HAWASSA UNIVERSITY CENTER FOR ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIETY

Factors in Fish Productivity Decline and Resultant Livelihood and Socio-cultural Disintegration in Ethiopia: the Case of Zay Islanders

By Zerihun Doda, Assistant Professor of Social Anthropology

Collaborator on Hydrological Matters: Abraham Wolde-Michael (PhD)

Final Report

January 2008, Hawassa

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Acknowledgements This study has come to fruition with commitments and support from various individuals and offices. I would, first and foremost, like to thank Firdu Azerefeggn (PhD), Coordinator for the Center for Environment and Society, Hawassa University, for his friendly and genuine facilitations of administrative, logistic and financial matters for the study. The fund for this study was secured from the Christensen Fund. Heartfelt appreciation is due to this esteemed Institution. I would also like to thank the Finance Department of the University for their cordial and genuine support in facilitating the research fund. Last but not least, acknowledgments are due to my diligent and committed field guides, key informants and facilitators at the study sites, of whom I mention Mr. Kebede Edeo. I also thank all other persons in the field who spared their precious times to sit with me for interviews. Thank you all! Zerihun Doda, Assistant Professor of Social Anthropology

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Abstract This study was proposed initially with the title, “Indigenous Fishing Peoples’ Perils: the Case of the Zay of Lake Zeway Islands” and its title is now reshaped to “Factors in Fish Productivity Decline and Resultant Livelihood and Socio-cultural Disintegration in Ethiopia: the Case of Zay Islanders.” The salient problem this study attempted to address was the observed, emerging and deepening livelihood and socio-cultural disintegration processes among study communities. Initial interests in this problem were spurred while the researcher was doing his masters research among the islanders on a different issue some years ago. The study commenced with a general objective of understanding and exploring the factors in and processes of decline in fish productivity, variety and quality as perceived by local people; and how these in turn have contributed to disintegration of local livelihood and socio-cultural systems. The study set out to achieve the following objectives: a. Document the ethno-ichthyology of the Zay and their indigenous technologies, beliefs, knowledge systems, and

institutions relating to management and utilization of fishery resources; b. Investigate the state of fishing livelihood and its indigenous knowledge and institutions; c. Understand and explore the factors in and processes of decline in fish productivity, variety and quality as perceived by

local people; d. Describe whether, how and to what extent this decline in turn might have contributed to disintegration of local

livelihood and socio-cultural systems; and e. Determine the role of exogenous factors, such as development-related interventions, in fish productivity decline and

resultant livelihood crisis. This study takes, as its conceptual-theoretical framework, the generally accepted position among social anthropologists that

indigenous societies across time and places have maintained their own environment-friendly knowledge systems, practices and institutions for millennia until mainly exogenous-based corruptive elements came along in various forms and worked a lot in altering the course of events and bringing about disintegrations in local ecological, livelihood and socio-cultural systems. In light of this framework, secondary and primary data sources were gathered during a series of visits to relevant selected study places where the Zay fisher–peasants dwell; namely, the Island of Tulu Gudo, rural and urban communities in Zeway and Meqi areas in Arsi and East Shewa Zones of Oromia Regional State. The data collection took place for a total of six weeks spread between August and November 2007. Relevant archival data were gathered from Addis Ababa University Libraries, notably, those at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and Graduate Studies Sections (during two separate visits for two weeks), as well as from the Internet. Field data were gathered in a series of four visits:

1st visit: Second week of August 2007, to Zeway Town and Boccessa migrant Zay community rural sites; 2nd visit: Last week of August 2007, to Tulu Gudo Island; 3rd visit: Second week of September 2007, to Zeway Town; and 4th visit: First week of October 2007, to Meqi Town and migrant Zay rural communities at Meqdella and

Woldeya.

The methodology employed was essentially qualitative: key informant and in-depth individual interviews, observations and focus group discussions. Local informants of islander and migrant Zay constituted predominant majority, while few individuals were experts working at three governemetnal organizations and corporations: Fishery Resource Section of Agriculture Departments of Dugda Woreda, and Adami Tulu Jido Kombolcha Woreda; Zeway branch of Ethiopian Fish Production and Marketing Corporation; and Oromia Fishery Resources Research Center. All in all:

A total of four interview sessions with four experts and researchers in the area of technical matters pertaining

to fishery resource; A total of five focus group discussions, one with Tulu Gudo Islanders, and four with migrant Zay rural

residents (of which one group was with community older women and one was with youngsters) thus attempting to represent views from wider sections of both islander and migrant Zays;

A series of interviews and discussions with two key informants who were also field guides and facilitators; A total of 15 individual interview sessions with migrant Zays (4 females and 11 males) living at Meqi and

Zeway towns; Informal, ‘ethnographic conversation’ interviews were also conducted at various occasions; and Observation of various artifacts, eco-facts, social events, and behaviors was also made.

The data were recorded with a Walkman tape recorder; data analysis was done as follows: Recorded audio cassettes were transcribed onto papers; The transcribed field data and data from secondary sources were then entered to a word processor; Preliminary data analysis was done whereby thematic categories and sub topics emerging from the data were

identified and further discussed; Categorization of findings into convenient chapter heading; Contextualization of field/ empirical data with comparative ethnographic data; Final write up of the report

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This report presents thus the following salient themes that emerged from the field data which also are the key conclusions of this study:

The presence and weakening of ethno-ichthyologic knowledge system, technologies and institutions; The existence of crystallized dietary and non-dietary beliefs, habits, preferences and functions relating to fish

and the transformations taking place thereof; The psycho-social organization and structuring of fishing activities and transformations thereof; The progressive decline in fish productivity, quality and fish species composition changes, and these leading to

crisis in livelihood and socio-cultural systems; Exogenous factors’ dominant role in local livelihood, ecosystem and socio-cultural system crisis; The challenge of food and nutritional security which occurred in recent few decades as a result of decline in

local fish productivity and quality; Illegal fishing and unsustainable fish use, the prospect of complete fishery stock depletion, and shortage of

arable Land: the Islanders’ dilemma; Lack of effective fishery and lake ecosystem management and control mechanism; Lack of efficient water transport facility, marketing problem and fish price manipulations; Continuing out-migration of able-bodied islanders and its prospect of militating against the islanders ancient

cultural resources: Eco-facts, artifacts, and other tourist attraction entities may be in danger as more and more people migrate out, living behind elderly and children.

The study closes by forwarding some key points of interventions that may be considered by any concerned actors to address the salient challenges and problems of the Zay islanders.

