copper speaks final feb 2015

16
Coalion for Organizaonal Protecon of People and Equal Rights February—April 2015, Third Edion, Memphis, Tennessee Ferguson-Style Policing, Shut It Down Community Oriented Policing Services By Erica Gagne While we have seen many instances of police misconduct and a deepening systemic distrust of the local police force in many cies and counes throughout the US over the past 50 years, there are also cies that have acknowledged these issues up-front, and designed Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) and policies to reduce and/or pre- vent problems that would eventually simmer over to a boiling point – as we recently witnessed in Ferguson, New York, and many other cies across the country. According to a Department of Jusce report, some cies have imple- mented a community-based policing system (COPS) in an aempt to improve relaonships between the police force and the cizens within their communies. In cies like Greenville, South Carolina and Reno, Nevada, police/community partnerships, funded by the city, have been established. Greenville’s police force collabo- rates with Within Reach, an organizaon that coordinates neighborhood service providers; together they connect the community to vital services and address the mul- tude of factors that oſten put communies at risk, foster hopelessness, and create a climate ripe for crime. While in Reno, the police parcipate in independently funconing, but city funded, neighborhood advisory boards to help maintain and improve neighborhoods and tackle community based issues. Although not always funded by the city, the partnerships create a space where mutual understanding and respect can be culvated. Oſtenmes this means that the police join the community conversaon. As in Knoxville, Tennessee, where police officers and public housing staff meet monthly with a public housing tenant council to tackle problems of common concern; or in Colorado Springs, Colorado and Naperville, Illinois where Crime Free Mul-Housing programs and ongoing working relaon- ships with apartment complex managers and residents takes place. At other mes, the community/police partnerships involve the police solicing the support of the community for ongoing internal improvements. As in Colorado Springs, where the Police Department sought public input on its new service standards; a crime analyst conducted 10 focus groups whereby community members com- mented on the draſt standards before they were adopted by the local police force. And in Portland, Oregon, where resident members of more than 90 neighborhood associaons advise and are ulized by police officers. Or in Knoxville, Tennessee, where the department holds an annual crime-control planning event, involving more than 200 cizens tasked with helping set annual priories for the police department for the coming year and where cizen oversight mechanisms have been imple- mented, giving the public powers in maers formerly exclusively handled by internal police units. Each of these acons demonstrates the capacity for police/ community relaonships to be based on mutual trust and benefit versus skepcism and harm. In addion, there are examples where local police departments iniate the conversaon. In Lowell, Massachuses, police have formed a race relaons council to build relaonships and understanding with the city’s ethnic communies. Similarly, Portland’s agency is working with advisory groups represenng the city’s African- American, Lano, and Asian communies. And in Lowell, Mass., the force has even partnered with groups of individuals who have been contribung to local problems. To be clear, most of these collaboraons are connuing works in-progress. However, it is also true that these and many other cooperave pracces and models exist for our review and further development. Consequently, the occurrences in Ferguson do not have the final word on where we go from here. Rather, it is apparent that in order to establish strategies that more effecvely address the policing component of widespread community problems, the input of the community at-large (i.e., in- dividuals, businesses, service providers and others) is required to reduce fear and suspicion, and simultaneously make room for trust, familiarity, and an increase in the opons police have for problem solving. These partnerships between the local police force and the cizen community are a means to a goal, rather than an end in it- self. As such, it must be a connual, collaborave, and vigilant team effort between all pares who acknowledge their stake in developing peace and harmony within our communies across the country. Sources: hp://www.cops.usdoj.gov/files/RIC/Publicaons/e080925236-ImpCP-Lessons.pdf . U.S. Department of Jusce. Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Implemenng Community Policing: Lessons From 12 Agencies. Edward Maguire and William Wells. July 2009. Law enforcement responding to civil unrest, August 17, 2014

Upload: erica-thomas

Post on 17-Aug-2015

173 views

Category:

Documents


2 download

TRANSCRIPT

Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights

February—April 2015, Third Edition, Memphis, Tennessee

Ferguson-Style Policing, Shut It Down Community Oriented Policing Services

By Erica Gagne

While we have seen many instances of police misconduct and a deepening systemic distrust of the local police force

in many cities and counties throughout the US over the past 50 years, there are also cities that have acknowledged

these issues up-front, and designed Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) and policies to reduce and/or pre-

vent problems that would eventually simmer over to a boiling point – as we recently witnessed in Ferguson, New

York, and many other cities across the country. According to a Department of Justice report, some cities have imple-

mented a community-based policing system (COPS) in an attempt to improve relationships between the police force

and the citizens within their communities.

In cities like Greenville, South Carolina and Reno, Nevada, police/community partnerships, funded by the city, have been established. Greenville’s police force collabo-

rates with Within Reach, an organization that coordinates neighborhood service providers; together they connect the community to vital services and address the mul-

titude of factors that often put communities at risk, foster hopelessness, and create a climate ripe for crime. While in Reno, the police participate in independently

functioning, but city funded, neighborhood advisory boards to help maintain and improve neighborhoods and tackle community based issues.

Although not always funded by the city, the partnerships create a space where mutual understanding and respect can be cultivated. Oftentimes this means that the

police join the community conversation. As in Knoxville, Tennessee, where police officers and public housing staff meet monthly with a public housing tenant council to

tackle problems of common concern; or in Colorado Springs, Colorado and Naperville, Illinois where Crime Free Multi-Housing programs and ongoing working relation-

ships with apartment complex managers and residents takes place.

At other times, the community/police partnerships involve the police soliciting the support of the community for ongoing internal improvements. As in Colorado

Springs, where the Police Department sought public input on its new service standards; a crime analyst conducted 10 focus groups whereby community members com-

mented on the draft standards before they were adopted by the local police force. And in Portland, Oregon, where resident members of more than 90 neighborhood

associations advise and are utilized by police officers. Or in Knoxville, Tennessee, where the department holds an annual crime-control planning event, involving more

than 200 citizens tasked with helping set annual priorities for the police department for the coming year and where citizen oversight mechanisms have been imple-

mented, giving the public powers in matters formerly exclusively handled by internal police units. Each of these actions demonstrates the capacity for police/

community relationships to be based on mutual trust and benefit versus skepticism and harm.

In addition, there are examples where local police departments initiate the conversation. In Lowell, Massachusetts, police have formed a race relations council to build

relationships and understanding with the city’s ethnic communities. Similarly, Portland’s agency is working with advisory groups representing the city’s African-

American, Latino, and Asian communities. And in Lowell, Mass., the force has even partnered with groups of individuals who have been contributing to local problems.

To be clear, most of these collaborations are continuing works in-progress. However, it is also true that these and many other cooperative practices and models exist

for our review and further development. Consequently, the occurrences in Ferguson do not have the final word on where we go from here. Rather, it is apparent that

in order to establish strategies that more effectively address the policing component of widespread community problems, the input of the community at-large (i.e., in-

dividuals, businesses, service providers and others) is required to reduce fear and suspicion, and simultaneously make room for trust, familiarity, and an increase in the

options police have for problem solving. These partnerships between the local police force and the citizen community are a means to a goal, rather than an end in it-

self. As such, it must be a continual, collaborative, and vigilant team effort between all parties who acknowledge their stake in developing peace and harmony within

our communities across the country.

Sources: http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/files/RIC/Publications/e080925236-ImpCP-Lessons.pdf . U.S. Department of Justice. Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Implementing Community Policing: Lessons From 12 Agencies. Edward Maguire and William Wells. July 2009.

