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COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Sarah Stroumsa: Maimonides in His World is published by Princeton University Press and copyrighted, © 2009, by Princeton University Press. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher, except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web. Users are not permitted to mount this file on any network servers. Follow links for Class Use and other Permissions. For more information send email to: [email protected]

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Page 1: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

COPYRIGHT NOTICE

Sarah Stroumsa Maimonides in His World

is published by Princeton University Press and copyrighted copy 2009 by Princeton University Press All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying recording or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web Users are not permitted to mount this file on any network servers

Follow links for Class Use and other Permissions For more information send email to permissionspressprincetonedu

ChapterOne

MaimonidesandMediterraneanCulture

From the many honorifi c titles appended to Maimonidesrsquo nameldquoTheGreatEaglerdquohascometobeidentifiedashisparticularpersonaltitleThisbiblicalsobriquet(fromEzekiel173)wasmeantnodoubttounderlinehisregalpositionintheJewishcommunityAtthesametimetheimageryofthewide-spreadwingsdoesjusticenotonlytothebreadthofMaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonsbutalsotothescopeofhisimpactwhich extended across the Mediterranean and beyond it to ChristianEurope

TotheextentthatthequantityofscholarlystudiesaboutanauthorisacriterionforeitherimportanceorfameMosesMaimonides(1138ndash1204)standsamongthemostprominentfiguresinJewishhistoryandcertainlythemostfamousmedievalJewishthinker1Thecontinuousstreamofpub-lications dedicated toMaimonides is however often characterizedbyoverspecificationFollowingwhatappearstobeadivisioninMaimonidesrsquoownliteraryoutputscholarsusuallyfocusonaparticularsectionofhisworkmdashphilosophymedicinereligiouslaworcommunityleadershipmdashcomplementingitbyforaysintootherdomainsEachsuchsubjectcre-atesitsowncontexttheintellectualorhistoricalenvironmentthatwereconstructinourattemptstounderstandMaimonidesrsquotreatmentofacertaintopic

TheprevalenttendencytooveremphasizedisciplinarypartitionswithinMaimonidesrsquoownworkreinforcesinturnanotheralreadyexistingten-dencytooveremphasizethedistinctionbetweenMaimonidestheJewishleaderandMaimonidestheIslamicthinker2AlthoughMaimonideslikemany great thinkers defies categorizationwe areprone to search forfamiliartagsconvenientpigeon-holesinwhichwecanneatlyclassifyhis

1ToillustratethispointoneexamplemaysufficeasearchinRAMBITheIndexofArti-clesinJewishStudiespublishedbytheJewishNationalandUniversityLibraryatJerusa-lem(httpjnulhujiacilrambi)listsasarticleswithldquoMaimonidesrdquoasakey-wordinthetitle 243 entries published between 2000 and 2007 (and this number does not includeHebrewarticlesinthesamecategory)OntheinflationinMaimonideanscholarshipseealsoPBouretzldquoAlarecherchedeslumiegraveresmeacutedieacutevales la leccedilondeMaiumlmoniderdquoCri-tique 64 (Jan-Feb 2008) 29 Several comprehensive books on Maimonides came outwhenthemanuscriptofthepresentbookwasalreadycompletedandcouldnotbecitedextensively2Foranexampleofsuchadistinctionseechap5belowapudnotes18ndash20

2 CHAPTERONE

workTheensuingscholarlyresultdoesnotdojusticetoMaimonidesTheimageitpaintsresemblesMaimonidesrsquofamousverylateportraitimposingandyetflatandtwo-dimensionalInparticularitdepreciatesMaimonidesrsquoparticipationintheculturalworldofMedievalIslamIntherealmsofphilosophyandscienceandintheserealmsaloneMaimonidesrsquoconnection to the Islamic world has been duly and universally recog-nizedMost(althoughbynomeansall)ofthescholarlyworkstreatinghisphilosophyarebasedonhisoriginalArabicworkswhichareanalyzedinthecontextofcontemporaryMuslimphilosophyEveninthestudyofphilosophyhoweverwhereMaimonidesisrecognizedasldquoadiscipleofal-Farabirdquo3hiscontributionisseldomfullyintegratedintothepictureofmedieval IslamicphilosophyStudies thatofferapanoramicviewofaparticular philosophic issue in the medieval Islamic world would thusmoreoftenthannotfailtomakeuseoftheevidenceprovidedbyMai-monides In the study of other aspects of Maimonidesrsquo activity it ismostlytheJewishcontextthatisbroughttobearwhereastheIslamicworldrecedesintothebackgroundMaimonidesrsquolegalworksarethusstudiedmostlybystudentsofJewishlawmanyofwhomtreattheirsub-jectasifitcanbeisolatedfromparallelintellectualdevelopmentsintheIslamicworldEventhestudyofMaimonidesrsquocommunalactivitybasedonhis(usuallyJudaeo-Arabic)correspondencetendstopainttheMus-lim world as a mere background to the life of the Jewish community(ratherthanseeingitasthelargerframeofwhichtheJewishcommunitywasanintegralpart)AtthesametimealltoooftenthisJudaeo-Arabicmaterial remains ignoredby scholarsof Islamichistory and society4

MaimonidesisthuswidelyrecognizedasagiantfigureofJewishhistorybutremainsofalmostanecdotalsignificanceforthestudyoftheIslamicworld

Theaimof thepresentbook is topresentan integrative intellectualprofileofMaimonidesinhisworldtheworldofMediterraneancultureThisworldbroadlydefinedalsosuppliesthesourcesforthebookOnlybyreadingMaimonidesrsquoownwritingsinlightoftheinformationgleanedfromothersourcescanwehopetopaintawell-roundedprofileandtoinstilllifeinit5

3LBermanldquoMaimonidestheDiscipleofal-FarabirdquoIOS4(1974)154ndash784InthiscontextonecanunderstandMarkCohenrsquosearnestplealdquoThetimehasarrivedtointegratetheCairoGenizaalongsideIslamicgenizasintothecanonofIslamicstudiesrdquoseeMCCohenldquoGenizaforIslamicistsIslamicGenizaandlsquotheNewCairoGenizarsquordquoHarvardMiddleEasternandIslamicReview7(2006)1415CompareforexampleDavidsonrsquosapproachforwhomldquotheonlywaytoassess[Maimo-nidesrsquo]traininginrabbinicsandphilosophyandforthatmatterinmedicineaswellistoexaminehiswritingsanddiscoverthroughthemtheworkshereadstudiedandutilizedrdquoSeeHADavidsonMosesMaimonidesTheManandHisWorks(Oxford2005)80and

3MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Mediterranean Cultures

ThehistoricalreflectionontheculturalroleoftheMediterraneanasaunifyingprincipleofculturebeganalreadywithHenriPirennersquosground-breaking Mohammed and Charlemagne6 Shortly thereafter FernandBraudelinhispioneeringworkontheMediterraneanworldinthetimeofPhilipIIarguedthatonlyacomprehensiveapproachthattreatstheMediterraneanasasingleunitcanenablethehistoriantounderstandlo-caldevelopmentsproperlyandtoevaluatecorrectlytheirramificationsandimplications7AroundthesametimethatBraudelrsquosbookappearedShlomoDovGoiteinwasworkingonhismagnumopusthemultivolumeAMediterraneanSocietyTheJewishCommunitiesoftheArabWorldasPortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza8LikeBraudelGoiteinbelieved that our sources require thatwe constantly bear inmind theclose interconnectionsand interdependenceof thevariouspartsof theMediterraneanThefragmentsoftheCairoGenizamdashthehoardofmanu-scriptsdiscoveredattheendofthenineteenthcenturyintheBenEzrasynagogue in Cairomdashreflected like so many snapshots the life of theJewishcommunityinCairofromthetenthcenturyuptomoderntimes9

GoiteinskillfullybroughtthesesnapshotstolifereconstructingthewebofeconomicalliancesacrosstheMediterraneanandbeyonditthepoliti-calandpersonaltiesbetweentheindividualwritersandtheirreligiousandculturalconcerns

Although Braudel and Goitein did not belong to the same circle ofhistorians for a half-century following them ldquoMediterraneanismrdquo be-cameverymuchinvogueReferencestotheMediterraneanappearedintitlesofmanyworksandprovidedaconceptualframeforothers10The

seechap2note3belowCompareforexampleJoelLKraemerMaimonidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds(NewYork2008)14ndash15Kraemerrsquosoverallapproachinthismatterisverysimilartotheoneproposedinthepresentbook6HPirenneMahometetCharlemagne(Bruxelles1922)7FBraudelLaMeacutediterraneacuteeetlemondemeacutediterraneacuteenagravelrsquoeacutepoquedePhilippeII(Paris1949)[= idemTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorldintheAgeofPhilipIItransSReynolds(NewYork1976)]8SDGoiteinAMediterraneanSociety theJewishCommunitiesof theArabWorldas PortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza(Berkeley1967)6vAccordingtoGoiteinrsquosowntestimony(5497)hebeganhisworkindependentlyofBraudelandreadthelatterrsquosworkonlywhenhewasalreadywritingthelastvolumesofhisown9SeeStefanCReifAJewishArchivefromOldCairotheHistoryofCambridgeUniver-sityrsquos Genizah Collection (Richmond and Surrey 2000) ibid The Cambridge Genizah CollectionsTheirContentsandSignificance(Cambridge2002)10SeebywayofanexampleMJChiatandKLReyersonedsTheMedievalMediter-raneanCross-CulturalContacts(StCloudMinn1988)RArnzenandJThielmannedsWordsTextsandConceptsCruisingtheMediterraneanSeaStudiesontheSources