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Table of Contents Contents Page Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................................... ii Abstract .................................................................................................................................................... iii List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................................................. iv List of Tables ............................................................................................................................................ iv

Chapter I: Introduction

1.1. Background and Problem Statement ................................................................................................... 10 1.2. Objectives of the Study and Salient Guiding Questions ........................................................................... 12

1.2.1. Objectives of the Study ....................................................................................................... 12 1.2.2. Salient research Questions ................................................................................................. 12

1.3. Literature Review: Theoretical and Conceptual Framework ...................................................................... 12 1.3.1. Biodiversity and Cultural Diversity: the Values of Indigenous Knowledge ................................... 12 1.3.2. Small-scale Cultures as Environment-friendly ......................................................................... 13 1.3.3. Indigenous Wisdom in Natural Resource Management ............................................................ 13 1.3.4. Disintegration of Local Ecosystems, Livelihoods and Socio-cultural Systems .............................. 14 1.3.5. The State of Fish Resources and Factors Contributing to Depletion ........................................ 15 1.3.6. Fish Resources of Ethiopia .................................................................................................. 16

1.4. Significance of the Study .................................................................................................................... 16 1.5. Data and Methods ............................................................................................................................. 17

1.5.1. Study Population and Sites .................................................................................................. 17 1.5.2. Methods of Data Collection .................................................................................................. 17

1.5.3. Data Analysis and Report Write-up ...................................................................................... 18 1.6. Structure of the Report....................................................................................................................... 18

Chapter II: The Zay Islands: Ethno-History of Inhabitation, Ecosystem

and Livelihood System 2.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 19 2.2. Island Ecosystems and Societies the World-over .................................................................................... 19 2.3. Islander Communities in Ethiopia: Ethno-history and the Effect of Ethnic Relations .................................... 19 2.4. Describing Lake Zeway Islands and Ecosystem ...................................................................................... 21

2.4.1. Profile of Lake Zeway ......................................................................................................... 21 2.4.2. The Zay Islands’ History of Inhabitance ................................................................................ 21 2.4.3. Fauna, Flora and Eco-facts .................................................................................................. 22 2.4.4. Describing the Zay Livelihood System .................................................................................. 22

2.4.4.1. General Demographic Characteristics ..................................................................... 22 2.4.4.2. Out-migration Trends .......................................................................................... 23 2.4.4.3. Fish as Capital, Fishing and Intensive Land Cultivation as Co-existent Livelihood Systems ..................................................................................................................................... 23 2.4.4.4. Processes in Decline in Fishing as a Source of Livelihood .......................................... 24 2.4.4.5. A History of Fish Marketing .................................................................................. 24 2.4.4.6. Declining Fish and Coping with Livelihood Challenges .............................................. 25

Chapter III: Fishery Resources of Ethiopian Fresh Water Bodies:

The Case of Zeway Lake 3.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 27 3.2. Fish Resource of Ethiopian Lakes ........................................................................................................ 27

3.2.1. Fish Species and the Fishery Potential ................................................................................... 27 3.2.2. Scientific vs. Local Nomenclature of Fish Species .................................................................... 27 3.2.3. Fishery Potential of Lake Zeway .......................................................................................... 28

3.2.3.1. Folk Descriptions ................................................................................................ 29

Chapter IV: Indigenous Practices, Institutions and Knowledge Systems 4.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 31 4.2. The Ethno-ichthyology the Zay ........................................................................................................... 31

4.2.1. Folk Classification of Fish Varieties ........................................................................................ 31 4.2.1.1. Tulum: a Binding Strand in Zay Nutritional and Sociocultural Life .............................. 31 4.2.1.2. Minci: The Multi-purpose Indigenous Fish .............................................................. 31 4.2.1.3. Garad: a Lost Fish ............................................................................................... 32 4.2.1.4. Ambaza: the Exotic Fish ‘That Eats Up’ the Local Fish, Tulum ................................... 32 4.2.1.5. Kenya/ Afrike, Dubbe/ Addisie: Benign Intruders .................................................... 32

4.2.2. Folk Characterization of Anatomical & Sexual Features of Fish ................................................. 32 4.2.2.1. Distinguishing Male vs. Female Fish ....................................................................... 32 4.2.2.2. Fatty vs. Lean and Healthy vs. Unhealthy Fish ........................................................ 33

4.2.3. Knowledge of Feeding, Migration and Breeding Behaviors of Fish .............................................. 33

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4.2.4. Indigenous Knowledge of Fish Habitations ............................................................................ 33 4.2.5. Knowledge of the Enemies of Fish......................................................................................... 34

4.3. Indigenous Wisdoms of Fish Conservation and Management ................................................................... 35 4.3.1. The “Conspiracy of Maintaining Secrecy” ............................................................................... 36 4.3.2. Capitalizing on Their Negative Stereotypes ........................................................................... 36 4.3.3. Use of Sustainable Fishing Gear and Selective Fishing ............................................................. 38 4.3.4. Avoiding Indiscriminate Fishing ............................................................................................ 38 4.3.5. Limiting Frequency of Fish Harvesting ................................................................................... 39

4.4. Sea–tenure System and Fishery Management ...................................................................................... 39 4.4.1. The ‘Tragedy of the Commons” ............................................................................................ 39 4.4.2. Access to Fishing Rights ..................................................................................................... 40 4.4.3. Modern vs. Folk Fishery Resource Management ...................................................................... 40

4.5. Traditional Fishing Technologies and Techniques .................................................................................... 41 4.5.1. Tradiitonal Fishing Gear, Method of Fishing and Transformations Thereof ................................. 41 4.5.2. The Concept and Method of Baiting ...................................................................................... 43

4.6. Traditional Fish Preservation Know–how .............................................................................................. 44 4.7. Ethno-botanical Knowledge and Utilization of Various Water Growing Plants .............................................. 44

Chapter V: Dietary & Non-Dietary Beliefs, Practices & Uses Relating to Fish

5.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 46 5.2. Fish as Highly Valued Meal .................................................................................................................. 46 5.3. Traditional Fish Cuisines .................................................................................................................... 46

5.3.1. Cherished Body Parts .......................................................................................................... 46 5.3.2. Eating Raw Fish: Filleto ...................................................................................................... 47

5.3.3. Eating Boiled Fish: Wojarat ................................................................................................ 47 5.3.4. Eating Roasted Fish ............................................................................................................ 47 5.3.5. Fish Fat: the Zay ‘Butter’, ‘Oil’ and Valued Gift Item ............................................................... 47

5.4. Medicinal Values of Fish ..................................................................................................................... 48 5.4.1. Fish for Infants and Pregnant/ Post-partum Women ................................................................ 48 5.4.2. Fish Fat: ‘Medicine for All Twelve Diseases’ ............................................................................ 49 5.4.3. Perceptions of Fish Diet’s Link to Good Mental Health and Physical Strength ............................. 49

5.5. Preferential Rankings for Various Fish Varieties .................................................................................... 50 5.6. Exotic Fish and the Islanders’ Dietary Beliefs: the Case of Ambaza ......................................................... 51 5.7. Edible Water- Growing Plants and Fish Cuisine ..................................................................................... 52