Law enforcement responding to civil unrest, August 17, 2014

Know Your Rights

To learn more about your rights on the

Job visit WIN at First Congregational

Church, 1000 S. Cooper, Suite 227,

Memphis, TN 38104 or call Jeshua

Schuster at 901-332-3570.

From the Fair Housing Act to Ferguson: Where You Live Impacts How You're Policed

January 20, 2015 By Larry Schwartztol Staff Attorney, ACLU Racial Justice Program

Copyright 2015 American Civil Liberties Union. Origi-nally published at https://www.aclu.org/blog/lgbt-rights-racial-justice-womens-rights-criminal-law-reform/fair-housing-act-ferguson-where-yo.

In less than 24 hours, the Supreme Court will hear a case that will define the future of decades-old legal protections against discrimination by landlords and banks against renters and homebuyers. The deci-sion could have far-reaching consequences for the battle against housing policies that discriminate on the basis of race, sex, religion, disability, and other protected characteristics. And that, in turn, would have profound implications for efforts to ensure fair and unbiased policing in places like Ferguson and New York City and throughout the country.

Passed in 1968, the Fair Housing Act is one of the major legislative victories of the civil rights move-ment. It has helped rid our country of the most overt forms of housing discrimination, such as build-ing single-race housing developments and using lending maps that demarcated black neighborhoods as mortgage-free zones.

But discrimination hasn't gone away – instead, it has subtly morphed, preventing us from creating truly diverse communities.

The most harmful contemporary instances of dis-crimination can take several forms. Sometimes poli-cies that are neutral on their face interact with en-trenched segregation – typically the vestiges of pri-or intentional discrimination – to reinforce exclu-sionary policies. For example, zoning regulations that prevent the construction of mixed-income housing in overwhelmingly white areas often have the effect of excluding non-white families. In other instances, policies create conditions where individu-al landlords or mortgage brokers apply ingrained stereotypes or implicit biases to treat individuals differently based on race, even if that was not the intent of the underlying policies. And, of course, discriminatory policies are sometimes the product of outright racial bias that a perpetrator knows better than to broadcast explicitly so that the inten-tion to discriminate remains disguised.

The FHA's most effective provision for addressing these contemporary forms of discrimination is a

legal rule that has held sway for 40 years – the idea that unlawful discrimination is not limited to cases where a plaintiff can prove that a de-fendant acted with conscious intent to discriminate. In-stead, the FHA recognizes the idea of "disparate impact." Under the disparate impact approach, a practice consti-tutes discrimination if it dis-proportionately harms a pro-tected class – like racial mi-norities – and the defendant

– typically a landlord or bank or municipality – did-n't need to use that practice, or could have done something different that would have avoided the discriminatory effect.

The disparate impact approach has been indispen-sable in rooting out housing discrimination precisely because it identifies and confronts discrimination that results from hidden, unconscious biases and practices that perpetuate the effects of past, inten-tional discrimination. But in the case currently be-fore the Supreme Court,Inclusive Community Part-ners v. Texas Department of Housing and Communi-ty Affairs, the state of Texas has asked the justices to rule that disparate impact claims are not availa-ble under the FHA. The case involves a challenge to Dallas' system for allocating low-income-housing vouchers in a way that reinforced patterns of resi-dential segregation.

As many advocates and observers have argued in anticipation of this case, the disparate impact standard is crucially important to guaranteeing fair housing opportunities and diverse communities. One of the reasons that objective is so important is that there is often a profound connection between discrimination in housing and discrimination in oth-er areas of American life. It's well-established that where you live determines in large measure what opportunities you'll have and how you'll be treated.

Policing is a prime example.

Recent activism across the country, propelled by widespread outrage over repeated instances of po-lice killing unarmed black men, has aimed at re-forming racially biased policing. Events in Ferguson actually underscore how housing segre-gation can lead to racialized policing, in all its tragic dimensions. The racial landscape of the St. Louis region didn't occur naturally. Rather it was the product of decades of efforts to impose residential segregation, enforced through a brutal cocktail of federal, state, and local policy as well as private acts of discrimination.

Indeed, a recent report by the Economic Policy In-stitute provides a nuanced history of those pro-grams of discrimination. In depressing detail, it de-scribes the many layers of governmental and pri-vate actions that erected often impenetrable boundaries separating communities based on race. The tragic killing of Michael Brown has helped to expose racialized policing in predominantly black areas, including data showing that police in Fergu-son were twice as likely to search blacks as whites

after initiating a stop, even though whites were far more likely to be found with contraband.

The connection between racialized space and racial-ized policing shouldn't be surprising. Intensive resi-dential segregation very often leads to concentrat-ed poverty, a lack of municipal services, and failing schools – all of which contribute to an increase in certain crimes while also breeding stereotypes about disorder and criminality. These dynamics contribute significantly to the biased policing in pre-dominately black or Latino neighborhoods. At the same time, the existence of identifiably black and white spaces leads to unfair targeting of minority individuals who happen to be in predominately white neighborhoods, especially the nonwhite resi-dents of neighborhoods.

None of this is unique to St. Louis. For example, a recent ACLU study on Boston's stop-and-frisk poli-cies found that "a neighborhood's concentration of Black residents drives the rate of police-civilian en-counters." In other words, even after statistically controlling for crime-related factors – including neighborhood crime rates – preliminary expert analysis of the Boston Police Department's own data found that the racial composition of a neigh-borhood predicts how many police encounters will take place there. A statistical analysis submitted to the court as part of the challenge to New York City's stop-and-frisk program found similar patterns.

And that brings us back to the future of the Fair Housing Act. The FHA has for decades provided the most powerful legal tools available for dismantling residential segregation. It has done tremendously important work, but that work is not done. When it comes to addressing housing discrimination in its current forms, the disparate impact standard is an absolutely indispensable tool. It smokes out cov-ert intentional discrimination. More profoundly, it allows courts to carefully scrutinize policies that perpetuate patterns of segregation to determine whether they can be justified.

Removing this pillar of civil rights law would set back equal housing opportunity in dramatic ways. It would also set back the movement to reform bias-based policing at exactly the wrong moment.

The Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights (C.O.P.P.E.R.) is a community-focused group of people and organizations from all across Mem-

phis. C.O.P.P.E.R. was initially created as a support to workers locked out by Kellogg. However, while addressing the lockout, it was revealed that many Memphians

are disenfranchised, lacking basic social and economic opportunities.

The coalition consists of a range of supporters including students working their way through college, unions representing employees working harder for less, organiza-

tions addressing poverty and providing for community revitalization, and faith providers offering spiritual nourishment and advocacy. C.O.P.P.E.R. is a gathering place

for new ideas and shared efforts towards positive change. The coalition specifically supports those whose voices have been ignored—amplifying their attempts to

make a positive change within their communities. C.O.P.P.E.R. is listening and working with the most vulnerable members of our community.

We want you to be a part of the discussion and a part of building the movement that amplifies the voices of marginalized communities across Memphis.

Commit to adding your voice, your ideas, your concerns, and your desires to the goal of making Memphis a better place for those whose daily plight is virtually invisible

within the mainstream community. The coalition meets at 2 pm CST, the third Saturday of every month at the BCTGM Local 252g office, 3035 Directors Row, Suite

1310, Memphis, TN 38131. To join the coalition, email your name, contact information, organizational affiliation, if applicable; to [email protected] or

call (901) 396-1499.

We look forward to collaborating with you.