4 CHAPTERONE

awarenessoftheconceptrsquospopularityledtoaconsciousattempttoex-amineitsvalidityPeregrineHordenandNicholasPurcellintheirdra-maticallytitledmonumentalworkTheCorruptingSea thusembarkedonananalysis(anddefense)ofMediterraneanism11

Butwhat isldquotheMediterraneanrdquofor thehistorianUnlike thewell-definedgeographicalboundariesoftheMediterraneanSeatheculturalboundariesofldquotheMediterraneanworldrdquoaresurprisinglyflexibleandattimesreachimpressivedimensionsThecenterofgravityofBraudelrsquosMediterranean lies in its western and northwestern part Spain theMaghrebandItalywhereasPalestineandEgyptplayarelativelyminorrole inhis studymdashsmaller in fact thantheroleaccordedtodecidedlynon-MediterraneancountriessuchastheNetherlandsBeyondthegeo-graphicalconfinesoftheMediterraneanstretchedBraudelrsquosldquogreaterrdquoorldquoglobalMediterraneanrdquowhichhedescribedasldquoaMediterraneanwiththedimensionsofhistoryrdquo12ForthesixteenthcenturythesedimensionsexpandedtoincludetheAtlanticshoresaswellasthePortugueseSpan-ish French and English colonies in the Americas13 By contrast theMediterranean society described by Goitein on the basis of the docu-mentsortheCairoGenizatiltedtowardtheeastandsouthMoreoveritoccupiednotonlytheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutalsothoseareasdefinedtodayastheNearEastanditsldquoglobalrdquoorldquohistoricalrdquodimen-sionsstretchedeastwardasfarasIndia

ThetermldquoMediterraneanrdquoisproblematicnotonlybecauseofitsgeo-graphicalinaccuracyInrecentyearstheusefulnessoftreatingtheMedi-terraneanasanhistoricalanthropologicaloreconomicunithasbeenincreasinglyquestionedInaninterestingvolumeofessaysdedicatedtotheexaminationofthethesisofHordenandPurcelltheclassicalscholarWilliamHarrisforexamplecitesthedefinitionofldquoMediterraneanismrdquoasldquothedoctrinethattherearedistinctivecharacteristicswhichthecul-turesoftheMediterraneanhaveorhavehadincommonrdquo14HenotesldquothefactthatMediterraneanismisoftennowadayslittlemorethanare-flexrdquoandaddsthatldquotheMediterraneanseemssomehowpeculiarlyvul-

ContentsandInfluencesofIslamicCivilizationandArabicPhilosophyandScienceDedi-catedtoGerhardEndressonHisSixty-FifthBirthday(Leuven2004)11PHordenandNPurcellTheCorruptingSeaAStudyofMediterraneanHistory(Ox-ford2000)andseeAdnanAHusainandKEFlemingedsAFaithfulSeaTheReli-giousCulturesoftheMediterranean1200ndash1700(Oxford2007)4ndash712BraudelTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorld153155CfalsoRBragueAumoyenduMoyenAgePhilosophiesmeacutedievalesenchreacutetienteacutejudaiumlsmeetislam(Chatou2006)24113Ibidpt2chap414WHarrisldquoTheMediterraneanandAncientHistoryrdquoinWVHarrisedRethinkingtheMediterranean(OxfordandNewYork2000)38

5MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

nerabletomisuserdquoAsnotedbyHarrisldquoformanyscholarsMediterra-neanunityhasmeantprimarilyorindeedexclusivelyculturalunityrdquo15

These scholars he says were looking for ldquothe basic homogeneity ofMediterraneancivilizationrdquoahomogeneitytheexistenceofwhichHar-risthenproceedstodisprove

Fromvariousanglesscholarsnowquestionnotonlytheexistenceofenoughunifying criteria for either the coastlandor the deeper littoralcountriesbutalsotheexistenceofcriteriasufficienttodistinguishthesecountriesfromothersEventhosewhocontinuetousethetermldquoMedi-terraneanrdquodosowithanacuteawarenessofitsshortcomingsTheAra-bist Gerhard Endress for instance seems to be addressing the above-mentionedquestionswhenheassertsthatintheMediterraneanworldofthe IslamicmiddleagesldquoBusiness interactions theexchangeofgoodsandbookspracticalscienceandintellectualdisputescometogethertomakeamulti-facetedpictureapicturewhichisinnowaythatunifiedbutinwhichonecanrecognizemanysurprisingaspectsofunityrdquo16ForReacutemiBragueldquoTheMediterraneanplayedaroleonlywhentherewasasingleculturearounditsshoresThiswasachievedonlywiththeRomanempirerdquoReluctanttoabandontheconceptaltogetherhoweverBraguecountstheworldofmedievalIslamasanexpansion(ldquounesortierdquo)oftheMediterraneantowardtheIndianOcean17

Regarding theplaceof the religiousminorities in the IslamicworldadherencetoldquoMediterraneanismrdquointroducesyetanothersetofproblemsthatofanachronisticvaluejudgmentsInhisattempttocapturetheplaceoftheJewishcommunitywithinthefabricofthewiderMediterraneansocietyGoiteinusedthetermldquosymbiosisrdquowhichheborrowedfromthefieldofbiologytoillustratetheseparateidentitythatJewsmanagedtopreservewithinthedominantMuslimculturewhilestillbeingfullpar-ticipants in it18Subsequentdiscussionsof this topichowever tendtohighlightthecomfortable irenicaspectsofsymbiosisThistendencyisparticularly pronounced regarding Maimonidesrsquo birthplace al-Andalus(IslamicSpain)wheretherelationsbetweenthereligiouscommunitiesare

15Ibid26(italicsintheoriginal)CfalsoBragueAumoyenduMoyenAge24016GEndressldquoDerIslamunddieEinheitdesmediterraneenKulturraumsinMittelalterrdquoinClaus Rozen ed Das Mittelmeermdashdie Wiege der europaeischen Kultur (Bonn 1998)27017BragueAumoyenduMoyenAge240ndash41Braguersquosperceptionof theMediterranean informsalsoSGuguenheimAristoteaumontSaint-MichelLesracinesgrequesdelrsquoEu-ropechreacutetienne(Paris2008)170ndash7218SDGoiteinJewsandArabsTheirContactsThroughtheAges(NewYork1964)11127GoiteinrsquosmagisterialMediterraneanSocietydealtmostlywith social andeconomicaspectsofthissymbiosisandlesswiththehistoryofideascfSMWasserstromBetweenMuslimandJewtheProblemofSymbiosisunderEarlyIslam(Princeton1995)3ndash12

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 2: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

ChapterOne

MaimonidesandMediterraneanCulture

From the many honorifi c titles appended to Maimonidesrsquo nameldquoTheGreatEaglerdquohascometobeidentifiedashisparticularpersonaltitleThisbiblicalsobriquet(fromEzekiel173)wasmeantnodoubttounderlinehisregalpositionintheJewishcommunityAtthesametimetheimageryofthewide-spreadwingsdoesjusticenotonlytothebreadthofMaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonsbutalsotothescopeofhisimpactwhich extended across the Mediterranean and beyond it to ChristianEurope

TotheextentthatthequantityofscholarlystudiesaboutanauthorisacriterionforeitherimportanceorfameMosesMaimonides(1138ndash1204)standsamongthemostprominentfiguresinJewishhistoryandcertainlythemostfamousmedievalJewishthinker1Thecontinuousstreamofpub-lications dedicated toMaimonides is however often characterizedbyoverspecificationFollowingwhatappearstobeadivisioninMaimonidesrsquoownliteraryoutputscholarsusuallyfocusonaparticularsectionofhisworkmdashphilosophymedicinereligiouslaworcommunityleadershipmdashcomplementingitbyforaysintootherdomainsEachsuchsubjectcre-atesitsowncontexttheintellectualorhistoricalenvironmentthatwereconstructinourattemptstounderstandMaimonidesrsquotreatmentofacertaintopic

TheprevalenttendencytooveremphasizedisciplinarypartitionswithinMaimonidesrsquoownworkreinforcesinturnanotheralreadyexistingten-dencytooveremphasizethedistinctionbetweenMaimonidestheJewishleaderandMaimonidestheIslamicthinker2AlthoughMaimonideslikemany great thinkers defies categorizationwe areprone to search forfamiliartagsconvenientpigeon-holesinwhichwecanneatlyclassifyhis

1ToillustratethispointoneexamplemaysufficeasearchinRAMBITheIndexofArti-clesinJewishStudiespublishedbytheJewishNationalandUniversityLibraryatJerusa-lem(httpjnulhujiacilrambi)listsasarticleswithldquoMaimonidesrdquoasakey-wordinthetitle 243 entries published between 2000 and 2007 (and this number does not includeHebrewarticlesinthesamecategory)OntheinflationinMaimonideanscholarshipseealsoPBouretzldquoAlarecherchedeslumiegraveresmeacutedieacutevales la leccedilondeMaiumlmoniderdquoCri-tique 64 (Jan-Feb 2008) 29 Several comprehensive books on Maimonides came outwhenthemanuscriptofthepresentbookwasalreadycompletedandcouldnotbecitedextensively2Foranexampleofsuchadistinctionseechap5belowapudnotes18ndash20