Chapter VI: The Psycho-Social Organization of Fishing Activity 6.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 53 6.2. Gender Division of Labor in Fishing ..................................................................................................... 53 6.3. Age Division of Labor: The Role of Children in Fishing............................................................................. 54 6.4. Magic and Superstition in Fishing Societies .......................................................................................... 55 6.5. Some Beliefs as Organizing Principles of Fishing Activity ......................................................................... 55 6.6. Distinguishing Features of the Fishing and Fishing Societies ................................................................... 56

6.6.1. Unique Features of Fishery as a Livelihood Source ................................................................. 56 6.6.2. Responses of Fishing Communities to Their Unique Challenges ................................................. 58

6.6.2.1. Individual Strategies ........................................................................................... 58 6.6.2.2. Fishery Switching ............................................................................................... 58 6.6.2.3. Innovations ....................................................................................................... 58

6.6.3. Commitment to Fishing & Personality Traits .......................................................................... 59

Chapter VII: Factors in Zeway Lake Fish Resources Decline 7.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 60 7.2. The Fact of Decline in Fish Productivity and Quality ................................................................................ 60 7.3. Some Salient Factors in Fish Productivity Decline ................................................................................... 60

7.3.1. Decrease in Volume of Water ............................................................................................... 60 7.3.2. Eco-system Disturbance ...................................................................................................... 61 7.3.3. Introduction of Exotic Fish into Lake Zeway ........................................................................... 63

7.3.3.1. Variations in Local and Expert Opinions .................................................................. 63 7.3.3.2. How Was Catfish Released to the Lake? ................................................................. 63 7.3.3.3. ‘Ambaza is eating up Qoroso’: Local Perceptions ..................................................... 64

7.3.4. The Ever-increasing Illegal Fishing ....................................................................................... 65 7.3.5. Inappropriate Fishing Gears & Indiscriminate Fishing ............................................................. 66 7.3.6. Change in Attitude to Fish among the Neighboring Communities .............................................. 67 7.3.7. All-Year Round Fish Harvesting (Over-fishing) ........................................................................ 68

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Chapter VIII: The Dynamics of Impacts on Local Fishing Livelihood

8.1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 70 8.2. Impacts on the Lake Ecosystem .......................................................................................................... 70 8.3. Impact of Commercialization of Fishing: the Case of FMPC .................................................................... 71 8.4. Impact of Irrigation -Agriculture Development Activities ......................................................................... 72 8.5. Decline in Fish Quality and Productivity and Its Impact ........................................................................... 74

8.5.1. ‘The Good Old Days’? .......................................................................................................... 74 8.5.2. Nutritional Impact of Decline in Fish Quality and Quantity ....................................................... 76 8.5.3. The Ecological Impact of Preponderance of Exotic Fish ........................................................... 76

8.6. Impacts on Indigenous Technologies and Methods of Fishing ................................................................... 76 8.7. Endangered Artifacts and Non-material Cultural Heritages ...................................................................... 77 8.8. Impact on Fish-Based Social Relationships and Neighborhood Ties ........................................................... 78

Chapter IX: Conclusion and Recommendation

9.1. Conclusions....................................................................................................................................... 79 9.2. Recommendations ............................................................................................................................ 82

Bibliography ...................................................................................................................................... 85 List of Abbreviations EFPMC: Ethiopian Fish Production and Marketing Corporation RV: Rift Valley EPRDF: Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front

SNNPRSW: Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional State AAU: Addis Ababa University Br.: Birr Ha: Hectare List of Tables Table 1: Scientific and Local Classification of Fish Species of Ethiopian Fresh Water Bodies, Dec 2007 P.28 Table 2: Scientific and Local Classification of Fish Species of Lake Zeway, Dec 2007 P.30 Table 3: Local terminologies Accorded for Recent Additions to the Lake, December 2007 P.30 Table 4: Summary of Local Classifications of Enemies of Fish, December 2007 P. 35 Table 5: Derogatory Expressions for Fish and Zay Fishers, with Possible Interpretations, December 2007 P. 36 Table 6: Expressions Used as Metaphors Depicting the Phenomenon of Attitudinal Reversal Among the Formerly Fish Detesters, December, 2007 P. 38 Table 7: Traditional Zay Sea-going Vessels and Modern Gear, December 2007 P. 42 Table 8: Summary of Locally People’s Classification of Major Fish Feed Used for Baiting, December 2007 P. 43 Table 9: The Multi-Purpose Function of Fish Fat among Zay Islanders, December 2007 P. 48 Table 10: Local Terminologies of repulsion For Catfish, December 2007 P. 52 Table 11: Local Expressions Depicting Link between Release of Catfish to the Lake and Decline in Local Fish, Tilapia, December 2007 P. 65 Table 12: Expressions Depicting the Phenomenon and Behavior of Illegal Fishers, December 2007 P. 66 Table 13: Expressions Depicting Local People’s Perception of the Qualitative and Quantitative Differences between Fish Then and Now, December 2007 P. 77

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CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

1.1. Background and Problem Statement The escalating socio-economic crisis, environmental degradations and natural resource depletions that are taking place today are usually attributed to the effects of modernization and large-scale development processes. The threats of ethnocide, genocide and ecocide that have occurred in places where indigenous peoples inhabit are often explained in terms of the effects of globalizing industrialization processes (Bodley, 1996; Kottack 2002). As traditional societies are incorporated into the nation-state systems, their local ecosystems are jeopardized and their indigenous resource management practices become weakened. Indigenous people see and protect their traditional lands and ecosystems as their cultural heritage from antiquity and regard the environment in reverent, ethical manner. They want to transmit their cultural heritage intact to their posterity. Ethiopia is currently engaged in massive national socio-economic development activities. The centuries old complex historical, socio-cultural, political, natural and other factors have contributed to what some writers call as the "near ecological disaster” in which we find ourselves (Fasil, 1993; Solomon, 2004). In a country where diverse ethnic groups live in varying agro- ecological zones with multiple subsistent production systems, it can be assumed that there are quite many time–honored traditional knowledge and practices relating to the environment and natural resource use and management. The bounteous and diverse nature of Ethiopia’s natural resources is a well known. Her diverse climatic conditions, viable topographies, rich fauna and flora, vast cattle, unparalleled water sources are often mentioned. However, the current state of natural resources is often regarded as very disappointing. Among the salient dimensions of the dilemma in Ethiopia are the environmental degradation, soil erosion, deforestation and

the depletion of other natural resources. Environmental degradation and resource deteriorations have become key issues in the contemporary environment and society dialogue in Ethiopia. It is assumed that complex interactions of multiple biotic/ physical, social- political, cultural and other factors have contributed to the present dismal state of environmental degradation and deterioration of natural resources in Ethiopia. Evidences of the adverse impacts on the indigenous knowledge, practices and institutions pertaining to natural resource management by the outside socio-political forces and political factors in Ethiopia exist. For example, the depletion of forest resources of Ethiopia is not so much the result of improper uses by subsistent producers as it was due to the actions of warring factions at various times in the country (Solomon, 2004; Fasil, 1993). More recently, the action of successive regimes in Ethiopia in the effort of national development in the endeavor of fighting backwardness, agricultural modernizing, etc have had adverse consequences on the valuable traditional practices and institutions; in some cases threatening the very existence of some native populations (Gebre, 2004; Melese, 2004; Ayalew, 2004).