Sincerely,

Kevin Bradshaw

CHARTER MEMBERS Kevin Bradshaw, BCTGM Local 252G Barbara Cooper, State Rep. 86th District Raumesh Akbari, State Rep. 91st District, Greg Grant, National Action Network

Bishop E. Lynn Brown, CME Church Lorenzo Banks, AFSCME Local 1733 Casel Jones, Memphis City Labor Council Irvin Calliste, International President of USW/ Memphis Central

Labor Council Kermit Moore, A. Philip Randolph Institute Dr. Freda Williams, Professor/ Former School Board Commissioner Gail Tyree, Community Activist and Organizer Dell

Gill, Shelby County Democratic Party Dr. Jesse Barksdale, Author and Activist Henry Perry, Former President of Teamsters Trence Jackson, BCTGM Local 252G Alphonso Lee,

Community Activist Rev. Dwight Montgomery, SCLC President D’Army Bailey, Former Judge Hazel Hall, Aurthor Virgie Banks, President, Democratic Women of Shelby County

Rev. Leonard Dawson, Cane Creek M.B. Church Dr. Coby Smith, Community Activist & Educator Coleman Thompson, Community Activist & Exec. Dir., Alcohol Abuse Program

Sheena Foster, Exec. Dir. Workers Interfaith Network Yvonne Acey, Associate Dir., Africa in April Cultural Awareness Inc. & Educator

For Additional Information: www.coppercoalition.org [email protected] (901) 396-1499

On September 9, 1915, Dr.

Woodson founded a prem-

ier research organization-

The Study of Negro Life and

History. This organization’s

name was changed to ASALH (The Association for

the Study of African American Life and History) to

commemorate the accomplishments, achieve-

ments, and contribution’s of African Americans.

This organizations primary focus is dedicated to the

research of Africans life, history, and culture from a

global perspective. The ASALH national office is lo-

cated at Howard University, in The Howard Center,

225 Georgia Avenue, N. W. Suite 331, Washington,

D.C. 20059. ASALH’s mission is committed to pro-

mote, research, preserve, and disseminate infor-

mation about Black culture in the world, via their

99th Annual ASALH Convention September 2014,

“Civil Rights in America and the 2015 National

Black History theme- “A Century of Black Life, His-

tory, and Culture.”

Dr. Daryl Michael Scott, ASALH National President,

stated that our organization continues to engage

the community in a better way to make our histo-

ry increasingly relevant, memorable, respected,

unforgettable, and appreciated.

In conclusion, Dr. Carter G. Woodson's impact

and significance in American History and African

American History are accepted universally for his

exceptional scholarly works, research, publica-

tions and books. One of his most noted and fa-

mous quotes are included in the book, The Mis-

Education of the Negro: “If you control a man’s

thinking you don’t have to worry about his action.

When you determine what a man shall think, you

do not have to concern your self about what he

will do. If you make a man feel that he is inferior,

you do not have to compel to accept an inferior

status, for he will seek it himself. If you make a

man think he is an outcast you do not have to

order him to the back door. He will go without

being told, and if there is no back door, his very

nature will demand one.”

A Portrait of Dr. Carter Godwin Woodson By Clifford Black and Yvonne B. Acey

Dr. Carter Godwin Woodson, founder of Black His-

tory Month in 1915, was born on December 19,

1875 at New Canton in Buckingham County, Virgin-

ia. He was the son of a large poor slave family,

James and Eliza (Riddle) Woodson. Woodson’s em-

ployment in the coal fields enabled him to further

his education. Therefore, he and his brother, Rob-

ert Henry, moved to Huntington, West Virginia.

Later Dr. Woodson entered Douglass High School

and graduated in two years with excellent grades.

After graduation, he enrolled in Berea College

(Kentucky), the University of Chicago (Illinois),

where he received B.A. /M.A. Degrees (1908) and a

PhD Degree (1912) from Howard University.

Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights

Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights

The Fight for a Living Wage

By Jessica Buttermore United Campus Workers—University of Mem-phis Campus Representative

As part of the Mid-South Organizing Committee's “Show Me $15” campaign, Memphis joined the nationwide Fight for a living wage of $15/ hour and Union representation on August 29, 2013, when a group of fast food workers walked off the job to lead a rally supported by local labor, stu-dents, and community organizations.

Founded in November of 2012, by workers in Chi-cago, IL and New York, NY, the fast food work-ers’ campaign for $15/hr. and a union soon ex-panded to cities nationwide.

Beginning in May of 2013, workers in St. Louis, MO joined the campaign and the movement took hold in the Mid-South. Three months later, Memphis joined 60 cities across the US in the first national fast food workers strike on August 29, 2013.

“We are more than just fast food workers. We are people.” Dunetra Merritt, Kentucky Fried Chicken employee said. “We’re fighting to survive and thrive and for the generations behind us!”

By December 2013, the number of cities on strike nationally grew to more than 100 and included New Orleans, LA, which joined St. Louis and Mem-phis in organizing the Mid-South. “Show Me 15” has been energetic and has broken from tradition-al concepts of organizing. It’s a model that has seen significant success in an industry largely con-sidered difficult to organize. Vowing to do what-

ever it takes, workers themselves are optimistic, “Winning justice didn’t come easy for Martin Lu-ther King, Rosa Parks or Cesar Chavez and it won’t come easy for us, but I know that we are going to win.” said Laquita Jackson, McDonald’s employee.

Some of the campaign’s success has been reflect-ed in a growing number of states passing, through methods such as ballot initiatives, new minimum wage laws. Eleven states passed minimum wage laws in 2014 that took effect on January 1st, 2015 and included more conservative states such as South Dakota and Tennessee’s neighbor, Arkansas. These wins signal growing national support of and a need for a higher wage floor. Additionally, a growing number of cities are begin-ning to examine the costs and benefits of imple-menting citywide minimum wage laws and in 2014 cities such as Seattle and San Francisco led the charge by passing legislation that will gradually increase the minimum wage to $15/hour within a few years. This is success. The campaign is win-ning. A key to the success of the campaign has been the establishment of partnerships with non-majority organizations and unions that have created a space to collectively plan for future action. In the case of Memphis, this space has taken the shape of the Put the People First campaign also backed by United Campus Workers Local 3865 (UCW) and Workers’ Interfaith Network, among others. The local collaboration between Memph15 and UCW, a statewide organization, on the Put the People First campaign has garnered momentum for Show Me 15 in the state of Tennessee. In No-vember 2013, fast food workers in Knoxville joined on to the campaign followed in December 2014 by workers in Nashville. The importance of the statewide nature of the Show Me 15 in Tennessee couldn’t be more crucial or timely. The state of Tennessee leads the nation in its proportion of minimum wage employees and is currently one of only five states without its own minimum wage law. These statistics are by design. In January of 2013, bills were introduced to pro-hibit local governments, both cities and counties, from passing or enforcing local laws that required businesses with which they contract to pay wages that exceed federal or state minimum wages. In April of 2013, these bills were signed into law and effectively nullified living and prevailing wage ordinances that had been passed in the cities of Memphis and Nashville, and their respective counties, Davidson and Shelby.