2 CHAPTERONE

workTheensuingscholarlyresultdoesnotdojusticetoMaimonidesTheimageitpaintsresemblesMaimonidesrsquofamousverylateportraitimposingandyetflatandtwo-dimensionalInparticularitdepreciatesMaimonidesrsquoparticipationintheculturalworldofMedievalIslamIntherealmsofphilosophyandscienceandintheserealmsaloneMaimonidesrsquoconnection to the Islamic world has been duly and universally recog-nizedMost(althoughbynomeansall)ofthescholarlyworkstreatinghisphilosophyarebasedonhisoriginalArabicworkswhichareanalyzedinthecontextofcontemporaryMuslimphilosophyEveninthestudyofphilosophyhoweverwhereMaimonidesisrecognizedasldquoadiscipleofal-Farabirdquo3hiscontributionisseldomfullyintegratedintothepictureofmedieval IslamicphilosophyStudies thatofferapanoramicviewofaparticular philosophic issue in the medieval Islamic world would thusmoreoftenthannotfailtomakeuseoftheevidenceprovidedbyMai-monides In the study of other aspects of Maimonidesrsquo activity it ismostlytheJewishcontextthatisbroughttobearwhereastheIslamicworldrecedesintothebackgroundMaimonidesrsquolegalworksarethusstudiedmostlybystudentsofJewishlawmanyofwhomtreattheirsub-jectasifitcanbeisolatedfromparallelintellectualdevelopmentsintheIslamicworldEventhestudyofMaimonidesrsquocommunalactivitybasedonhis(usuallyJudaeo-Arabic)correspondencetendstopainttheMus-lim world as a mere background to the life of the Jewish community(ratherthanseeingitasthelargerframeofwhichtheJewishcommunitywasanintegralpart)AtthesametimealltoooftenthisJudaeo-Arabicmaterial remains ignoredby scholarsof Islamichistory and society4

MaimonidesisthuswidelyrecognizedasagiantfigureofJewishhistorybutremainsofalmostanecdotalsignificanceforthestudyoftheIslamicworld

Theaimof thepresentbook is topresentan integrative intellectualprofileofMaimonidesinhisworldtheworldofMediterraneancultureThisworldbroadlydefinedalsosuppliesthesourcesforthebookOnlybyreadingMaimonidesrsquoownwritingsinlightoftheinformationgleanedfromothersourcescanwehopetopaintawell-roundedprofileandtoinstilllifeinit5

3LBermanldquoMaimonidestheDiscipleofal-FarabirdquoIOS4(1974)154ndash784InthiscontextonecanunderstandMarkCohenrsquosearnestplealdquoThetimehasarrivedtointegratetheCairoGenizaalongsideIslamicgenizasintothecanonofIslamicstudiesrdquoseeMCCohenldquoGenizaforIslamicistsIslamicGenizaandlsquotheNewCairoGenizarsquordquoHarvardMiddleEasternandIslamicReview7(2006)1415CompareforexampleDavidsonrsquosapproachforwhomldquotheonlywaytoassess[Maimo-nidesrsquo]traininginrabbinicsandphilosophyandforthatmatterinmedicineaswellistoexaminehiswritingsanddiscoverthroughthemtheworkshereadstudiedandutilizedrdquoSeeHADavidsonMosesMaimonidesTheManandHisWorks(Oxford2005)80and

3MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Mediterranean Cultures

ThehistoricalreflectionontheculturalroleoftheMediterraneanasaunifyingprincipleofculturebeganalreadywithHenriPirennersquosground-breaking Mohammed and Charlemagne6 Shortly thereafter FernandBraudelinhispioneeringworkontheMediterraneanworldinthetimeofPhilipIIarguedthatonlyacomprehensiveapproachthattreatstheMediterraneanasasingleunitcanenablethehistoriantounderstandlo-caldevelopmentsproperlyandtoevaluatecorrectlytheirramificationsandimplications7AroundthesametimethatBraudelrsquosbookappearedShlomoDovGoiteinwasworkingonhismagnumopusthemultivolumeAMediterraneanSocietyTheJewishCommunitiesoftheArabWorldasPortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza8LikeBraudelGoiteinbelieved that our sources require thatwe constantly bear inmind theclose interconnectionsand interdependenceof thevariouspartsof theMediterraneanThefragmentsoftheCairoGenizamdashthehoardofmanu-scriptsdiscoveredattheendofthenineteenthcenturyintheBenEzrasynagogue in Cairomdashreflected like so many snapshots the life of theJewishcommunityinCairofromthetenthcenturyuptomoderntimes9

GoiteinskillfullybroughtthesesnapshotstolifereconstructingthewebofeconomicalliancesacrosstheMediterraneanandbeyonditthepoliti-calandpersonaltiesbetweentheindividualwritersandtheirreligiousandculturalconcerns

Although Braudel and Goitein did not belong to the same circle ofhistorians for a half-century following them ldquoMediterraneanismrdquo be-cameverymuchinvogueReferencestotheMediterraneanappearedintitlesofmanyworksandprovidedaconceptualframeforothers10The

seechap2note3belowCompareforexampleJoelLKraemerMaimonidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds(NewYork2008)14ndash15Kraemerrsquosoverallapproachinthismatterisverysimilartotheoneproposedinthepresentbook6HPirenneMahometetCharlemagne(Bruxelles1922)7FBraudelLaMeacutediterraneacuteeetlemondemeacutediterraneacuteenagravelrsquoeacutepoquedePhilippeII(Paris1949)[= idemTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorldintheAgeofPhilipIItransSReynolds(NewYork1976)]8SDGoiteinAMediterraneanSociety theJewishCommunitiesof theArabWorldas PortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza(Berkeley1967)6vAccordingtoGoiteinrsquosowntestimony(5497)hebeganhisworkindependentlyofBraudelandreadthelatterrsquosworkonlywhenhewasalreadywritingthelastvolumesofhisown9SeeStefanCReifAJewishArchivefromOldCairotheHistoryofCambridgeUniver-sityrsquos Genizah Collection (Richmond and Surrey 2000) ibid The Cambridge Genizah CollectionsTheirContentsandSignificance(Cambridge2002)10SeebywayofanexampleMJChiatandKLReyersonedsTheMedievalMediter-raneanCross-CulturalContacts(StCloudMinn1988)RArnzenandJThielmannedsWordsTextsandConceptsCruisingtheMediterraneanSeaStudiesontheSources

4 CHAPTERONE

awarenessoftheconceptrsquospopularityledtoaconsciousattempttoex-amineitsvalidityPeregrineHordenandNicholasPurcellintheirdra-maticallytitledmonumentalworkTheCorruptingSea thusembarkedonananalysis(anddefense)ofMediterraneanism11

Butwhat isldquotheMediterraneanrdquofor thehistorianUnlike thewell-definedgeographicalboundariesoftheMediterraneanSeatheculturalboundariesofldquotheMediterraneanworldrdquoaresurprisinglyflexibleandattimesreachimpressivedimensionsThecenterofgravityofBraudelrsquosMediterranean lies in its western and northwestern part Spain theMaghrebandItalywhereasPalestineandEgyptplayarelativelyminorrole inhis studymdashsmaller in fact thantheroleaccordedtodecidedlynon-MediterraneancountriessuchastheNetherlandsBeyondthegeo-graphicalconfinesoftheMediterraneanstretchedBraudelrsquosldquogreaterrdquoorldquoglobalMediterraneanrdquowhichhedescribedasldquoaMediterraneanwiththedimensionsofhistoryrdquo12ForthesixteenthcenturythesedimensionsexpandedtoincludetheAtlanticshoresaswellasthePortugueseSpan-ish French and English colonies in the Americas13 By contrast theMediterranean society described by Goitein on the basis of the docu-mentsortheCairoGenizatiltedtowardtheeastandsouthMoreoveritoccupiednotonlytheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutalsothoseareasdefinedtodayastheNearEastanditsldquoglobalrdquoorldquohistoricalrdquodimen-sionsstretchedeastwardasfarasIndia

ThetermldquoMediterraneanrdquoisproblematicnotonlybecauseofitsgeo-graphicalinaccuracyInrecentyearstheusefulnessoftreatingtheMedi-terraneanasanhistoricalanthropologicaloreconomicunithasbeenincreasinglyquestionedInaninterestingvolumeofessaysdedicatedtotheexaminationofthethesisofHordenandPurcelltheclassicalscholarWilliamHarrisforexamplecitesthedefinitionofldquoMediterraneanismrdquoasldquothedoctrinethattherearedistinctivecharacteristicswhichthecul-turesoftheMediterraneanhaveorhavehadincommonrdquo14HenotesldquothefactthatMediterraneanismisoftennowadayslittlemorethanare-flexrdquoandaddsthatldquotheMediterraneanseemssomehowpeculiarlyvul-

ContentsandInfluencesofIslamicCivilizationandArabicPhilosophyandScienceDedi-catedtoGerhardEndressonHisSixty-FifthBirthday(Leuven2004)11PHordenandNPurcellTheCorruptingSeaAStudyofMediterraneanHistory(Ox-ford2000)andseeAdnanAHusainandKEFlemingedsAFaithfulSeaTheReli-giousCulturesoftheMediterranean1200ndash1700(Oxford2007)4ndash712BraudelTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorld153155CfalsoRBragueAumoyenduMoyenAgePhilosophiesmeacutedievalesenchreacutetienteacutejudaiumlsmeetislam(Chatou2006)24113Ibidpt2chap414WHarrisldquoTheMediterraneanandAncientHistoryrdquoinWVHarrisedRethinkingtheMediterranean(OxfordandNewYork2000)38

5MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

nerabletomisuserdquoAsnotedbyHarrisldquoformanyscholarsMediterra-neanunityhasmeantprimarilyorindeedexclusivelyculturalunityrdquo15

These scholars he says were looking for ldquothe basic homogeneity ofMediterraneancivilizationrdquoahomogeneitytheexistenceofwhichHar-risthenproceedstodisprove

Fromvariousanglesscholarsnowquestionnotonlytheexistenceofenoughunifying criteria for either the coastlandor the deeper littoralcountriesbutalsotheexistenceofcriteriasufficienttodistinguishthesecountriesfromothersEventhosewhocontinuetousethetermldquoMedi-terraneanrdquodosowithanacuteawarenessofitsshortcomingsTheAra-bist Gerhard Endress for instance seems to be addressing the above-mentionedquestionswhenheassertsthatintheMediterraneanworldofthe IslamicmiddleagesldquoBusiness interactions theexchangeofgoodsandbookspracticalscienceandintellectualdisputescometogethertomakeamulti-facetedpictureapicturewhichisinnowaythatunifiedbutinwhichonecanrecognizemanysurprisingaspectsofunityrdquo16ForReacutemiBragueldquoTheMediterraneanplayedaroleonlywhentherewasasingleculturearounditsshoresThiswasachievedonlywiththeRomanempirerdquoReluctanttoabandontheconceptaltogetherhoweverBraguecountstheworldofmedievalIslamasanexpansion(ldquounesortierdquo)oftheMediterraneantowardtheIndianOcean17

Regarding theplaceof the religiousminorities in the IslamicworldadherencetoldquoMediterraneanismrdquointroducesyetanothersetofproblemsthatofanachronisticvaluejudgmentsInhisattempttocapturetheplaceoftheJewishcommunitywithinthefabricofthewiderMediterraneansocietyGoiteinusedthetermldquosymbiosisrdquowhichheborrowedfromthefieldofbiologytoillustratetheseparateidentitythatJewsmanagedtopreservewithinthedominantMuslimculturewhilestillbeingfullpar-ticipants in it18Subsequentdiscussionsof this topichowever tendtohighlightthecomfortable irenicaspectsofsymbiosisThistendencyisparticularly pronounced regarding Maimonidesrsquo birthplace al-Andalus(IslamicSpain)wheretherelationsbetweenthereligiouscommunitiesare

15Ibid26(italicsintheoriginal)CfalsoBragueAumoyenduMoyenAge24016GEndressldquoDerIslamunddieEinheitdesmediterraneenKulturraumsinMittelalterrdquoinClaus Rozen ed Das Mittelmeermdashdie Wiege der europaeischen Kultur (Bonn 1998)27017BragueAumoyenduMoyenAge240ndash41Braguersquosperceptionof theMediterranean informsalsoSGuguenheimAristoteaumontSaint-MichelLesracinesgrequesdelrsquoEu-ropechreacutetienne(Paris2008)170ndash7218SDGoiteinJewsandArabsTheirContactsThroughtheAges(NewYork1964)11127GoiteinrsquosmagisterialMediterraneanSocietydealtmostlywith social andeconomicaspectsofthissymbiosisandlesswiththehistoryofideascfSMWasserstromBetweenMuslimandJewtheProblemofSymbiosisunderEarlyIslam(Princeton1995)3ndash12

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 3: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

2 CHAPTERONE

workTheensuingscholarlyresultdoesnotdojusticetoMaimonidesTheimageitpaintsresemblesMaimonidesrsquofamousverylateportraitimposingandyetflatandtwo-dimensionalInparticularitdepreciatesMaimonidesrsquoparticipationintheculturalworldofMedievalIslamIntherealmsofphilosophyandscienceandintheserealmsaloneMaimonidesrsquoconnection to the Islamic world has been duly and universally recog-nizedMost(althoughbynomeansall)ofthescholarlyworkstreatinghisphilosophyarebasedonhisoriginalArabicworkswhichareanalyzedinthecontextofcontemporaryMuslimphilosophyEveninthestudyofphilosophyhoweverwhereMaimonidesisrecognizedasldquoadiscipleofal-Farabirdquo3hiscontributionisseldomfullyintegratedintothepictureofmedieval IslamicphilosophyStudies thatofferapanoramicviewofaparticular philosophic issue in the medieval Islamic world would thusmoreoftenthannotfailtomakeuseoftheevidenceprovidedbyMai-monides In the study of other aspects of Maimonidesrsquo activity it ismostlytheJewishcontextthatisbroughttobearwhereastheIslamicworldrecedesintothebackgroundMaimonidesrsquolegalworksarethusstudiedmostlybystudentsofJewishlawmanyofwhomtreattheirsub-jectasifitcanbeisolatedfromparallelintellectualdevelopmentsintheIslamicworldEventhestudyofMaimonidesrsquocommunalactivitybasedonhis(usuallyJudaeo-Arabic)correspondencetendstopainttheMus-lim world as a mere background to the life of the Jewish community(ratherthanseeingitasthelargerframeofwhichtheJewishcommunitywasanintegralpart)AtthesametimealltoooftenthisJudaeo-Arabicmaterial remains ignoredby scholarsof Islamichistory and society4

MaimonidesisthuswidelyrecognizedasagiantfigureofJewishhistorybutremainsofalmostanecdotalsignificanceforthestudyoftheIslamicworld

Theaimof thepresentbook is topresentan integrative intellectualprofileofMaimonidesinhisworldtheworldofMediterraneancultureThisworldbroadlydefinedalsosuppliesthesourcesforthebookOnlybyreadingMaimonidesrsquoownwritingsinlightoftheinformationgleanedfromothersourcescanwehopetopaintawell-roundedprofileandtoinstilllifeinit5

3LBermanldquoMaimonidestheDiscipleofal-FarabirdquoIOS4(1974)154ndash784InthiscontextonecanunderstandMarkCohenrsquosearnestplealdquoThetimehasarrivedtointegratetheCairoGenizaalongsideIslamicgenizasintothecanonofIslamicstudiesrdquoseeMCCohenldquoGenizaforIslamicistsIslamicGenizaandlsquotheNewCairoGenizarsquordquoHarvardMiddleEasternandIslamicReview7(2006)1415CompareforexampleDavidsonrsquosapproachforwhomldquotheonlywaytoassess[Maimo-nidesrsquo]traininginrabbinicsandphilosophyandforthatmatterinmedicineaswellistoexaminehiswritingsanddiscoverthroughthemtheworkshereadstudiedandutilizedrdquoSeeHADavidsonMosesMaimonidesTheManandHisWorks(Oxford2005)80and

3MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Mediterranean Cultures

ThehistoricalreflectionontheculturalroleoftheMediterraneanasaunifyingprincipleofculturebeganalreadywithHenriPirennersquosground-breaking Mohammed and Charlemagne6 Shortly thereafter FernandBraudelinhispioneeringworkontheMediterraneanworldinthetimeofPhilipIIarguedthatonlyacomprehensiveapproachthattreatstheMediterraneanasasingleunitcanenablethehistoriantounderstandlo-caldevelopmentsproperlyandtoevaluatecorrectlytheirramificationsandimplications7AroundthesametimethatBraudelrsquosbookappearedShlomoDovGoiteinwasworkingonhismagnumopusthemultivolumeAMediterraneanSocietyTheJewishCommunitiesoftheArabWorldasPortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza8LikeBraudelGoiteinbelieved that our sources require thatwe constantly bear inmind theclose interconnectionsand interdependenceof thevariouspartsof theMediterraneanThefragmentsoftheCairoGenizamdashthehoardofmanu-scriptsdiscoveredattheendofthenineteenthcenturyintheBenEzrasynagogue in Cairomdashreflected like so many snapshots the life of theJewishcommunityinCairofromthetenthcenturyuptomoderntimes9

GoiteinskillfullybroughtthesesnapshotstolifereconstructingthewebofeconomicalliancesacrosstheMediterraneanandbeyonditthepoliti-calandpersonaltiesbetweentheindividualwritersandtheirreligiousandculturalconcerns

Although Braudel and Goitein did not belong to the same circle ofhistorians for a half-century following them ldquoMediterraneanismrdquo be-cameverymuchinvogueReferencestotheMediterraneanappearedintitlesofmanyworksandprovidedaconceptualframeforothers10The

seechap2note3belowCompareforexampleJoelLKraemerMaimonidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds(NewYork2008)14ndash15Kraemerrsquosoverallapproachinthismatterisverysimilartotheoneproposedinthepresentbook6HPirenneMahometetCharlemagne(Bruxelles1922)7FBraudelLaMeacutediterraneacuteeetlemondemeacutediterraneacuteenagravelrsquoeacutepoquedePhilippeII(Paris1949)[= idemTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorldintheAgeofPhilipIItransSReynolds(NewYork1976)]8SDGoiteinAMediterraneanSociety theJewishCommunitiesof theArabWorldas PortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza(Berkeley1967)6vAccordingtoGoiteinrsquosowntestimony(5497)hebeganhisworkindependentlyofBraudelandreadthelatterrsquosworkonlywhenhewasalreadywritingthelastvolumesofhisown9SeeStefanCReifAJewishArchivefromOldCairotheHistoryofCambridgeUniver-sityrsquos Genizah Collection (Richmond and Surrey 2000) ibid The Cambridge Genizah CollectionsTheirContentsandSignificance(Cambridge2002)10SeebywayofanexampleMJChiatandKLReyersonedsTheMedievalMediter-raneanCross-CulturalContacts(StCloudMinn1988)RArnzenandJThielmannedsWordsTextsandConceptsCruisingtheMediterraneanSeaStudiesontheSources