When we look at the current state of Lake ecosystems and fish resources in Ethiopia, there is now a general worry among concerned parties that many of the Ethiopian lake waters are being polluted and decline in fish resources is occurring at an alarming rate. One of the major factors behind the decline in fish resources and the endangering of local indigenous fishery livelihood may be the ever-increasing trend in fish consumption and pollution of lake ecosystems by development-related activities. Throughout the world various sources indicate that fish consumption has increased at an alarming rate to the point of, in most cases, the near extinction and in some cases total depletion of certain fish verities.

What does the status of fish consumption in Ethiopia look like? Despite the high potential for fish catch of water bodies of the country (Abate, 1994), fish as sources of food are not as such common in Ethiopia. Of the annual consumption of fish, the lion’s share goes to major urban areas and people living in the islands and vicinities of major lakes such as Tana and Zeway. The severely under-utilized nature of the fish resources of Ethiopian water bodies notwithstanding, cases of the over-utilization of certain fish varieties and the associated danger of resource depletion and ecosystem disturbance are common in the country. This phenomenon is occurring in major lakes such as Tana, Zeway, Awassa, Chamo and Abaya. It may be stated that one of the salient environmental problems in Ethiopia relates to the depletion of lake resources, the decrease in the volumes of lake water and the resultant adverse effect on fish resources, local livelihoods and socio-cultural systems. The Rift Valley and other lakes in the country are losing their water volumes, and the lake resources such as fish are being endangered. The increased and indiscriminate uses of fish resources for particularly commercial benefits have been also causing deleterious effects on the fish resources of many lakes in the country.

Among in the forefront of the people that are victimized by the lake ecosystem degradation and fish resources depletion in Ethiopia are the indigenous peoples of Lake Zeway Islands who for centuries have depended on the fish resources of the Lake. The Zay peoples of Ethiopia inhabit the three islands (out of the five) of Lake Zeway and the environing rural vicinities outside the Lake. In today’s politico-administrative structure, those who are currently living in the three islands are in Arsi Zone, where as those outside mainly live under Zeway Dugda and Meqi woredas of East Shoa Zone of Oromia Regional State. Few of them presently inhabit three of the five islands of Lake Zeway: Tulu Gudo, Tadacha and Funduro; whereas the majority live among the nearby urban and rural Oromo communities (mainly Arsi and Shewa Oromos). The two urban centers where most Zays live are Zeway and Meqi (Tesfaye, 1988; and Henze, 1989).

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Decline in fish production paradoxically is thus an emerging problem in many lakes in Ethiopia. As for the Zay, decline in fish production has become one of the major sources of worry and food insecurity. It has led the people to an abject poverty and resulted in low quality of life. Informants often talked about the ‘good old days’ when the lake was teeming with a small cherished white fish (qoroso in local language) thus serving them as a staple source of diet and income (Zerihun, 2001). This phenomenon can be put in the perspective of the impact of human activity particularly development related interventions on fishing and the lake resources.

Related to the decline in fish production is the problem of food insecurity and disintegration of socio-cultural systems, engendered by the decline in fish production. Other factors might have also contributed. Despite few indicative research findings, there is a gap to be filled regarding what complex factors have led to the present state of affairs regarding fish productivity, livelihood crisis and socio-cultural disarticulation. This study has attempted to look at this crucial issue. 1.2. Objectives of the Study and Salient Research Questions

1.2.1. Objectives of the Study The objectives of this study are to: f. Document the ethno-ichthyology of the Zay and their indigenous technologies, beliefs, knowledge systems, and

institutions relating to management and utilization of fishery resources; g. Investigate the state of fishing livelihood and its indigenous knowledge and institutions; h. Understand and explore the factors in and processes of decline in fish productivity, variety and quality as perceived by

local people; i. Describe whether, how and to what extent this decline in turn might have contributed to disintegration of local

livelihood and socio-cultural systems; and j. Determine the role of exogenous factors, such as development-related interventions, in fish productivity decline and

resultant livelihood crisis.

1.2.2. Salient Research Questions The study set out to attempt to answer the following key questions: a. What does the ethno-ichthyology of the Zay look like?

b. What indigenous fish-friendly knowledge systems, practices and institutions did exist and how are these changing?

c. What are the psychosocial organization and peculiar characteristics of fishing as a major livelihood base among the

Zay?

d. What traditional dietary and non-dietary beliefs, practices and functions exist relating to fish among the Zay?

e. What is the state of fishery resources of Lake Zeway?

f. Whether and to what extent has decline in productivity occurred, and if so, what factors and processes are involved?

g. Whether, how and to what extent have the local livelihood and socio-cultural systems been affected due to decline in

fish productivity?

h. Whether exogenous factors, such as governmental and non-governmental development and modernization efforts and processes played any role in the local livelihood and socio-cultural systems disintegration phenomenon?

i. What does the future hold for the local fished-based livelihood and socio-cultural systems among the Zay?

1.3. Literature Review: Conceptual and Theoretical Context The issue of the impact of human activity (particularly in terms of outside, development-related interventions) on lake ecosystem and fish resources, indigenous natural resources use and management patterns should be put in a broader context. In order to do this, it is essential to review some relevant literature, thereby discussing some theoretical and conceptual contexts. Some of such contexts, which may help guide this research, are reviewed below.

1.3.1. Biodiversity and Cultural Diversity: the Values of Indigenous Knowledge Whenever the issue of biodiversity and conservation are raised, anthropologists and like-minded scholars are apt to give indigenous peoples a special place. It is often argued that cultural diversity is closely linked to biodiversity. Humanity’s collective knowledge of biodiversity and its use and management rests in cultural diversity; conversely, conserving biodiversity often helps strength cultural integrity and values. Biodiversity is thus linked with cultural diversity. In this biodiversity- cultural diversity connection, indigenous people play important roles of keepers of knowledge about biodiversity, the stewards of nature, and those living in good harmony with nature. These people are perceived as resources whose allegiance must be won if they are to serve as guardians of biodiversity (Takacs, 1996: 44).