This legislation also reversed the state’s over-all prevailing wage act that protected those working on gov-ernment build-ing projects since it was passed in 1975. With the pre-vailing wage act, if contractors worked on con-struction projects that received government fund-ing they were required to pay workers at "a rate determined to be the norm in a particular geo-graphic area for a given class of labor and type of project." (It was a way to prevent non-union un-skilled labor from coming in and undercutting skilled (often unionized) laborers. Currently this prevailing wage act only applies to highway con-struction projects. In July of 2014, fast food workers from across the nation came together and vowed to do whatever it takes to win $15/hour and the right to form a union without retaliation. That September, they recruited the support of unions and other labor organizations, students and civil rights groups, and their communities in escalating the call for $15 and a union. In the tradition of civil rights leaders in the past, the workers opted to risk took arrest in acts of civil disobedience. They campaign and are growing the movement exponentially - from store to store, city to city and state to state. Just as the movement expands geographically, it is spreading into other low-wage industry sectors. The most recent action on December 4, 2014 in-cluded workers from home health care and con-venience and dollar stores who joined the cam-paign for $15/hour and a union. Along with their community partners, the workers believe that they will win and given the success they have achieved in the two years since the campaign started, they can’t stop. And they won’t. “I’m a single mom with two small children and my family can’t survive on $7.25. So however long it takes to get $15, I’m going to keep fighting!” said Angelic Cathey, McDonald’s employee.

“Winning justice

didn’t come easy for

Martin Luther King,

Rosa Parks or Cesar

Chavez and it won’t

come easy for us, but

I know that we are

going to win.”

In loving memory of our friend Casel Jones, gone but never forgotten. Casel served as labor

liaison for United Way. His work offered unions and their members an outlet for improving

our community through charitable giving and projects focused on education, financial stabil-

ity, and health. He will be missed.

Kellogg’s - An Example of Corporate Greed

By Kevin Bradshaw President BCTGM 252G/COPPER

On December 4, 2014, Kellogg’s Corporation and

the International BCTGM Union participated in a

federal mediation process to negotiate amend-

ments to the union’s Master contract. The meeting

excluded local BCTGM presidents, a move incon-

sistent with over 50 years of past practice. Once the

confidential negotiations were concluded, the

amended agreement was presented to the four lo-

cal cereal plants for a vote.

In an attempt to persuade employees to accept the

negotiated concessions, Kellogg’s threatened to

close one to two of the current U.S. facilities sug-

gesting that they were experiencing overcapacity in

production.

On the heels of an illegal 10 month lockout, Mem-

phis plant employees are currently working seven

days per week and 28 days straight with little or no

time off and no complaints. The work schedule con-

tradicts Kellogg’s claim of overproduction, calling

into question the validity of the claim. If Kellogg’s is

losing money, due to overproduction, why not re-

duce work hours, as opposed to proposing plant

closures?

As the lowest cost producer of Frosted Flakes in the

world, generating 65% of all product, it would stand

to reason that closing the Memphis plant would not

be a financially sound decision. However, in spite of

the impending closures, ninety-eight percent of the

1300 workers voting still chose not to amend the

Master Contract. Among the proposed contract

concessions were:

The elimination of retirement benefits six months after retiring,,

A decrease in the company’s portion of payment for health benefits immediately upon retirement,

A reduction in starting pay for new em-ployees as compared to current employ-ees

The discontinuation of cost of living allow-ances

It is the employees’ perception that Kellogg’s insist-ence on amending the Master contract is really an attempt to take a larger piece of the profits, specifi-cally by reducing employees pay and benefits.

Organize! Organize! Organize! My brothers and sis-

ters at Electrolux, Roxul, Fed Ex, Hershey, Panera

Bread, Nike, Walmart, Fast Food Workers, Restau-

rant Workers, cashiers, cooks, bakers, temps and

workers all over the Memphis area join or organize

a union in your workplace. Don't wait until corpo-

rate greed is knocking on your door or has already

knocked it down. Your union is your voice in the

workplace - no matter what kind of work you do!

Coalition for the Organizational Protection

of People and Equal Rights

Publisher ************** C.O.P.P.E.R.

Board of Directors Kevin Bradshaw - President

Virgie Banks—Vice President Trence Jackson - Treasurer

*************** Editors

Erica Thomas Yvonne B. Acey

Advertising Members of COPPER

Staff Writers Gail Tyree

Erica Gagne Jessica Buttermore

Barbara Cooper Kevin Bradshaw

Graphic Artist William

Distributors Kevin Bradshaw Trence Jackson

David Page Earl Earley

Coalition for the Organizational Protection

of People and Equal Rights

(C.O.P.P.E.R.)

3035 Directors Row, Bldg. A, Suite 1330,

Memphis, TN 38131 (901) 396-1499

[email protected] www.coppercoalition.org

Why Clean Energy Matters— It’s Money in Your Pocket

By Sandra Upchurch Energy Organizer, Southern Alliance for Clean Energy

As an environmental advocate, educator and scien-tist, I have often been asked why clean energy, like wind, solar power and energy efficiency, is im-portant. As President Obama unveiled his Climate Action Plan shortly after being re-elected to his second term, this question came up more and more. As families struggle to pay high electricity bills, many are cautious about embracing renewa-ble energy due to the erroneous belief that clean energy options are more expensive than traditional fuels like coal and natural gas. Currently, 26% of Memphians live below the poverty line and many more families live paycheck to paycheck. Any addi-tional increase in electricity bills means tightening an already over-extended budget.

Many older homes and apartments are poorly weatherized and are equipped with old, inefficient appliances, resulting in significant energy waste and high electricity costs. Capital investments to improve housing and upgrade appliances would help address these energy losses, but many don’t have the necessary funds to improve their homes and their way of life – leaving them between a rock and a hard place. Families can reduce some of their energy use at a cost of little to nothing by making behavioral changes – like turning off lights in rooms that are not in use and unplugging appli-ances when you aren’t using them. Other free op-portunities for big energy savings include turning down the thermostat by a few degrees, and lower-ing the temperature on water heaters. In addition, some inexpensive weather strips and caulking can make a big difference in your utility bills by mini-mizing the amount of air leaking around doors and windows .

Utilities in Tennessee are developing programs that will help low-income families reduce their en-ergy use and lower their electric bills while devel-oping clean energy resources. These programs show how, regardless of color or economic status, anyone can benefit from the growth of clean ener-gy resources across the Southeast.

Memphis Light, Gas and Water (MLGW) currently offers a voluntary program called Share the Pen-nies that rounds up customers’ monthly bills to even dollar amounts and uses that money to pro-vide free energy efficiency upgrades to low-income customers. Knoxville’s Utilities Board recently an-nounced the launch of a similar program, but with one key difference: all customers are automatically signed up to participate, but are given an oppor-tunity to opt-out. Having an opt-out provision, ra-ther than an opt-in requirement, could help to drive significantly higher participation in MLGW’s

program.

MLGW also has educational re-sources with energy-saving tips and tools on its website and there are also programs that provide custom-

er advice and some financial incentives for energy efficiency upgrades. Tools like, Energy Doctor and the newly announced eScore program, in partnership with the Tennessee Valley Authority, can help you assess your home’s energy efficiency and identify upgrades to help reduce your energy cost. Energy Doctor is free, while eScore has a $75 non-refundable fee, which includes opportunities for instant rebates on qualifying energy efficiency improvements. Par-ticipants in eScore can also help find out if they are eligible for low-interest financing, with monthly pay-ments included on your utility bill.

A great side effect of reducing your energy use and your electric bill is a reduced reliance on dirty fossil fuels, like coal and natural gas, to meet overall elec-tricity demand. Fossil fuel plants, like the soon-to-be-retired Allen coal plant in South Memphis, are a pri-mary source of hazardous air pollutants as well as carbon pollution that contributes to climate change and extreme weather events. These extreme weath-er events will continue to bring more days of extreme temperatures and extreme weather that threaten the health of our communities.