4 CHAPTERONE

awarenessoftheconceptrsquospopularityledtoaconsciousattempttoex-amineitsvalidityPeregrineHordenandNicholasPurcellintheirdra-maticallytitledmonumentalworkTheCorruptingSea thusembarkedonananalysis(anddefense)ofMediterraneanism11

Butwhat isldquotheMediterraneanrdquofor thehistorianUnlike thewell-definedgeographicalboundariesoftheMediterraneanSeatheculturalboundariesofldquotheMediterraneanworldrdquoaresurprisinglyflexibleandattimesreachimpressivedimensionsThecenterofgravityofBraudelrsquosMediterranean lies in its western and northwestern part Spain theMaghrebandItalywhereasPalestineandEgyptplayarelativelyminorrole inhis studymdashsmaller in fact thantheroleaccordedtodecidedlynon-MediterraneancountriessuchastheNetherlandsBeyondthegeo-graphicalconfinesoftheMediterraneanstretchedBraudelrsquosldquogreaterrdquoorldquoglobalMediterraneanrdquowhichhedescribedasldquoaMediterraneanwiththedimensionsofhistoryrdquo12ForthesixteenthcenturythesedimensionsexpandedtoincludetheAtlanticshoresaswellasthePortugueseSpan-ish French and English colonies in the Americas13 By contrast theMediterranean society described by Goitein on the basis of the docu-mentsortheCairoGenizatiltedtowardtheeastandsouthMoreoveritoccupiednotonlytheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutalsothoseareasdefinedtodayastheNearEastanditsldquoglobalrdquoorldquohistoricalrdquodimen-sionsstretchedeastwardasfarasIndia

ThetermldquoMediterraneanrdquoisproblematicnotonlybecauseofitsgeo-graphicalinaccuracyInrecentyearstheusefulnessoftreatingtheMedi-terraneanasanhistoricalanthropologicaloreconomicunithasbeenincreasinglyquestionedInaninterestingvolumeofessaysdedicatedtotheexaminationofthethesisofHordenandPurcelltheclassicalscholarWilliamHarrisforexamplecitesthedefinitionofldquoMediterraneanismrdquoasldquothedoctrinethattherearedistinctivecharacteristicswhichthecul-turesoftheMediterraneanhaveorhavehadincommonrdquo14HenotesldquothefactthatMediterraneanismisoftennowadayslittlemorethanare-flexrdquoandaddsthatldquotheMediterraneanseemssomehowpeculiarlyvul-

ContentsandInfluencesofIslamicCivilizationandArabicPhilosophyandScienceDedi-catedtoGerhardEndressonHisSixty-FifthBirthday(Leuven2004)11PHordenandNPurcellTheCorruptingSeaAStudyofMediterraneanHistory(Ox-ford2000)andseeAdnanAHusainandKEFlemingedsAFaithfulSeaTheReli-giousCulturesoftheMediterranean1200ndash1700(Oxford2007)4ndash712BraudelTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorld153155CfalsoRBragueAumoyenduMoyenAgePhilosophiesmeacutedievalesenchreacutetienteacutejudaiumlsmeetislam(Chatou2006)24113Ibidpt2chap414WHarrisldquoTheMediterraneanandAncientHistoryrdquoinWVHarrisedRethinkingtheMediterranean(OxfordandNewYork2000)38

5MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

nerabletomisuserdquoAsnotedbyHarrisldquoformanyscholarsMediterra-neanunityhasmeantprimarilyorindeedexclusivelyculturalunityrdquo15

These scholars he says were looking for ldquothe basic homogeneity ofMediterraneancivilizationrdquoahomogeneitytheexistenceofwhichHar-risthenproceedstodisprove

Fromvariousanglesscholarsnowquestionnotonlytheexistenceofenoughunifying criteria for either the coastlandor the deeper littoralcountriesbutalsotheexistenceofcriteriasufficienttodistinguishthesecountriesfromothersEventhosewhocontinuetousethetermldquoMedi-terraneanrdquodosowithanacuteawarenessofitsshortcomingsTheAra-bist Gerhard Endress for instance seems to be addressing the above-mentionedquestionswhenheassertsthatintheMediterraneanworldofthe IslamicmiddleagesldquoBusiness interactions theexchangeofgoodsandbookspracticalscienceandintellectualdisputescometogethertomakeamulti-facetedpictureapicturewhichisinnowaythatunifiedbutinwhichonecanrecognizemanysurprisingaspectsofunityrdquo16ForReacutemiBragueldquoTheMediterraneanplayedaroleonlywhentherewasasingleculturearounditsshoresThiswasachievedonlywiththeRomanempirerdquoReluctanttoabandontheconceptaltogetherhoweverBraguecountstheworldofmedievalIslamasanexpansion(ldquounesortierdquo)oftheMediterraneantowardtheIndianOcean17

Regarding theplaceof the religiousminorities in the IslamicworldadherencetoldquoMediterraneanismrdquointroducesyetanothersetofproblemsthatofanachronisticvaluejudgmentsInhisattempttocapturetheplaceoftheJewishcommunitywithinthefabricofthewiderMediterraneansocietyGoiteinusedthetermldquosymbiosisrdquowhichheborrowedfromthefieldofbiologytoillustratetheseparateidentitythatJewsmanagedtopreservewithinthedominantMuslimculturewhilestillbeingfullpar-ticipants in it18Subsequentdiscussionsof this topichowever tendtohighlightthecomfortable irenicaspectsofsymbiosisThistendencyisparticularly pronounced regarding Maimonidesrsquo birthplace al-Andalus(IslamicSpain)wheretherelationsbetweenthereligiouscommunitiesare

15Ibid26(italicsintheoriginal)CfalsoBragueAumoyenduMoyenAge24016GEndressldquoDerIslamunddieEinheitdesmediterraneenKulturraumsinMittelalterrdquoinClaus Rozen ed Das Mittelmeermdashdie Wiege der europaeischen Kultur (Bonn 1998)27017BragueAumoyenduMoyenAge240ndash41Braguersquosperceptionof theMediterranean informsalsoSGuguenheimAristoteaumontSaint-MichelLesracinesgrequesdelrsquoEu-ropechreacutetienne(Paris2008)170ndash7218SDGoiteinJewsandArabsTheirContactsThroughtheAges(NewYork1964)11127GoiteinrsquosmagisterialMediterraneanSocietydealtmostlywith social andeconomicaspectsofthissymbiosisandlesswiththehistoryofideascfSMWasserstromBetweenMuslimandJewtheProblemofSymbiosisunderEarlyIslam(Princeton1995)3ndash12

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 4: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

3MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Mediterranean Cultures

ThehistoricalreflectionontheculturalroleoftheMediterraneanasaunifyingprincipleofculturebeganalreadywithHenriPirennersquosground-breaking Mohammed and Charlemagne6 Shortly thereafter FernandBraudelinhispioneeringworkontheMediterraneanworldinthetimeofPhilipIIarguedthatonlyacomprehensiveapproachthattreatstheMediterraneanasasingleunitcanenablethehistoriantounderstandlo-caldevelopmentsproperlyandtoevaluatecorrectlytheirramificationsandimplications7AroundthesametimethatBraudelrsquosbookappearedShlomoDovGoiteinwasworkingonhismagnumopusthemultivolumeAMediterraneanSocietyTheJewishCommunitiesoftheArabWorldasPortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza8LikeBraudelGoiteinbelieved that our sources require thatwe constantly bear inmind theclose interconnectionsand interdependenceof thevariouspartsof theMediterraneanThefragmentsoftheCairoGenizamdashthehoardofmanu-scriptsdiscoveredattheendofthenineteenthcenturyintheBenEzrasynagogue in Cairomdashreflected like so many snapshots the life of theJewishcommunityinCairofromthetenthcenturyuptomoderntimes9

GoiteinskillfullybroughtthesesnapshotstolifereconstructingthewebofeconomicalliancesacrosstheMediterraneanandbeyonditthepoliti-calandpersonaltiesbetweentheindividualwritersandtheirreligiousandculturalconcerns

Although Braudel and Goitein did not belong to the same circle ofhistorians for a half-century following them ldquoMediterraneanismrdquo be-cameverymuchinvogueReferencestotheMediterraneanappearedintitlesofmanyworksandprovidedaconceptualframeforothers10The

seechap2note3belowCompareforexampleJoelLKraemerMaimonidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds(NewYork2008)14ndash15Kraemerrsquosoverallapproachinthismatterisverysimilartotheoneproposedinthepresentbook6HPirenneMahometetCharlemagne(Bruxelles1922)7FBraudelLaMeacutediterraneacuteeetlemondemeacutediterraneacuteenagravelrsquoeacutepoquedePhilippeII(Paris1949)[= idemTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorldintheAgeofPhilipIItransSReynolds(NewYork1976)]8SDGoiteinAMediterraneanSociety theJewishCommunitiesof theArabWorldas PortrayedintheDocumentsoftheCairoGeniza(Berkeley1967)6vAccordingtoGoiteinrsquosowntestimony(5497)hebeganhisworkindependentlyofBraudelandreadthelatterrsquosworkonlywhenhewasalreadywritingthelastvolumesofhisown9SeeStefanCReifAJewishArchivefromOldCairotheHistoryofCambridgeUniver-sityrsquos Genizah Collection (Richmond and Surrey 2000) ibid The Cambridge Genizah CollectionsTheirContentsandSignificance(Cambridge2002)10SeebywayofanexampleMJChiatandKLReyersonedsTheMedievalMediter-raneanCross-CulturalContacts(StCloudMinn1988)RArnzenandJThielmannedsWordsTextsandConceptsCruisingtheMediterraneanSeaStudiesontheSources