1.3.2. Small-scale Cultures as Environment-friendly One seemingly inherent virtue of the indigenous knowledge and practices in natural resources use and management is the fact that native peoples have developed environmental-friendly life ways, beliefs and institutions. This idea is apparently

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shared among many anthropologists. Many cultural ecological data compiled by ecological anthropologists over the years point to one of possible general conclusions that small-scale cultures have been more sustainably adaptive to their environment and in balanced harmony with nature than the present global culture (Bodley 1996). Native people's values, religion and ideologies are often in contrast to western culture. The former emphasize humanity's dependence on nature and tend to place nature in a revered, sacred category. This has helped in the balanced and sustainable use of natural resources. This is what Bodley (ibid.) calls "the unique characteristics of tribal ideological systems contributing towards a balanced resource base." How do the indigenous people thus view and regard nature and natural resources? In accordance with the above thesis, thus, small-scale cultures regard nature in ethical manner; they consider themselves as part and parcel of natural world; and as such, the natural outgrowth of this ideology is often a good, positive use and management of natural resources. Indigenous people may be thus in many case better at conserving natural resources. Consonant with this view, writing about the Mursi of southern Ethiopia, Turton (1987: 192) wrote:

"The Mursi view of relationship between human society and the external world of nature is different from that which lies behind the western ethos of conservation. The resulting paradox that the Mursi are better conservationists than we are is explained by the fact that the same view of nature which is behind the western [culture] derives to conserve it also lies behind the western derive to exploit it. For conservation and exploitation are both ways of dominating nature of bringing it under human control. When as the Mursi see themselves as living in nature, we see oversleeps as lining over and above it."

Suggesting the possibly superior virtues in traditional peoples handling of nature, Kaufman and Lacroix (1979) wrote that it is high time the American society listened to the voices of indigenous people to save itself. He mentions that the land – use

philosophy of Red Indians is so utterly simple that it seems stupid to respect it: Man must live with other forms of life on the land and not destroy it. Among the native peoples around the world, there is, thus, harmonious balance with nature. There is a sense of oneness with natural resources. For example, the Koyukon Indians of the Arctic Region believe that animals are considered to be sensitive to how people treat them; they consider animals as members of the total community of human, non - human and inanimate objects. Animals are regarded with respect, even though they are hunted for food (Nelson 1998). The ideas of conservation and preservation are thus exotic to native culture that have for millennia behaved respectably and responsibly towards nature.

Traditional peoples possess myriads of values, myths, taboos, beliefs and practices that relate to nature and its resources. This body of knowledge is recorded and transmitted as a rich cultural heritage from generation to generation through cultural and religious ways. Behind the beauty of traditional peoples' resource management practices are the overriding cultural and religious values. Traditional people exhibit an unfailing degree of devotion to future generations, ethical regard for nature, and commitment to community among people (Durning, 1993).

1.3.3. Indigenous Wisdom in Natural Resource Management Amidst the perennial tendency and atmosphere of regarding scientific knowledge as the only valid and useful one and others as invalid, social anthropological research efforts helped create an awareness about the “ complexity, variety ad validity of indigenous knowledge systems” (Chambers, 1983: 82). Cultural ecological data indicate that small-scale cultures possess rich environmental knowledge. Indigenous peoples’ knowledge of the environment, soil and land types, climate and weather conditions, water sources, animal behavior, insects and other invertebrates, livestock and livestock husbandry and the micro – environments is astounding. For example, the Hanuno of Mindano Islands in the Philippines who are shifting cultivators distinguish between ten basic soil types, and 30 sub types, 450 animal types and more than 1600 plants, including some 450 types not recognized by botanists. They cultivate 430 plant verities (Bodley, 1996: 50). Chambers (1983:75), too, maintained that indigenous peoples’ knowledge "…is often superior to that of outsiders. Examples can be found in mixed farming, knowledge of the environment, abilities to observe and discriminate…” (p. 75). Traditional knowledge of natural world built upon centuries of practical experience encounters interactive relation so subtle and deep that it may be in practical aspects equated with the scientific knowledge. In the words of Nelson (1998) “their insights into the natural world are worth rediscovering "(p. 68).

1.3.4. Disintegration of Local Ecosystems, Livelihoods and Socio-cultural Systems

Anthropological literature is replete with cases of how development projects planned without the consultation of appropriate professionals and intended beneficiaries have done more harm to the people, their cultural heritages, and their local ecosystems than the benefits of improved living standard. Anthropologists argue that any development project should be culturally compatible and such projects are found to be "twice as much successful as the incompatible ones" (Kottack, 2002: 586). Culturally compatible development projects take into account, among other things, the traditional, cultural heritages of the local people concerned; their indigenous knowledge and wisdom; including respecting the peoples' ethical concerns for nature and local ecosystems. Indigenous peoples all over the world have been increasingly exposed to the forces of capitalist global markets, with adverse consequences for their livelihoods. The broader context of social and agrarian changes has increasingly limited

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indigenous peoples' access to critical natural resources in their own local ecosystems; local people's lands, trees and range products which have for centuries been used and managed by them are exposed to market forces; their domestic labor supplies are strained; and their local institutions of managing natural resources are weakened (Little and Brokensha, 1987: 207). The forces of outside interventions are also highly felt among inhabitant of forest areas. Ecologically oriented, mutuality relationships between forests and people are disappearing and changing due to market forces, government forest policies, and changes in the government's values of indigenous peoples (Becker and Leon 2000: 163). Indigenous knowledge bases and practices have also faced threatening challenges in Ethiopia. Efforts of governments to modernize traditional subsistent living styles have been made by the different regimes in the country. Anthropological researches on the adverse consequences of development projects of various sorts, development- induced impoverishments, failure stories of development projects, the weakening and disintegration of traditional practices and institutions pertaining to natural resources, etc are now coming up in Ethiopia (Melese 2004; Boku, 1996; Gebre, 2004; Ayalew, 2004).