Specifically, extreme heat increases the concentra-tion of dangerous air pollutants, like smog, that can cause respiratory illness and childhood asthma. Memphis continuously struggles with poor air quality brought on by concentrations of dangerous pollu-tants. In 2014, Memphis was named the 2nd “most challenging place to live with asthma” by the Asthma and Allergy Foundation of America. Additionally, poor air quality prevents new industry and new jobs from moving into the area. Companies required to secure air permits to do business find it difficult to secure air permits in areas with too much pollution.

We must work together to educate community mem-bers and decision makers about the interplay of en-ergy use, pollution, industry growth, and the unnec-essary financial burdens that result from a reliance on dirty fossil fuels; especially, burdens to low-income communities unable to transition to less ex-pensive, energy efficient green technologies. By adopting a low-income energy efficiency program that would help families get access to funds to transi-tion utilities, we can help raise families out of pov-erty, and simultaneously address hindrances to in-dustry and job growth, and improve health out-comes. We can help grow solar resources in Mem-phis, given our abundance of sunshine, and create local, good paying jobs. Together, we can help Mem-phis become a clean energy leader and give back to the communities that need it the most.

By increasing the amount of clean energy resources, we can help build a more distributed energy grid that will help our power supply become more resilient, a victory for industry, environment, health, and family budgets.

For more information regarding the work of SACE, email [email protected] or call 901-826-1658.

Insure Tennessee – Haslam’s Watered-down Version of Obama Care

By Rep. Barbara Cooper Tennessee District 86

On Tuesday, January 13, 2015 legislators returned to Nashville for the start of the 109th General As-sembly. The week was marked by movement on the Governor’s Medicaid expansion plan known as Insure Tennessee. Details about this program are still emerging, but the plan could extend coverage to over 200,000 working Tennesseans through two programs.

The first program is the Volunteer Plan. This would allow those below 138 percent of the pov-erty line (i.e., approx. $33,000 a year for a family of four) to receive a subsidy to help them buy in-surance through their employer. The second plan is known as Healthy Incentives Tennessee (HIT). This program would allow people between 100 and 138 percent of the poverty line to access Medicaid-type benefits, but with monthly premi-ums and pharmacy co-pays. Participants in the HIT plan would also have the option of a health sav-ings account where members can earn money to use for medical services by engaging in healthy

Governor Bill Haslam 1st Floor, State Capitol Nashville, TN 37243 Primary (615) 741-2001 [email protected]

Shelby County TN Delegation: SENATORS Lee Harris— [email protected] (615) 741-1767

Brian Kelsey— [email protected] (615) 741-3036

Sara Kyle— [email protected] (615) 741-4167

Mark Norris— [email protected] (615) 741-1967

Reginald Tate— [email protected] (615) 741-2509

HOUSE Raumesh Akbari— [email protected] (615) 741-3830

living practices.

Governor Haslam has scheduled a Special Session for the General Assembly to consider passage of his Insure Tennessee plan. We must send our legisla-tors a strong message, that Tennessee families need Medicaid expansion. Contact Governor Has-lam and your legislators and urge them to vote for Tennessee families—to support Insure Tennessee. Our families’ futures depend on it.

Karen D. Camper— [email protected] (615) 741-1898

Jim Coley— [email protected] (615) 741-8201

Barbara Ward Cooper—[email protected] (615) 741-4295

John J. DeBerry Jr.— [email protected] (615) 741-2239

G. A. Hardaway— [email protected] (615) 741-5625

Ron Lollar— [email protected] (615) 741-7084

Steve McManus— [email protected] (615) 741-1920

Larry J. Miller— [email protected] (615) 741-4453

Antonio Parkinson—[email protected] (615) 741-4575

Curry Todd— [email protected] (615) 741-1866

Joe Towns, Jr.— [email protected] (615) 741-2189

Johnnie Turner— [email protected] (615) 741-6954

Mark White—

[email protected] (615) 741-4415

Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights

All Lives Matter By Michael “Mike” Williams President, Memphis Police Association

These are critical

times in Memphis and

all over the United

States when it comes

to Community and

Police relations. Many

in the African Ameri-

can Community feel

that there is an attack by police officers on African

American citizens, specifically the African Ameri-

can male. This feeling is driving citizens to protest

under the banner of “Black Lives Matter” and

“Hands Up, Don’t Shoot” all over the country. For-

tunately, we have not had citizens being killed by

Memphis police officers where the amount of

force used was not warranted. Recent incidents in

other cities have highlighted situations involving

African American males and their encounters with

police officers where lives have been lost, and one

case in particular involved Michael Brown. He was

an 18 year old male black who was fatally wound-

ed by Officer Darren Wilson, a male white. The

incident occurred in Ferguson, MO, on August 9,

2014. The Grand Jury in St. Louis County did not

find sufficient evidence to prosecute Officer Wil-

son. In many of the other cases where male blacks

have died, the respective grand juries have not

found sufficient evidence to prosecute which has

angered the citizens in those communities. They

felt that justice had not been served.

There are two sides to this coin. In most of these

incidents, the individuals who have been involved

with the police have been involved in suspicious or

criminal activities. Most would not comply with

becoming more defiant and aggressive.

Homicides and violent crimes for 2014 have in-

creased. Gang violence and drive by shootings are

happening on a recurring basis.

We have to educate the citizens and the children on

what to do when encountered by the police, so that

a “Ferguson” will not occur in the city of Memphis.

Specifically, citizens need to comply with the direc-

tives presented by the officer and understand that

if they feel that the officer has violated their civil

rights or handled them in a manner that violates

policy and procedure, there is a vehicle to voice

grievances. That vehicle cannot be noncompliance

and defiance on the streets. Rather, it is contacting

the officer’s supervisor or lodging a formal com-

plaint with the Internal Affairs Bureau.

Without law there is chaos and for every action

there is a reaction. We must find a happy medium

by reestablishing community/police relations.

There are more commonalities with police and citi-

zens than are realized. Many citizens, several of

which are African American, have had encounters

with law enforcement and made the right choices.

Police officers are husbands and wives, mothers

and fathers, our neighbors and friends who perform

a very necessary, yet difficult job and face some of

the worst situations that society has to offer on a

daily basis. Compliance by citizens to officers’ direc-

tives, as well as officers’ compliance with constitu-

tional laws, and organizational policies and proce-

dures will go a long way in keeping our communi-

ties safe and enhance community/police relation-

ships. I want to ask citizens to take a long look at all

incidents in their totality and not jump to prema-

ture conclusions. The facts, if evaluated correctly,

will always stand on their own.

the commands given by the police officers. Non-

compliance with an officer’s commands only esca-

lates the situation. Many citizens have contact

with law enforcement on a daily basis without inci-

dent. Even those involved in criminal activity, if

they simply comply with an officer’s commands,

the situation would more than likely come to an

ending without a critical incident. Officers are al-

lowed to use the minimal amount of force neces-

sary to affect an arrest. The minimal amount of

force is usually established by the citizen’s re-

sistance. Once an officer issues a request for com-

pliance (e.g., If an officer tells you to stop then

stop. If he tells you to put your hands up, put your

hands up), complying initiates the process of

deescalating the situation. Most officers them-

selves are just as afraid in these situations as the

citizen whom they encounter, and noncompliance

simply heightens the anxiety. When faced with the

unknown, it is imperative that the officer immedi-

ately assess and take control of the situation for

the safety of the citizen, the officer, and the com-

munity.