4 CHAPTERONE

awarenessoftheconceptrsquospopularityledtoaconsciousattempttoex-amineitsvalidityPeregrineHordenandNicholasPurcellintheirdra-maticallytitledmonumentalworkTheCorruptingSea thusembarkedonananalysis(anddefense)ofMediterraneanism11

Butwhat isldquotheMediterraneanrdquofor thehistorianUnlike thewell-definedgeographicalboundariesoftheMediterraneanSeatheculturalboundariesofldquotheMediterraneanworldrdquoaresurprisinglyflexibleandattimesreachimpressivedimensionsThecenterofgravityofBraudelrsquosMediterranean lies in its western and northwestern part Spain theMaghrebandItalywhereasPalestineandEgyptplayarelativelyminorrole inhis studymdashsmaller in fact thantheroleaccordedtodecidedlynon-MediterraneancountriessuchastheNetherlandsBeyondthegeo-graphicalconfinesoftheMediterraneanstretchedBraudelrsquosldquogreaterrdquoorldquoglobalMediterraneanrdquowhichhedescribedasldquoaMediterraneanwiththedimensionsofhistoryrdquo12ForthesixteenthcenturythesedimensionsexpandedtoincludetheAtlanticshoresaswellasthePortugueseSpan-ish French and English colonies in the Americas13 By contrast theMediterranean society described by Goitein on the basis of the docu-mentsortheCairoGenizatiltedtowardtheeastandsouthMoreoveritoccupiednotonlytheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutalsothoseareasdefinedtodayastheNearEastanditsldquoglobalrdquoorldquohistoricalrdquodimen-sionsstretchedeastwardasfarasIndia

ThetermldquoMediterraneanrdquoisproblematicnotonlybecauseofitsgeo-graphicalinaccuracyInrecentyearstheusefulnessoftreatingtheMedi-terraneanasanhistoricalanthropologicaloreconomicunithasbeenincreasinglyquestionedInaninterestingvolumeofessaysdedicatedtotheexaminationofthethesisofHordenandPurcelltheclassicalscholarWilliamHarrisforexamplecitesthedefinitionofldquoMediterraneanismrdquoasldquothedoctrinethattherearedistinctivecharacteristicswhichthecul-turesoftheMediterraneanhaveorhavehadincommonrdquo14HenotesldquothefactthatMediterraneanismisoftennowadayslittlemorethanare-flexrdquoandaddsthatldquotheMediterraneanseemssomehowpeculiarlyvul-

ContentsandInfluencesofIslamicCivilizationandArabicPhilosophyandScienceDedi-catedtoGerhardEndressonHisSixty-FifthBirthday(Leuven2004)11PHordenandNPurcellTheCorruptingSeaAStudyofMediterraneanHistory(Ox-ford2000)andseeAdnanAHusainandKEFlemingedsAFaithfulSeaTheReli-giousCulturesoftheMediterranean1200ndash1700(Oxford2007)4ndash712BraudelTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorld153155CfalsoRBragueAumoyenduMoyenAgePhilosophiesmeacutedievalesenchreacutetienteacutejudaiumlsmeetislam(Chatou2006)24113Ibidpt2chap414WHarrisldquoTheMediterraneanandAncientHistoryrdquoinWVHarrisedRethinkingtheMediterranean(OxfordandNewYork2000)38

5MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

nerabletomisuserdquoAsnotedbyHarrisldquoformanyscholarsMediterra-neanunityhasmeantprimarilyorindeedexclusivelyculturalunityrdquo15

These scholars he says were looking for ldquothe basic homogeneity ofMediterraneancivilizationrdquoahomogeneitytheexistenceofwhichHar-risthenproceedstodisprove

Fromvariousanglesscholarsnowquestionnotonlytheexistenceofenoughunifying criteria for either the coastlandor the deeper littoralcountriesbutalsotheexistenceofcriteriasufficienttodistinguishthesecountriesfromothersEventhosewhocontinuetousethetermldquoMedi-terraneanrdquodosowithanacuteawarenessofitsshortcomingsTheAra-bist Gerhard Endress for instance seems to be addressing the above-mentionedquestionswhenheassertsthatintheMediterraneanworldofthe IslamicmiddleagesldquoBusiness interactions theexchangeofgoodsandbookspracticalscienceandintellectualdisputescometogethertomakeamulti-facetedpictureapicturewhichisinnowaythatunifiedbutinwhichonecanrecognizemanysurprisingaspectsofunityrdquo16ForReacutemiBragueldquoTheMediterraneanplayedaroleonlywhentherewasasingleculturearounditsshoresThiswasachievedonlywiththeRomanempirerdquoReluctanttoabandontheconceptaltogetherhoweverBraguecountstheworldofmedievalIslamasanexpansion(ldquounesortierdquo)oftheMediterraneantowardtheIndianOcean17

Regarding theplaceof the religiousminorities in the IslamicworldadherencetoldquoMediterraneanismrdquointroducesyetanothersetofproblemsthatofanachronisticvaluejudgmentsInhisattempttocapturetheplaceoftheJewishcommunitywithinthefabricofthewiderMediterraneansocietyGoiteinusedthetermldquosymbiosisrdquowhichheborrowedfromthefieldofbiologytoillustratetheseparateidentitythatJewsmanagedtopreservewithinthedominantMuslimculturewhilestillbeingfullpar-ticipants in it18Subsequentdiscussionsof this topichowever tendtohighlightthecomfortable irenicaspectsofsymbiosisThistendencyisparticularly pronounced regarding Maimonidesrsquo birthplace al-Andalus(IslamicSpain)wheretherelationsbetweenthereligiouscommunitiesare

15Ibid26(italicsintheoriginal)CfalsoBragueAumoyenduMoyenAge24016GEndressldquoDerIslamunddieEinheitdesmediterraneenKulturraumsinMittelalterrdquoinClaus Rozen ed Das Mittelmeermdashdie Wiege der europaeischen Kultur (Bonn 1998)27017BragueAumoyenduMoyenAge240ndash41Braguersquosperceptionof theMediterranean informsalsoSGuguenheimAristoteaumontSaint-MichelLesracinesgrequesdelrsquoEu-ropechreacutetienne(Paris2008)170ndash7218SDGoiteinJewsandArabsTheirContactsThroughtheAges(NewYork1964)11127GoiteinrsquosmagisterialMediterraneanSocietydealtmostlywith social andeconomicaspectsofthissymbiosisandlesswiththehistoryofideascfSMWasserstromBetweenMuslimandJewtheProblemofSymbiosisunderEarlyIslam(Princeton1995)3ndash12

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 5: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

4 CHAPTERONE

awarenessoftheconceptrsquospopularityledtoaconsciousattempttoex-amineitsvalidityPeregrineHordenandNicholasPurcellintheirdra-maticallytitledmonumentalworkTheCorruptingSea thusembarkedonananalysis(anddefense)ofMediterraneanism11

Butwhat isldquotheMediterraneanrdquofor thehistorianUnlike thewell-definedgeographicalboundariesoftheMediterraneanSeatheculturalboundariesofldquotheMediterraneanworldrdquoaresurprisinglyflexibleandattimesreachimpressivedimensionsThecenterofgravityofBraudelrsquosMediterranean lies in its western and northwestern part Spain theMaghrebandItalywhereasPalestineandEgyptplayarelativelyminorrole inhis studymdashsmaller in fact thantheroleaccordedtodecidedlynon-MediterraneancountriessuchastheNetherlandsBeyondthegeo-graphicalconfinesoftheMediterraneanstretchedBraudelrsquosldquogreaterrdquoorldquoglobalMediterraneanrdquowhichhedescribedasldquoaMediterraneanwiththedimensionsofhistoryrdquo12ForthesixteenthcenturythesedimensionsexpandedtoincludetheAtlanticshoresaswellasthePortugueseSpan-ish French and English colonies in the Americas13 By contrast theMediterranean society described by Goitein on the basis of the docu-mentsortheCairoGenizatiltedtowardtheeastandsouthMoreoveritoccupiednotonlytheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutalsothoseareasdefinedtodayastheNearEastanditsldquoglobalrdquoorldquohistoricalrdquodimen-sionsstretchedeastwardasfarasIndia

ThetermldquoMediterraneanrdquoisproblematicnotonlybecauseofitsgeo-graphicalinaccuracyInrecentyearstheusefulnessoftreatingtheMedi-terraneanasanhistoricalanthropologicaloreconomicunithasbeenincreasinglyquestionedInaninterestingvolumeofessaysdedicatedtotheexaminationofthethesisofHordenandPurcelltheclassicalscholarWilliamHarrisforexamplecitesthedefinitionofldquoMediterraneanismrdquoasldquothedoctrinethattherearedistinctivecharacteristicswhichthecul-turesoftheMediterraneanhaveorhavehadincommonrdquo14HenotesldquothefactthatMediterraneanismisoftennowadayslittlemorethanare-flexrdquoandaddsthatldquotheMediterraneanseemssomehowpeculiarlyvul-