1.3.5. The State of Fish Resources and Factors Contributing to Depletion

According to the Encyclopedia of Ecology and Environmental Management (1998), there are about 24,000 fish species of which about 62% are marine. As to their anatomical shape most are torpedo–shaped, although there are others with round, flat and angular shapes. The variation in body size among fish species is so amazing that some fish species attain maturity when only 2-3 cm in length, other such as whale sharks are as big as over 20 meter (p. 277). The current conservation status of fish shows that over 29 species are already extinct with about 452 threatened species (ibid p. 261). Some scholars argue that humans have exploited plant and animal resources for centuries without any concern, by virtue of which some species of plants and animals have been exterminated (Smith and Smith, 1998: 225). This phenomenon, they

contend, has been particularly true regarding humans’ use and abuse of fishes. The causes of fish extinction and threatening vary from one bio-geographical region to the other. However, the major factors include habitat degradation, exotic species introductions and overexploitations. The overriding one of these is habitat degradation; it “arises not only from changes in land use”, but also as a result of pollution; “change, in hydrological regions and global climate change” (Encyclopedia of Ecology and Environmental Management (1998: 277). Introduction of exotic fish either accidental or for fisheries development is another major factor in a widespread scale. This phenomenon has resulted in habitat destruction and extinction of local species. The most spectacular example of this problem has occurred in the fresh water of Lake Victoria where the introduction of the species Nile perch (Lates Nilotes) in the late 1950’s resulted in the extinction of some 200 endemic species. This not only has had profound impacts on subsistence fisheries and those who depend on them but also represents one of the greatest vertebrate extinction episodes of modern times (ibid. p 278). The literature on the effect of pollution on lakes and fisheries often cite the case of Lake Erie in the United States. One writer (Boughey 1975: 418) notes that the industrial exploitation has been destroying the lake ecosystem. He says. “The western end of the Lake is dead, with no sign of life above or below the water. Patches of oil, trash, and sewage float on the surface; foul–smelling scum mixed with the bodies of water foul, fish and assorted jetsam among which scuttles an occasional rat. Commercial fishing, once a thriving industry on Lake Erie, has declined and almost disappeared with the loss of such species as white fish, picked sager, and sturgeons." Reeves, et al (1998: 220), writing about the North American pacific coastal eco-region, stated that “the structure and composition of many native fish communities are modified by anthropogenic activities; several species of native fishes are extinct and many others are in need of special management considerations because of low declining numbers.” Writing about ecology of the Ontario fisheries, Becking (1997) wrote: “Fish stocks declined under [the] pressure [of over exploitation), and some species disappeared forever. Other human interventions including domestic, industrial and agricultural pollution; accidental or deliberate introduction of exotic species; and elimination of wetlands and other fish habitats resulted in further damage to fish population.”

1.3.6. Fish Resources of Ethiopia

It is estimated that there are about 145 varieties of fish in the different lakes of Ethiopia; of these four fish species are found only in Ethiopia (Agazen Journal No 17, 2001:11). Although there are varieties of fish resources with can be put to use as food items and for other economical purposes it is noted that due to lack of policies on effective and sustainable use of fish resources, the resource is being exposed to abuses and serious reduction in the amount of harvest, to the extent of some fish being endangered with extinction. Due to socio-cultural and religious reasons, the peoples of Ethiopia do not eat some fish verities, and hence, heavy dependence on limited varieties for food is causing the near disappearance of these varieties (Laloto 2004). Although there are a number of legally organized fish vending associations in the country, there are also many illegal fishers who use inappropriate, backward implements and this is also wrecking its havoc on the fish resources in the country in general and in Lake Zeway area in particular.

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Fish resources in lakes Zeway, Awassa, Chamo, and Abaya are reported to have been particularly exposed to increasing irresponsible and unsustainable illegal fishing practices. Further, studies on the commercially important fish stock in Lake Tana reported “serious decline of the endemic stock of large barbus in Lake Tana as a result of recruitment over-fishing...” (Eshete 2003:7) The socio–economic and psycho-cultural repercussions of the loss or reduction in stock of certain fish species as vital sources of food and income are no simple matters. People may face serious economic losses and social cultural disorientation due to this (Frank and Legget, 1994). 1.4. Significance of the Study This study is justified on the basis of the following points:

Anthropological studies on the conditions of the impact of human activity on indigenous fishing livelihoods and fish resources and the lake ecosystem in Ethiopia are lacking; this research therefore may serve as one of first attempts in this regard;

Providing anthropological information on the indigenous knowledge and practices relating to fishery activities; Heightening the awareness of the perils of island communities in Ethiopia which have so often been neglected

among the concerned governmental and no-governmental bodies; Increased awareness among the concerned bodies about the impacts of development-related activities, notably

mechanized, irrigated agriculture drawing on the waters of Lake Zeway on the Lake's ecosystem and fish resources;

Increased awareness among the concerned bodies about the utilities and virtues of indigenous knowledge and practices that are environment-friendly and have contributed to the harmonious relations between humans and their ecology;

Contributing to policy initiatives on the phenomenon of the impact of unregulated and illegal commercial fishing on the fish stock of the Rift Valley Lakes of Ethiopia, notably Lake Zeway;

Drawing attention to the need for fish resource and indigenous heritage reclamation activities, and averting the perils of the island Zay; and

Contributing towards the consolidation efforts of environmental protection and island ecosystem conservation in Ethiopia.

1.5. Data and Methods

1.5.1. Study Population and Sites This research project was carried out among the Zay, focusing on one of the major islands, namely, Tulu Gudo and other sleeted migrant Zay communities living at the outskirts of Zeway and Meqi towns. Two study sites from the migrant Zay; namely, Boccessa and Woldeya rural communities were selected on the basis of numeric preponderance of migrant Zay in these areas.

1.5.2. Methods of Data Collection

This research project wholly employed qualitative methods as the hallmarks of social - anthropological researches. The following techniques of data collection were used: Focus Group Discussion: Qualitative data on relevant research themes were secured by conducting focus group discussions with various categories of informants, including older and younger community members of both sexes from island and migrant Zay, using FGD question guides. Individual and key Informant Interviews were conducted with various community members of both sexes, using unstructured interview guides. Individuals working in the fishery cooperative associations, the Zeway Fish Production and Marketing Corporation, fishery experts of Woreda Agriculture Department and Fishery Resource Center researchers; traders in commercial fishing were contacted and interviewed. A series of key informant interview was conducted with two of my field guides who were also my field facilitators and knowledgeable Zay adult males. Informal interviews, what is called ‘ethnographic conversations were also made with various community members both Zay and non-Zay. Systematic non- participant observation was used to secure data on the behaviors, activities, artifacts, ecofacts, events, etc that have bearings on fishing. All the interview and focus group discussion sessions were audiotaped and note taken. The audiotaped data were transcribed onto paper, and after edition and cleaning of the transcribed data, the notes were type written by using a word processor. Ethnographic, theoretical and secondary, archival sources were also reviewed by visiting the libraries documentation centers of relevant institutions and organizations such as Institute of Ethiopian Studies and Graduate studies at Addis Ababa University, Hawassa University, Zeway Fish Production and Marketing Corporation, Oromia Fishery Resource Research Center. The Internet was also used to browse for relevant secondary sources.

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To ensure inter-discipilinarity of this research project, attempt was made to seek expert assistance from water resource expert. Thus, a specialist on hydrological matters reviewed available hydrological data on Lake Zeway attempted to corroborate the findings from anthropological studies.