Sometimes, officers overreact or do not operate in

compliance with policies and procedures estab-

lished by the law or their departments. We should

never defend an officer in his or her wrongdoing,

and they should be held accountable for failure to

follow these standards. At the same time, we as

law-abiding citizens should expect individuals who

break the law to be held accountable for their ac-

tions.

Citizens expect officers to restore order and keep

the peace. This requires split second decisions that

can be the difference between life and death. We

have, in the city of Memphis, an increase in juve-

niles involved in incidents where they are

Lessons Learned From Meeting With Memphis Police

By Paul Garner Organizing Coordinator Mid-South Peace & Justice Center

In 2012, The Mid-south Peace & Justice Center

broke new ground in Memphis, hosting a project

called Community Police Relations (CPR), which

brought together facilitated circles of community

members and Memphis police officers. The goal

was to create a safe space for dialogue about bar-

riers to relationships between the community and

law enforcement, and to eventually build more

safe and secure communities utilizing tactics de-

termined essential by the communities most

affected by these issues. Of course there was ten-

sion in these meetings, and disagreements to be

sure, but through struggling with these issues,

some very deep and enlightening conversations

took place. The CPR project has come to an end,

but Memphis United, a coalition of grassroots or-

ganizations, community groups, and passionate

individuals have picked up working where CPR left

off.

Over the past year, Memphis United has been

working to develop a Community Action Plan to

address criminal justice reform comprehensively,

with a number of objectives aimed at changing the

culture of law enforcement and improving commu-

nity police relations. Many of the goals included in

this plan originated during conversations facilitat-

ed through the CPR project. Specifically, accounta-

bility and transparency within the Memphis Police

Department’s (MPD) complaince process were

identified as major barriers by community mem-

bers. In many other cities, Civilian Law Enforce-

ment Review Boards (CLERB) have been effective

in restoring public confidence in the process of

filing a complaint against an officer, and believing it

will be investigated fully and fairly. Last summer,

Memphis United successfully pushed for the rein-

statement of members to the Memphis CLERB.

Currently, Memphis United is developing an

amendment to the City of Memphis Code of Ordi-

nances to grant new powers to the CLERB; includ-

ing subpoena, disciplinary, and greater investigative

powers.

However, accountability isn’t the only solution to

improving relations between the community and

police. Support was another issue frequently raised

by officers in the CPR circles. Officers spoke about

responding to call after call, going from such ex-

tremes as responding to a gruesome murder scene,

and then interacting with a kid on a truancy viola-

tion. The amount of psychological trauma faced by

officers can eventually take a toll on even the

(Continued on page 9)

KNOW YOUR RIGHTS

WHEN ENCOUNTERING LAW ENFORCEMENT

Q: What if law enforcement officers stop me on the street?

A: You do not have to answer any questions. You can say, “I do not want

to talk to you” and walk away calmly. Or, if you do not feel comfortable

doing that, you can ask if you are free to go. If the answer is yes, you can

consider just walking away. Do not run from the officer. If the officer

says you are not under arrest, but you are not free to go, then you are

being detained. Being detained is not the same as being arrested,

though an arrest could follow. The police can pat down the outside of

your clothing only if they have “reasonable suspicion” (i.e., an objective

reason to suspect) that you might be armed and dangerous. If they

search any more than this, say clearly, “I do not consent to a search.” If

they keep searching anyway, do not physically resist them. You do not

need to answer any questions if you are detained or arrested, except

that the police may ask for your name once you have been detained, and

you can be arrested in some states for refusing to provide it. (Non-

citizens should see Section IV for more information on this topic.)

Q: What if law enforcement officers stop me in my car?

A: Keep your hands where the police can see them. You must show your

drivers license, registration and proof of insurance if you are asked for these

documents. Officers can also ask you to step outside of the car, and they

may separate passengers and drivers from each other to question them and

compare their answers, but no one has to answer any questions. The police

cannot search your car unless you give them your consent, which you do

not have to give, or unless they have “probable cause” to believe (i.e.,

knowledge of facts sufficient to support a reasonable belief) that criminal

activity is likely taking place, that you have been involved in a crime, or that

you have evidence of a crime in your car. If you do not want your car

searched, clearly state that you do not consent. The officer cannot use your

refusal to give consent as a basis for doing a search.

Q: What should I do if law enforcement officers arrest me?

A: The officer must advise you of your constitutional rights to remain

silent, to an attorney, and to have an attorney appointed if you cannot

afford one. You should exercise all these rights, even if the officers don’t

tell you about them. Do not tell the police anything except your name.

Anything else you say can and will be used against you. Ask to see a law-

yer immediately. Within a reasonable amount of time after your arrest

or booking you have the right to a phone call. Law enforcement officers

may not listen to a call you make to your lawyer, but they can listen to

calls you make to other people. You must be taken before a judge as

soon as possible—generally within 48 hours of your arrest at the latest.

(See Section IV for information about arrests for noncriminal immigra-

tion violations.)

Q: Do I have to answer questions if I have been arrested?

A: No. If you are arrested, you do not have to answer any questions or vol-

unteer any information. Ask for a lawyer right away. Repeat this request to

every officer who tries to talk to or question you. You should always talk to

a lawyer before you decide to answer any questions.

Q: What if I am treated badly by law enforcement officers?

A: Write down the officer’s badge number, name or other identifying infor-

mation. You have a right to ask the officer for this information. Try to find

witnesses and their names and phone numbers. If you are injured, seek

medical attention and take pictures of the injuries as soon as you can. Call a

lawyer or contact your local ACLU office. You should also make a complaint

to the law enforcement office responsible for the treatment.

For More Information: https://www.aclu.org/national-security/know-your-rights-when-encountering-law-enforcement

Filing a Police Report— with the Memphis Police Department (MPD)

The local policy can be found at:

https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/964020-memphis-police-

public-recordings-policy.html

Most of MPD's current policies are not available online . Most have to be

obtained through a request form submitted in person to the Office of Pub-

lic Records, located at the City Attorney’s Office, 125 N. Main St., Rm 336,

Memphis, TN 38103. The request form can be obtained online at:

http://www.memphistn.gov/Portals/0/pdf_forms/

New_Record_Request_Form.pdf

To File a permit for a march, rally, etc.

Contact the Permit Office , at 2714 Union Avenue Ext., Suite 100 ,

Memphis, TN 38112 or call (901) 636-6711.

http://www.memphistn.gov/Government/CityAttorney/PermitsOffice.aspx

(Continued… Lessons Learned from Meeting with Police)

soundest of minds. Officers expressed a lack of support, but also an aversion

to seeking help, describing a culture where seeking counseling or treatment

for mental health means being stigmatized and labeled as unstable or un-

trustworthy. Based on this input, Memphis United developed another goal;

comprehensive, individualized and confidential counseling and emotional

health programs for all Law Enforcement officers, specifically related to de-

pression, post-traumatic stress disorder, addiction, domestic violence and

suicide prevention.

Criminal justice reform affects all communities. Therefore, Memphis United

seeks to change the culture of Law Enforcement and the way the public and

police interact. To do this, we must have a dynamic plan of action that con-

siders all aspects of the reforms we need to improve community police rela-

tions. If you want to be a part of this work, join Memphis United, every first

and third Wednesday of the month at the Mid-South Peace & Justice Center,

3573 Southern Ave.

For more info, contact Paul Garner [email protected] (901) 725-4990

Memphis Lives Matter

State of the Dream 2015:

Underbanked and Over-charged is United for a Fair Economy's twelfth an-nual look at race, wealth, and inequality. Foreword by Van Jones.