ContentsandInfluencesofIslamicCivilizationandArabicPhilosophyandScienceDedi-catedtoGerhardEndressonHisSixty-FifthBirthday(Leuven2004)11PHordenandNPurcellTheCorruptingSeaAStudyofMediterraneanHistory(Ox-ford2000)andseeAdnanAHusainandKEFlemingedsAFaithfulSeaTheReli-giousCulturesoftheMediterranean1200ndash1700(Oxford2007)4ndash712BraudelTheMediterraneanandtheMediterraneanWorld153155CfalsoRBragueAumoyenduMoyenAgePhilosophiesmeacutedievalesenchreacutetienteacutejudaiumlsmeetislam(Chatou2006)24113Ibidpt2chap414WHarrisldquoTheMediterraneanandAncientHistoryrdquoinWVHarrisedRethinkingtheMediterranean(OxfordandNewYork2000)38

5MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

nerabletomisuserdquoAsnotedbyHarrisldquoformanyscholarsMediterra-neanunityhasmeantprimarilyorindeedexclusivelyculturalunityrdquo15

These scholars he says were looking for ldquothe basic homogeneity ofMediterraneancivilizationrdquoahomogeneitytheexistenceofwhichHar-risthenproceedstodisprove

Fromvariousanglesscholarsnowquestionnotonlytheexistenceofenoughunifying criteria for either the coastlandor the deeper littoralcountriesbutalsotheexistenceofcriteriasufficienttodistinguishthesecountriesfromothersEventhosewhocontinuetousethetermldquoMedi-terraneanrdquodosowithanacuteawarenessofitsshortcomingsTheAra-bist Gerhard Endress for instance seems to be addressing the above-mentionedquestionswhenheassertsthatintheMediterraneanworldofthe IslamicmiddleagesldquoBusiness interactions theexchangeofgoodsandbookspracticalscienceandintellectualdisputescometogethertomakeamulti-facetedpictureapicturewhichisinnowaythatunifiedbutinwhichonecanrecognizemanysurprisingaspectsofunityrdquo16ForReacutemiBragueldquoTheMediterraneanplayedaroleonlywhentherewasasingleculturearounditsshoresThiswasachievedonlywiththeRomanempirerdquoReluctanttoabandontheconceptaltogetherhoweverBraguecountstheworldofmedievalIslamasanexpansion(ldquounesortierdquo)oftheMediterraneantowardtheIndianOcean17

Regarding theplaceof the religiousminorities in the IslamicworldadherencetoldquoMediterraneanismrdquointroducesyetanothersetofproblemsthatofanachronisticvaluejudgmentsInhisattempttocapturetheplaceoftheJewishcommunitywithinthefabricofthewiderMediterraneansocietyGoiteinusedthetermldquosymbiosisrdquowhichheborrowedfromthefieldofbiologytoillustratetheseparateidentitythatJewsmanagedtopreservewithinthedominantMuslimculturewhilestillbeingfullpar-ticipants in it18Subsequentdiscussionsof this topichowever tendtohighlightthecomfortable irenicaspectsofsymbiosisThistendencyisparticularly pronounced regarding Maimonidesrsquo birthplace al-Andalus(IslamicSpain)wheretherelationsbetweenthereligiouscommunitiesare

15Ibid26(italicsintheoriginal)CfalsoBragueAumoyenduMoyenAge24016GEndressldquoDerIslamunddieEinheitdesmediterraneenKulturraumsinMittelalterrdquoinClaus Rozen ed Das Mittelmeermdashdie Wiege der europaeischen Kultur (Bonn 1998)27017BragueAumoyenduMoyenAge240ndash41Braguersquosperceptionof theMediterranean informsalsoSGuguenheimAristoteaumontSaint-MichelLesracinesgrequesdelrsquoEu-ropechreacutetienne(Paris2008)170ndash7218SDGoiteinJewsandArabsTheirContactsThroughtheAges(NewYork1964)11127GoiteinrsquosmagisterialMediterraneanSocietydealtmostlywith social andeconomicaspectsofthissymbiosisandlesswiththehistoryofideascfSMWasserstromBetweenMuslimandJewtheProblemofSymbiosisunderEarlyIslam(Princeton1995)3ndash12

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 6: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

5MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

nerabletomisuserdquoAsnotedbyHarrisldquoformanyscholarsMediterra-neanunityhasmeantprimarilyorindeedexclusivelyculturalunityrdquo15

These scholars he says were looking for ldquothe basic homogeneity ofMediterraneancivilizationrdquoahomogeneitytheexistenceofwhichHar-risthenproceedstodisprove

Fromvariousanglesscholarsnowquestionnotonlytheexistenceofenoughunifying criteria for either the coastlandor the deeper littoralcountriesbutalsotheexistenceofcriteriasufficienttodistinguishthesecountriesfromothersEventhosewhocontinuetousethetermldquoMedi-terraneanrdquodosowithanacuteawarenessofitsshortcomingsTheAra-bist Gerhard Endress for instance seems to be addressing the above-mentionedquestionswhenheassertsthatintheMediterraneanworldofthe IslamicmiddleagesldquoBusiness interactions theexchangeofgoodsandbookspracticalscienceandintellectualdisputescometogethertomakeamulti-facetedpictureapicturewhichisinnowaythatunifiedbutinwhichonecanrecognizemanysurprisingaspectsofunityrdquo16ForReacutemiBragueldquoTheMediterraneanplayedaroleonlywhentherewasasingleculturearounditsshoresThiswasachievedonlywiththeRomanempirerdquoReluctanttoabandontheconceptaltogetherhoweverBraguecountstheworldofmedievalIslamasanexpansion(ldquounesortierdquo)oftheMediterraneantowardtheIndianOcean17

Regarding theplaceof the religiousminorities in the IslamicworldadherencetoldquoMediterraneanismrdquointroducesyetanothersetofproblemsthatofanachronisticvaluejudgmentsInhisattempttocapturetheplaceoftheJewishcommunitywithinthefabricofthewiderMediterraneansocietyGoiteinusedthetermldquosymbiosisrdquowhichheborrowedfromthefieldofbiologytoillustratetheseparateidentitythatJewsmanagedtopreservewithinthedominantMuslimculturewhilestillbeingfullpar-ticipants in it18Subsequentdiscussionsof this topichowever tendtohighlightthecomfortable irenicaspectsofsymbiosisThistendencyisparticularly pronounced regarding Maimonidesrsquo birthplace al-Andalus(IslamicSpain)wheretherelationsbetweenthereligiouscommunitiesare

15Ibid26(italicsintheoriginal)CfalsoBragueAumoyenduMoyenAge24016GEndressldquoDerIslamunddieEinheitdesmediterraneenKulturraumsinMittelalterrdquoinClaus Rozen ed Das Mittelmeermdashdie Wiege der europaeischen Kultur (Bonn 1998)27017BragueAumoyenduMoyenAge240ndash41Braguersquosperceptionof theMediterranean informsalsoSGuguenheimAristoteaumontSaint-MichelLesracinesgrequesdelrsquoEu-ropechreacutetienne(Paris2008)170ndash7218SDGoiteinJewsandArabsTheirContactsThroughtheAges(NewYork1964)11127GoiteinrsquosmagisterialMediterraneanSocietydealtmostlywith social andeconomicaspectsofthissymbiosisandlesswiththehistoryofideascfSMWasserstromBetweenMuslimandJewtheProblemofSymbiosisunderEarlyIslam(Princeton1995)3ndash12

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 7: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

6 CHAPTERONE

described in terms of convivencia in which las tres culturas (IslamChristianityandJudaism)enjoyedaparallelgoldenage19Suchpresen-tationsplaydownthepoliticallegalandsocialdifferencesbetweentherulingMuslimsontheonehandandontheotherhandtheChristianandJewishminoritieslivingunderIslamicruleandpresenttheirinter-connectionsinanachronistictermsofuniversalismandtolerance20

IntreatingMaimonidesasaMediterraneanthinkerIseektostudytherelativeintellectualopennessofhisworldnottopromoteitstolerantim-ageFromthereligiouspointofviewthisworldpresentedwhatThomasBurmaninhisstudyoftheChristiansinIslamicSpainjudiciouslycalledldquopluralistic circumstancesrdquo21 Whether or not these pluralistic circum-stancesalsoentailedreligioustoleranceisadifferentissuewhichwillbediscussedinitspropercontext22

Maimonides as a Mediterranean Thinker

LikeBraudelGoiteinwas interested inhumanrather than inphysicalgeographyAlthoughthebulkofhisMediterraneanSocietydealswithsocialandeconomichistoryalreadyinthe introductiontothisworkGoiteinclearlydefinedthefocusofhisinterestldquoThesubjectthatinter-estsusmostthemindoftheGenizapeoplethethingstheybelievedinandstoodforrdquo23InitsfifthandlastvolumetitledTheIndividualGoiteinincludedportraitsofsevenprominentintellectualsastheyemergefromtheirownwritingsaswellasfromthedocumentsoftheGenizaIndeedGoiteinrsquosoriginalintentionwastodedicatethelasttwovolumesofhisworktowhathecalledldquoMediterraneanpeoplerdquotheindividualswhosemindandintellectualcreativitywereshapedbytheMediterraneansoci-etyinwhichtheylived

OneshouldnotethattheMediterraneanbasindidnotprovidegroupidentitytoitsinhabitantsInalllikelihoodnoneofthepersonsdescribedbyGoiteinasldquoMediterraneanrdquowouldhavechosenthisdescriptionforhimselfandthesameholdstrueforMaimonidesBorninCordobahe