1.5.3. Data Analysis and Report Write-up Data analysis was done by using data reduction processes. The data were classified according to salient thematic issues emerging from the finding. Empirical data were compared with other ethnographic findings so as to place the findings in the general ethnographic context. The issues were then given appropriate chapter headings and final writing up of the report was done. The report follows a narrative writing style as normally expected from a purely qualitative anthropological study. Following the conventional anthropological approach, the emic view is emphasized to provide insight into issues ‘through the eyes of the local people.’ Local views are also evaluated by discussing etic and expert perspectives and comparing local views with other ethnographic findings. 1.6. Structure of the Report This research report is divided into nine chapters. Each Chapter is divided into headings, sub-headings and sub-sub headings. Chapter 1 presents the what, why, who, where and how of the research. Chapters 2 and 3 discuss descriptions of study population and sites; and the state of lake ecosystem and fishery resources, respectively. In Chapter 4, attempt is made to discuss the ethno-ichthyology of the Zay and the transformations thereof. Chapters 5 and 6 deal with the dietary and non-dietary beliefs, practices and function relating to fish; and the psychosocial organization of fishing activity, respectively. Chapter 7 dwells on the factors of fish productivity decline in Lake Zeway and Chapter 8 is devoted to explaining the impacts of fish productivity decline on local livelihoods and socio-cultural systems. The last Chapter presents key conclusions and points of interventions.

All sources cited in the report are presented in the bibliography section.

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CHAPTER TWO THE ZAY ISLANDS: ETHNO-HISTORY, INHABITATION AND LIVLEIHOOD SYSTEM

2.1. Introduction This Chapter presents a background context on the state of islander societies across Ethiopia before dwelling in some detail on the Zay fisher-peasant communities. The Chapter covers findings from field data and secondary sources on socio-cultural, ecological and livelihood conditions of islander societies in Ethiopia, followed by detailed description of the livelihood, demographic, socio-cultural characteristics of the islander and mainland Zay communities are provided. 2.2. Island Ecosystems and Societies the World-over Islander and maritime communities across time and space have occupied special place in the research agendas of social sciences, as well as the political- economic system of the world. Such societies have also faced special circumstances and challenges emanating from their certain unique ecosystem and livelihood realities. Some researchers have regarded islands and islander societies as “the microcosms of the global world. They are little worlds themselves…natural history’s best shot at something approaching the controlled experiment” (Kirsch, 1997). This argument draws our attention to the unitary, representative nature of such societies in their occupation of island and maritime ecosystems. As such, they deserve our special attention in term s of their need for research and conservation interventions. Despite island societies and cultures have tried to preserve their unitary, unique socio-cultural and ecosystem traditions, they have often been exposed to many exogenous elements that have corruptive force. Rapid depopulation, caused by steady out-migration and economic decline often characterizes island communities. And thus, adverse changes have occurred to their various systems. These processes put the islander cultural identity and continuity in to question. The

power of malignant outward pull has often worked on these societies so much so that some islander societies and cultures have in the process lost their unique socio-cultural and ecological systems. In other’s cases, invading human groups with their exotic fauna and flora have also transformed the indigenous bio- system and socio-cultural system of islands. The processes of transformations in islander socio-cultural and ecological systems have not occurred due to only exogenous factors, however. Researches show that indigenous people’s interactions with their environment have also some times contributed its own share. Although it is generally known that indigenous islander societies have natural conservators of their own environment, they have also been “radical transfers of their island environments” (Kirsch, 1997: 30). Here, two notions exist in literature regarding indigenous islanders’ relations to their island ecosystem. One dominant notion states that indigenous people are “conservators of their land habitats and resources”. The other notion is that the indigenous people have drastically transformed the island ecosystem, including deforestations, extinction of fauna, etc.

2.3. Islander Communities in Ethiopia: Ethno-history, Identity and Ethnic Relations

The Ethiopian RV Lakes and the mainland Lake of Tana house a number of islands where indigenous people inhabit. Fishing as a means of livelihood is said to have begun by the indigenous inhabitants of the islands (Tsegaye 1998). The processes of adaptation to the difficult island ecosystem, the maintenance of cultural identity by the islanders in Ethiopia lakes, and the challenges they face from various dimensions, particularly external ones, deem to be understood. Below is a survey of ethno-historical and ecological traces of islander communities in the major Lakes of Ethiopia. Lake Langano lying 30 miles south of Zeway harbors an island named Tulu Laqi. According to Henze (1973) and Zay informants (Zerihun 2001), the dwellers of this island have ethno-historic and cultural affinity with the Zay of Lake Zeway whose Oromo proffered name is similar, Laqi, meaning ‘the rowers’. The island of Tulu Laqi similarly has old terrace walls house foundations and tombs with resemblance to the Zay. The island seems to have been thickly populated and cultivated until early 20th c (Henze 1973). The ruined terrace walls and the barely abandoned island may attest to the footprints of adverse factors. Lake Abiata, into which Lake Langano drains, seems to have never hosted an Island and no trace of human settlement along its shores. Lake Shalla, the deepest of the RV Lakes, houses one of the most inaccessible islands to humans, and thus no known human settlement. The Island is a home only for bird life. The Lake houses seven islands; one of the islands near to the Lake shore; according to 19th c travelers accounts, the Lake was said to house hostile islanders, but Henze stated that he had observed “no traces of terraces, evidences of settlements, no signs of old cultivated fields” (1972:91). Lake Wonchi, 75 miles west of Addis Ababa, houses two islands that are “the cultural centers for the area.” Both Islands, Debir and Bergis, are populated and intensely cultivated. Lake Awassa, the smallest of the seven RV Lakes, has no islands. Of the two southern most RV lakes, Lake Abaya “is rich in islands and cultural survivals” (Ibid. p.92). It is the largest of RV Lakes and the second to Lake Tana in Ethiopia. It has more than dozen sizable islands and many smaller ones. The islands of Lake Abaya host two ethnic groups, the Gidicho and Gatami; most of the people of Gidicho live on the large island of the same name located in the north eastern part of Lake Abaya. The people practice agriculture with cattle raising. The island bears witness to old terrace walls evidence of much thicker occupation and cultivation a few generations ago; similar processes to that of Lake Zeway islands seem to have taken place: people moving out to the main land and facing external challenges to their livelihoods.