This report finds that over one in five households (mostly Black, Latino, or

Native American) are un-derserved by the banking industry, costing these households an average of $3,029 per year in fees and interest just to access their own money. This "wage theft" takes a total of $103 billion per year out of the communities that need it most.

This report makes several recommendations that could

expand access to accessible, affordable banking ser-

vices, including expanding the role of the US Postal Ser-

vice. By expanding postal banking services in 31,000

locations across the nation, we can increase access to

important wealth-building tools in those communities

that are currently underserved.

For more information go to:

http://faireconomy.org/dream15

Get Involved

Criminal Justice Reform Requires Comprehensive Solutions

Paul Garner Organizing Coordinator Mid-South Peace & Justice Center

Memphis United is a coalition of grassroots organizations, commu-nity groups, and Memphis resi-dents formed to confront struc-tural and institutional racism. We

are called by the needs of our community to address the ra-cial, economic and systemic issues of police harassment and a revolution in our adult and juvenile criminal justice systems.

For our city to survive we must heal the breach between our community and those tasked with it’s protection. However, genuine healing can only take place after reforms are made which stop the violence that the community is facing, the vio-lence of harassment, death and the structural violence that keeps many trapped in the for-profit criminal justice system for the rest of their lives.

We, as one community, in one unified voice, will work to build a movement across Memphis and Shelby County to make our community a model of innovation, progressivism, equality, humanity, sensibility, justice and restoration.

Improve relationships between the community and local law enforcement, via accountabil-ity and community oversight. This includes body cameras on all officers, which provide an unimpeachable record of law enforcement’s interaction with the public and has improved community police relations in places like Rialto, California where in the first year of cameras being implemented, use of force by officers declined 60%. However, video evidence is not always enough to ensure that justice is served. As was the case in Staten Island New York where video revealed Eric Garner was killed by an officer employing a banned choke hold, and yet a grand jury failed to indict the officer. Other measures of accountability are needed. We seek to amend the City of Memphis Code of Ordinances to grant new powers to the Civilian Law Enforcement Review Board, including subpoena, disciplinary and greater investigative powers and to create and establish a Civilian Review Board on the county level to provide community oversight to the Shelby County Sheriff’s Office.

Ensure a system of equal justice in Memphis and Shelby County, moving away from punitive criminal justice models and towards restorative justice alternatives. We seek increased fund-ing for programs like Drug Court and Jericho which have a higher success rate than incarcera-tion, and cost taxpayers significantly less. We view the current prison system as a tool for gen-erating revenue for privately owned corporations, not reform or rehabilitation. We seek the expansion of treatment based alternatives to incarceration. We seek an end to privatized pro-bation services in Shelby County and those duties resumed by public workers. We seek full restoration of legal rights after a person has completed their sentence and made all required restitution. We want nothing short of total public divestment of the for-profit prison system in the adult and juvenile system. In addition, we seek a commitment from Shelby County Sher-iff’s Office to follow the precedent set by over 250 counties by refusing to honor detainer re-quests from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Ensure a system of equal justice in Memphis and Shelby County, moving away from punitive criminal justice models and towards restorative justice alternatives. We seek increased fund-ing for programs like Drug Court and Jericho which have a higher success rate than incarcera-tion, and cost taxpayers significantly less. We view the current prison system as a tool for gen-erating revenue for privately owned corporations, not reform or rehabilitation. We seek the expansion of treatment based alternatives to incarceration. We seek an end to privatized pro-bation services in Shelby County and those duties resumed by public workers. We seek full restoration of legal rights after a person has completed their sentence and made all required restitution. We want nothing short of total public divestment of the for-profit prison system in the adult and juvenile system. In addition, we seek a commitment from Shelby County Sher-iff’s Office to follow the precedent set by over 250 counties by refusing to honor detainer re-quests from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Remove barriers to reproductive freedom and justice within our criminal justice system. We support full public funding for the testing and investigations as a result of the Rape Kit back-log. We also seek new legislation and policy forbidding shackling of pregnant individuals dur-ing the labor process within all prisons and detention centers across Tennessee regardless of citizenship status. We also demand a repeal of the criminalization of pregnancy law and non-cooperation through prosecution under said law by the Shelby County district Attorney’s office. We seek a new screening process for candidates for law enforcement that prevents those with a conviction of domestic violence and all sexual assault related charges from gain-ing employment as a law enforcement officers in Memphis and Shelby County.

Change the culture of Law Enforcement and end the militarization of Law Enforcement. We seek comprehensive, individualized and confidential counseling and emotional health pro-grams for all Law Enforcement officers, specifically relating to depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, addiction, domestic violence and suicide prevention. We seek mandated cul-tural sensitivity training for all local law enforcement personnel, specifically in interactions with people with disabilities, people experiencing homelessness and racial, gender and LGBT. comprehensive sensitivity training. We seek a new anti-racial profiling policy by MPD and the SCSO. We seek a review and reform of the Civil Assets Forfeiture process. Banning the seizure of property or funds if the individuals was neither charged nor convicted. We seek a repeal of 1033 and the return of military equipment from local law enforcement back to military sources.

These are just some of the solutions that Memphis United will continue to push for as we march forward into 2015 toward our ultimate goal of revolutionary change within our criminal justice system! Join us as we convene to put our plans into action, every first and third Wednesday of the month, from 6-7:30PM at the Mid-South Peace & Justice Center (3573 Southern Ave). Paul Garner 901.725.4990

Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights

Opinion Editorial

Roe v. Wade 42 years later: What you need to know

By Gail Tyree Director of Community Partnerships, Planned Parenthood Greater Mem-phis Region

As we mark the 42nd anni-versary of Roe v. Wade,

the U.S. Supreme Court decision that found a woman’s right to privacy includes her right to an abortion, the political attacks waged on women’s health in statehouses across the country have gotten out of hand. Many of the laws being intro-duced are purported to protect women, but they do the opposite. As lawmakers consider policy on women’s health, they must listen to women’s health care providers, who know that abortion is safe—and will only stay safe if we make sure it is accessible and legal.

Studies show that three in ten women in the U.S. have had an abortion and that abortion is one of the safest medical procedures performed in the U.S.. Data, including from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), indicate that abor-

tion has over a 99 percent safety record.

Nationally, the abortion rate is at its’ lowest rate since 1973. In 2013, 14,216 women had abortions in Tennessee compared to 17,479 in 2000, a 19 percent decrease. The decline is likely due to growing use of reliable long-acting contraceptives, like the IUD, which are available to women free of charge at Planned Parenthood here in Memphis. Our Free Condoms Memphis program, which gave away 295,815 condoms in 2014, is also a proactive vehicle to reduce unintended pregnancies.

Planned Parenthood has a national set of stand-ards and guidelines based on the expert recom-mendations of the CDC and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. As a high-quality provider of medical care to women across America, ensuring the health and safety of all pa-tients is fundamental.

In order to ensure abortion remains safe and legal for future generations, we must replace misinfor-mation with the facts and start having honest con-versations about abortion in America today. Ulti-mately, decisions about whether to choose adop-tion, end a pregnancy, or raise a child must be left to a woman with the counsel of her health care provider, her family, and her faith.

