arms-in-hand, and through to the end.Article 90 of our Constitution stipulates that, oio onehas the right to sign or accept, in the name of the,PSR of Albania, the capitulation or occupationof the;country. Any such act is considered as treason to the,country*-. This is the article, on death or freedom*.?This is how a highlander from Northern Albaniaexpressed the content of this article in the beautifulcrisp language of the people at a popular discussion"of thedraft-Constitution. $The defence of the socialist Homeland requiresparticular attention and care in the conditions of ourcountry's capitalist-revisionist encirclement, which*as Comrade Enver Hoxha points out, is not in theleast passive and merely geographical, but a threat-1ening and active encirclement which fights us in allfields and in all directions. The struggle to break anclsmash this encirclement, calls for, as an absolutenecessity, the enhancement of the vigilance of theParty and people and their active resistance foilingand smashing the attempts of any imperialist andrevisionist coalition, as well as of the internal enemy]collaborating and serving the external enemy. _|The Constitution links the realization of the taskof the defence of the socialist Homeland with theorganization of the armed forces of the country andj ff

    the continuous military training of the armed peoplethemselves. The structure of the armed forces ismade up of: the People's Army, the forces of theMinistry of the Interior and the volunteer forces ofpeople's self-defence.The People's Army, which is an army of thenew type, an army merged with and in the serviceof the people, with a steel-like unity of its ranks,educated by the Party with the patriotic and prole-tarian internationalist spirit, constitutes the mainforce for the defence of the socialist Homeland. Thisarmy is one and indivisible from the soldier people,armed and militarily trained, and in this completeunity lies the invincible force of the defence of oursocialist Homeland.The Constitution stresses that at the head of thedefence of the Homeland and the victories of therevolution is the Party of Labour of Albania. It leadsall the country's armed forces, which loyally followits political and military line. The leading role ofthe Party in the armed forces is a question of princi-pled importance so as never to allow -the army tocommand the Party, or the gun to be placed abovepolitics*. The leadership of the Party in the armedforces is a fundamental guarantee for these forcesto be always in the service of the people and therevolution and secure the victory over any possibleaggressor. Failure to recognize the leadership of theParty, its proletarian ideology and politics paves theway for many ills, such as manifestations of techno-cracy and bureaucracy, arrogance and overbearing,leads to the creation of privileged strata or militarycastes with putschist tendencies and goes as far asthe degeneration of the army of the socialist state,

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    Council of Defence and simultaneously General Com-

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    from an army of the revolution into an army of thecounter-revolution, as was the case with the SovietUnion and other countries. ^Our Party has translated into practice the Marx^ist-Leninist teachings on the replacement of the-barracks army with the armed people, makingevery citizen a soldier and every soldier a citizen*;-It has based the entire military activity and trainingof the people on the waging of people's war, accord-ing to the people's military art. This constitutes animportant contribution of our Party to the defenceand further development of the Marxist-Leninistthinking on the problems of the army and defence^In our country, the problem of defence is a problemof the entire people. Comrade Enver Hoxha has sai

    The Homeland belongs to the entire people/itherefore, it is defended not only by the regu-$la r uniformed army, but by the entire armedpeople, organized and trained militarily*. _ tOur citizens regard the defence of the socialist Home-*land as -the supreme duty and the greatest honour ifor all citizens*- (Article 62).The Constitution charges the Defence Councilwith the task of directing, organizing and mobilizing -all the armed forces and the country's resources for jthe realization of the task of defence. The compos!-'}

    tion of the Council of Defence is defined by the Presi- jdium of the People's Assembly, The First Secretary of Ithe Central Committee of the PLA is Chairman of the ** Enver Hoxha, "Report to the 6th Congress of the

    PLA, p. 119, Alb. ed.60

    pander of the Armed Forces. With this, the Consti-tution once more reiterates the important fact thatthe Party is in command of our Army.

    4) CeaselessStruggle AgainstBureaucracyand Liberalism

    The socialist state is the most important weaponin the hands of the working class and other workingmasses led by the working class for the defence ofth e victories of the revolution and the constructionof socialism and communism. It is precisely for thisreason that the external and internal enemies areresorting to all mannerof means to weaken, undermineand destroy it. Without renouncing their aggressiveambitions, plots, putsches and other attempts, theypin great hopes on the peaceful degeneration of so-cialism, encouraging and spreading bureaucracy andliberalism, which were the main causes of the erosioaiand underminingof the dictatorship of the proletariatfrom within the Soviet Union and other countries.The Party and Comrade Enver Hoxha have thegreat merit of not only clearly pointing out the mor-tal threat bureaucracy and liberalism pose, but also>finding out their deep social, economic and ideolog-ical roots, as well as defining the concrete means andmeasures to combat them. Due to these measures andmeans, bureaucracy and liberalism in Albania havebeen dealt shattering Mows and their dangerous con-sequences nave been averted. This rich experience

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    and those invaluable lessons have be