19Adown-to-earthrenderingofwhatthetermintendstoconveyisgivenbyLPHarveyMuslimsinSpain1500to1614(ChicagoandLondon2005)44Harveysumsitupasldquothenecessarylive-and-let-liveoftheIberianPeninsulainthedaysbeforethekeysoftheAlhambra were handed over in January 1492rdquo On the contemporary often politicallyloadedusageof thisandrelatedtermsseeHDAidildquoTheInterferenceofal-AndalusSpainIslamandtheWestrdquoSocialText87(2006)67ndash88esp70and7820SeeforinstanceMRMenocalTheOrnamentoftheWorldHowMuslimsJewsandChristiansCreatedaCultureofToleranceinMedievalSpain(Boston2002)21T E Burman Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabsc1050ndash1200(LeidenandNewYork1994)222Seechap3below23GoiteinAMediterraneanSociety182

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 8: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

7MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

sawhimselfthroughouthislifeasanAndalusianandidentifiedhimselfas such by signing his name in Hebrew as ldquoMoshe ben Maimon ha-Sefaradirdquo(ldquotheSpaniardrdquoorinlessanachronistictermsldquoal-Andalusirdquo)24

ForthatreasonitprobablywouldneverhaveoccurredtometodescribeMaimonidesasldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquowereitnotforGoiteinrsquosinsis-tenceoncallingtheGenizasocietyldquoMediterraneanrdquo

InsofarasmychoiceofcallingMaimonidesldquoaMediterraneanthinkerrdquodependsonGoiteinitisopentoallthecriticismsofMediterraneanismmentionedaboveInthecaseofMaimonidesrsquothoughthoweverthetermisappropriateinwaysthatdonotapplytothesocietyasawholeMai-monidesrsquolifecircledtheMediterraneanbasinTheculturesthatfedintohisthoughtwerebyandlargethoseofthewiderMediterraneanlittoralThoseculturesthatcamefromoutsidethisregionreachedhimonlytotheextent that theywere translated intoArabicandthusbecamepartandparcelofthecultureoftheIslamicMediterranean

Furthermore incontradistinctiontothehistorianswho inchoosingthistermhavesoughttounderlinetheMediterraneanrsquosdistinctiveunityIemployitpreciselyinordertohighlightthediversitywithinitMaimo-nidesisaMediterraneanthinkerinthesensethatheismorethanaJew-ishthinkerormorethananIslamicphilosopher(thatistosayaphilos-opherpertainingtotheworldofIslam)25Inmodernparlancehecouldperhapsbecalledldquocosmopolitanrdquothatisapersonwhobelongstomorethanoneof the subcultures that together form theworld inwhichhelivesThislasttermgrateshoweverbecauseofitscrudeanachronismaswellasbecauseofits(equallyanachronistic)secularovertones

Thepersonallife-cycleofMosesMaimonidesremainedclosetotheshoresoftheMediterraneanbutthemaineventsthataffectedhislifeoccurred

24JBlauldquolsquoAtOurPlaceinal-AndalusrsquolsquoAtOurPlaceintheMaghrebrsquordquoinJLKraemered Perspectives on Maimonides Philosophical and Historical Studies (Oxford 1991)293ndash94GAnidjarldquoOurPlaceinal-AndalusrdquoKabbalahPhilosophyLiteratureinArabJewishLetters(Stanford2002)SeeforinstanceMaimonidesOnAsthma21ndash22wheretheneedtoprescribedietaryinstructionsgiveMaimonidestheexcusetorecallwithnostal-giathetastesofthedishesoftheMaghrebandal-AndalusRegardingthephilosophicaltraditionseealsochap4note52below25OnthetermldquoIslamicrdquoseeJLKraemerldquoTheIslamicContextofMedievalJewishPhi-losophyrdquoinDHFrankandOLeamanedsTheCambridgeCompaniontoMedievalJewish Philosophy (Cambridge 2003) 62 and note 5 O Leaman ldquoIntroductionrdquo inSeyyedHosseinNasrandOLeamanedsHistoryofIslamicPhilosophy (LondonandNewYork 1996) 1ndash5HBen-Shammai ldquoMaimonides andCreationExNihilo in theTraditionofIslamicPhilosophyrdquoinCdelValleetaledsMaimoacutenidesysueacutepoca(Ma-drid2007)103Throughout thepresentbook IuseldquoMuslimrdquotodenote thatwhichbelongsspecificallytothereligionofIslamortothebelieversofthatreligionwhereasldquoIslamicrdquodenotestheculturedevelopedintheworldofIslambyMuslimsaswellasbyothers

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 9: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

8 CHAPTERONE

inamuchlargerareastretchingfromtheIberianpeninsulatotheIndiansubcontinent26TheIslamicpolitythatMaimonidesencounteredduringhislifetimewasnotmadeofoneclothandhislifewasspentinnolessthanfourmajorpoliticalentities

1Fromhisbirthin1138inCordobauntil1148MaimonideslivedundertheruleoftheBerberdynastyoftheMurabitun(orAlmoravidsaccordingtotheirLatinizedname)inal-AndalusIntheCordobaofhischildhoodruledbytheAlmoravidstheJewish(andChristian)commu-nitieswererelativelyprotectedasdecreedbyMuslimlaw27

2In1148CordobawascapturedbyanotherBerberdynastythatoftheMuwahhidun(orAlmohads)whosehighlyidiosyncraticinterpreta-tionofMuslimlawdeprivedthereligiousminoritiesoftheirtraditionalprotectedstatusAlmohadpersecutionforcedMaimonidesrsquofamilyoutofCordobaandtheirwhereaboutsinthefollowingfewyearsareuncleartheymayhavetakenrefugeinnorthernChristianSpain(asothersliketheJewishphilosopherAbrahamIbnDauddid)ortheymayhavespentsometimeinSeville28Atanyratein1160whenMaimonideswasinhisearlytwentiesthefamilymovedtoFezclosetotheNorthAfricancapi-taloftheAlmohadswhereitremainedforaboutfiveyears29

3Around1165thefamilyleftFezforPalestinewhichwasthencon-trolledbytheCrusadersandthenfinallysettleddowninFatimidEgypt30

ThereMaimonidesbecameinvolvedinthetradeofpreciousstonesbut

26ForadetaileddescriptionofMaimonidesrsquobiographyseeDavidsonMosesMaimonidesespchap1JLKraemerldquoMosesMaimonidesAnIntellectualPortraitrdquoinKSeeskinedTheCambridgeCompaniontoMaimonides(Cambridge2005)10ndash57idemMaimo-nidesTheLifeandWorldofOneofCivilizationrsquosGreatestMinds27OnthestatusoftheminoritiesinIslamseeAFattalLestatutleacutegaldesnon-musulmansenpaysdrsquoIslam(Beirut1995)YFriedmannToleranceandCoercioninIslamInterfaithRelationsintheMuslimTradition(CambridgeandNewYork2003)OntheirstatusintheMaghrebseeHRIdrisldquoLestributairesenoccidentmusulmanmeacutedieacutevaldrsquoapreacuteslelsquoMiyarrsquodrsquoal-WanšarisirdquoinPSalmonedMeacutelangesdrsquoislamologieVolumedeacutedieacuteagravelameacute-moiredrsquoArmandAbelparsescollegraveguesseseacutelegravevesetsesamis(Leiden1974)172ndash9628See Maimonidesrsquo reference to the ships loading oil at Seville and sailing on the Gua-dalquivirtoAlexandriaResponsa2576SeealsohisautobiographicalnoteinGuide29(Dalala187Pines269)accordingtowhichhehasmetthesonofIbnal-AflahofSevilleThereishowevernopositiveprooffortheassertionthathesojournedallthistime(abouttwelve years) in southern Spain compare Bosrsquos ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo in Maimo-nidesMedicalAphorismsxix29ThequestionofhowtheylivedasforcedconvertsundertheAlmohadsisconnectedtotheissueofforcedconversionsonwhichseechap3below30SVFatimidsMCanardEI2850ndash62seealsoMBen-SassonldquoMaimonidesinEgyptTheFirstStagerdquoMaimonideanStudies2(1991)3ndash30JLKraemerldquoMaimonidesrsquoIntel-lectualMilieuinCairordquoinTLeacutevyandRRashededsMaiumlmonidephilosopheetsavant(Leuven2004)1ndash37

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 10: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31

4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)

Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33

Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34

TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35

AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36

31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 11: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

10 CHAPTERONE

TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38

StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39

Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities

Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof

37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 12: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory

Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish

KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42

NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis

41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 13: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

12 CHAPTERONE

tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43

Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen

43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 14: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

Horizons

LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields

AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor

45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 15: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

14 CHAPTERONE

otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount

WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46

TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters

46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 16: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50

TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic

Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks

49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 17: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

16 CHAPTERONE

ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes

Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)

InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51

The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52

WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame

51Seechap4below52Seechap3below

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 18: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55

MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57

In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse

53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 19: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

18 CHAPTERONE

ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60

Transformations in the Jewish World

MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61

59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 20: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy

LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas

62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 21: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

20 CHAPTERONE

suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65

QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69

ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70

HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis

65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 22: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73

During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld

ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife

Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo

72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 23: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

22 CHAPTERONE

orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78

Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit

Maimonides and Saadia

This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno

75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]

Page 24: COPYRIGHT NOTICEassets.press.princeton.edu/chapters/s9062.pdf · India. The term “Mediterranean” is problematic not only because of its geo-graph i cal inaccuracy. In recent years,

23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE

doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo

TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld

80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]