To learn more visit www.ppgmr.org or www.FreeCondomsMemphis.org.

2015 Outstanding Church Awards

Honoring Dr. Coopwood

Dr. Phillip Bowdon Linda Nettles Harris, Esq

Mayor AC Wharton

National Civil Rights Museum 450 Mulberry St

Sunday, February 15, 2015 5:30 pm

The Tenth Annual

Gerard A. Vanderhaar Symposium

Presents Sr. Simone Campbell, sss

Christian Brothers University University Theater 650 E. Parkway So.

Memphis, TN

Thursday, April 16, 2015 7:00 pm

Open

Enrollment

November 15, 2014—February 15, 2015

Find More Information at: http://GetCoveredAmerica.org

The Professional Voice For Educators

By Rosemary Winters, Chairperson, Political Action Committee for Education (PACE) and Yvonne B. Acey

The Memphis/Shelby County

Teachers Association is an

organization representing

education professionals with

a collective voice for its members promoting, ad-

vising, and protecting the rights and interest of

children. Additionally, the association collaborates

with stakeholders, legislators, community leaders,

politicians, and citizens to develop program poli-

cies and initiatives to improve the quality of edu-

cation. Other association objectives include scho-

lastic achievement and encouraging fairness and

due process dedicated to satisfactory working

conditions for all professionals.

In 2014, there were several major challenges, vic-

tories, and proposals of importance to Memphis/

Shelby County Education Association (M-SCEA)

which included the following;

Defeating the Tennessee Tenure Law that cor-

relates and connects teachers’ licensure with

the Tennessee Value-Added Assessment Sys-

tem (TVASS) and classroom observation scores.

This system measures the impact schools and

teachers have on students’ academic progress;

specifically, measuring student growth versus

proficiency on state assessment;

Modifying Tennessee legislation regarding poli-

cies and procedures related to teacher evalua-

tions; and

Reviewing the selection, rules, regulations, and

assessments regarding the number of Achieve-

ment School Districts (ASD) locally and state-

wide. ASD refers to a special district estab-

lished by the State of Tennessee to help turn

around the state’s proficiency in order to en-

sure quality education for all students.

Tennessee Governor Bill Haslam weighed in on the

importance of the State’s teacher evaluation pro-

cess. He introduced a bill asking the legislature to

temporarily reduce the emphasis placed on stu-

dent test scores in the annual evaluation of public

school teachers. State Representative Raumesh

Akbari (District 91) introduced legislation (House

Bill 108 similar to Senate Bill 119), limiting ASD

powers to improving on existing grade levels in

school take overs versus continued expansion. She

stated that limiting ASD powers in this way would

provide continuity, consistency and structure for

students – both strengthening and protecting the

ASD mission ensuring that no child is denied the

opportunity to succeed.

The Memphis/Shelby County Association will con-

tinue to monitor and provide information on im-

portant legislation, amendments and educational

priorities. If you need additional information con-

cerning ASD schools and teacher evaluations, go to

www.gomea.com or the Tennessee Education As-

sociation website: www.teateachers.org

ALL AROUND TOWN Community Announcements

C.O.P.P.E.R.

Coalition for Organizational Protection of People and Equal Rights

Community Announcements

Contact : www.coppercoalition.org

The [email protected]

901-396-1499

Democratic Party Meeting

Announcements

Democratic Women of Shelby County (DWSC) Events

What: Monthly meeting open to the public (men are welome!)

When: Every 2nd Saturday of the month at 12 noon

Where: Caritas Village, 2059 Harvard Ave., Memphis, TN 38112

Shelby County Democratic Party (SCDP) Executive Meeting

What: Monthly meeting open to the public (all are welcome!)

When: Every 1st Thursday of the month at 7:00pm

Where: IBEW Local 474, 1870 Madison Avenue, Memphis, TN 38104

SCDP Biennial Convention March 14th @ 9 am (Nominations) & March

28th @ 10 am (Elections)— First Baptist 2835 Broad Ave, 38112.

Shelby County Young Democrats

What: Monthly Meeting ( open to all young people) When: Every 1st Thursday of the Month at 6;00pm Where: 915 McLemore Suite 201, Memphis, TN 38106

Germantown Democratic Club (GDC)

What: Monthly meeting open to the public (all are welcome!) When: Every 4th Wednesday of the month at 6:00pm: Where: Coletta's Restaurant, 2850 Appling Road, Memphis, TN 38133

Tennessee National Federation of Democratic Women What: TFDW TATE CONVENTION (open to the public) When: May 22-23rd, 2015 Where: Hilton Hotel Memphis, 939 Ridge Lake Boulevard, Memphis, TN 38120

Theme: "Democratic Women Building Bridges to the Future"

Brooks & The Memphis Urban League Young Professional

Presents

The Black Films

SCHEDULE

Sat Feb 14 - This Light of Ours: Activist Photographers of the Civil Rights Movement / open to the public Thurs Feb 26, 7 pm – Talk: Exhibition curator/activist photographer Matt Herron. Thurs Mar 5, 7 pm — Film: Black Power Mixtape Thurs Mar 12, 7 pm — Talk:: Masta Ace Thurs Mar 19, 7 pm — Film: Little White Lie Sat Mar 21, 11 am-2 pm — This Light of Ours Chalkfest and Block Party Thurs Mar 26, 7 pm — Film: Beats, Rhymes & Life: The Travels of A Tribe Called Quest Sat Mar 28, 2 pm — Exhibition tour with Barbara Andrews, Curator of NCRM Thurs Apr 2, 7 pm — Film: King: A Filmed Record Thurs, Apr 16, 5-9 pm — All Access: This Light of Ours Thurs Apr 20, 7 pm — Film: The Trials of Muhammad Ali Thurs May 7, 7 pm — Film: Pharaohs of Memphis Sun, May 10 — Last day to view exhibition

For more info: http://mulyp.org

Neighborhood Money

How ethnic spending builds communities.

Presented By:

The Memphis Urban League Young

Professional (MULYP)

February 19, 2015 at 6:30PM

Memphis Urban League

413 N. Cleveland

Memphis, TN

Planned Parenthood

Lobby Day

Tuesday, March 10, 2015

10:00 am-3:00pm

Please join Amendment 1 oppo-

nents from across Tennessee as

we lobby our legislators on re-

productive rights issues im-

portant to Tennessee women.

For more information, visit us

on facebook #Paintthehillpink:

Planned Parenthood Lobby Day

2015

SCLC Black Tie Affair Banquet

February 6, 2015 1098 South Wellington St.

Memphis TN

$50.00 Ticket $500.00 Table

Contact: Rev. Walter Womack

(901) 644-9647 Kevin Bradshaw (901) 603-3296

Tennessee PTA Students

Storm the Hill

March 4, 2015 ~ 10:00 am - 3:00pm

The focus of this session will be on providing an opportunity for middle and high school students as well as PTA mem-bers across the state to meet with legislators. Educational sessions will be provided especially for youth participants. All Tennessee PTA units are encouraged to attend.

For more information go to www.tnpta.org or email Jesus

Fuentes at [email protected] or call 615-383-9740.

APRI Screening of

10,000 Men Named

George

TBA

Contact: Kermit Moore

[email protected]

10,000 Black Men Named George is a 2002

Showtime TV movie about A. Philip Randolph.

The title refers to the custom of the time

when Pullman porters, all of whom were

black, were addressed as "George."

[email protected]

March 8, 2015