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Lake Chamo has few islands, of which one is inhabited. Two other islands appear to have been inhabited in the past. The inhabited Island is called Ganjule situated on the northern part of the Lake. There has been extensive terracing on parts of its upper slopes. Henze noted in 1972 that only a small portion of the terraced area was cultivated and about 50-60 people lived on the Island on compact villages, north east side. Most of the Ganjule moved out to the shores, while the Island still remaining the center of their culture. The main occupations of the Ganjule have been weaving, fishing and hippo hunting (Henze 1972). They eat fish, hippo and corn. The Ganjule of Chamo and Lake Abaya islanders have been facing intense challenge to their cultural survival, ethnic identity and livelihood system. They are being assimilated into the shore life. Lake Tana is a huge heart shaped island sea with many islands. The Lake has several fish species and hippos the latter being hunted almost into extinction by the Wayto, who live in several small villages along the shore. They are indigenous inhabitants of the Lake region; the islands display no traces of earlier occupation. The islands of these Lake have had a special place in Ethiopians Orthodox Christian religious and political lives. Most of the islands came to be regarded as scared grounds forbidden for women; however, the Dek Island houses a natural agricultural population, thickly inhabited and cultivated. Isolated peoples like the Zay islanders find themselves under increasing pressure to merge into the mainstream of social and economic development (Henze 1973: 76); with this trend continuing in intensified manner. The rich cultural heritages, livelihood systems, mode of adaptation to the harsh island ecosystem are rapidly vanishing. The modernization flurry, which has already begun long ago, with large development projects, has an irresistibly destructive influence on indigenous peoples and their age-old traditions relating to island ecosystems. 2.4. Describing Lake Zeway Islands and Ecosystem

2.4.1. Profile of Lake Zeway

Lake Zeway is located south of Addis Ababa, 160km- in the Ethiopian RV Lakes region, west of Asella, east of Zeway town, south of Mt Bora and north of Mt Alluto (Tadele 1990). The Lake is roughly oval shaped with 40km length from north to south and 26.5km width from east to west (Henze 1973). Its surface area is about 434 km sq. with 1846 m elevation (Mesfin 1972). The Lake is located at 8o N; 38o 40’ E; its altitude is 6050 ft with surface area of 169 sq. mile. The minimum depth is 8ft and maximum depth, 22.8 ft. Its maximum volume is 38.8x109 cube ft. The Lake’s maximum length is 20 miles with maximum width 12.3 miles and shore line length of 63.7 miles The total catchment area is about 2,710 sq. mile. Two tributaries from two different directions, Katar and Maqi Rivers, feed the Lake. The former arises from Easter Highlands of Arsi Plateau, and the latter from southern Shewan (Gurage) Plateau. The Lake’s water volume is balanced by the outflow through Bulbula River, which joins Lake Abiata. Maness (1974) wrote that the Lake was a home for “all sorts of water birds… including storks, white pelicans, wild ducks and geese, and fish eagles.” P.169.

2.4.2. The Zay Islands’ History of Inhabitance

Lake Zeway is home for five volcanic islands: Galila and Debresina (south- western part) and Tulu Gudo, Tsedecha and Funduro (south-eastern part). The largest of the islands is Tulu Gudo. The islands are visible from all directions of the Lake. The southwest islands of Dabresina and Galila are now completely cleared of human habitation. Some population inhabits the rest three islands, Tulu Gudo, Tsadacha and Funduro (Zerihun, 2001). The presence of some Zay legends and sayings regarding the origin of the Lake Zeway may hint the indigenousness of the Zay islanders, although there are divergent views. The Zay regard fishing and fish as lifeblood of their economic well-being, socio-cultural identity; without the recourse to fishing as a way of life and source of survival strategy, the Zay could not have survived the harsh topographic and ecological niche of the islands (Tesfaye, 1988). Folktale by Zay informants and ethnographic literature relate to the mainland origin of the ancestry of the Zay, among the Gurage, the Silte, the Oromo, the Amhara and other ethno-linguistic groups. It is in the 840’s that the first immigrants to the Islands came from northern parts of the country, fleeing a religious persecution, according to traditions, led by a Jewish woman named Queen Yodit. The second wave of Zay ancestors came fleeing another round of religious persecution during the famed Ahmed Gragn war of the 15th c. There are a people called Arin or Agar, according to informants, who are regarded as original inhabitants of the islands, who predate the Zay. Posterities of these people are found today in limited numbers. Today, the majority of the Zay live on the mainland as peasants occupying agricultural lands in the neighboring Arsi and East Shewa Oromo areas. About a population of 2500 currently continues their life on the Islands.

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Photo 1: Lake Ziway and one of its islands (Tulu Gudo Island)

2.4.3. Fauna, Flora and Eco-facts

According to informants, there are no observed wild animals on the islands except monkeys and rhinos. Tamed animals such as cows, oxen, goats, and chicken are raised in most households. Dogs are recent additions to the islands’ fauna. The Lake houses a number of aquatic fauna other than fish, notably hippopotamus, alligators and occasionally pythons (Zerihun 2001). The islands house various birds that feed on fish; notable among the fish eater birds are white vultures (kebrii in Zay- nec amora in Amharic), aba coda (oboleca in Zay), eagles (saba cokegn in Zay). Domesticated crop plants of the islands include dagussa (finger millet), teff (taafi in Zay tongue)), maize (mashula), pepper, etc. Finger millet, wheat, barely and maize have been cultivated on the islands since time immemorial. Ancestors did not cultivate teff according to informants. There are varieties of other flora, notably big trees and some of the trees exist in the form of thick forests on the islands. Trees of various types abound around the shores and marshes of the Lake. The Lake shores particularly contain reeds, papyrus and other floras. Some of the water-based plants have faced the danger of depletion due to human impacts as the plants were used for various purposes A visitor to the Zeway islands is destined to be surprised by the ingenious stone terraces. The Zay developed an ingenious method of stone walled terracing on the slopes to avoid soil erosion and to mitigate the problem of land shortage (Tesfaye 1988). The islands for a new visitor seem to be covered by these impressive stone walled terraces. The terraces are the major eco-facts that tell something of the ancient Zay people’s management of the stony Island soils. The ancient Zay made the terraces. Informants told no present terrace building is going on to protect the meager arable lands from run-off water. Since the massive out-migration and virtual evacuation of certain sections of the currently occupied islands, no protection was being given for the ancient eco-facts. According to one of my key informants, the terraces were so marvelous in structure and tall in stature that one could doubt a human hand had made it. Now these terraces are in danger. In the past, before the massive out-migration each household cared for the terraces, doing maintenance when a stone or two fell down.

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Photo 2: Tulu Gudo Island and its terraces 2.4.4. Describing the Zay Livelihood System

2.4.4.1 General Demographic Characteristics According to a 1999/2000 survey made by a Zay Psychiatric Disorders Project, a phased- out Addis Ababa University and Emmanuel Hospital- based research and service rendering project, the total islands population was about 2000, while that of the migrant Zays living in the rural and urban areas of nearby weredas of East Shoa and Arsi Zones in the Oromia Regional State was 4500. The migrant urban Zays lived in mainly Zeway and Meqi towns and their rural counterparts lived in Boccessa, Woldeya, Meqdella, Qerato Shubi, Meto Arba, and Qorke Adi spread across the aforementioned weredas. According to one of my key informants, the current population is about 7500; of which the islanders constitute around 2400 and the rest are migrants spread across the above mention urban and rural residences.

2.4.4.2. Out-migration Trends

The Zay continued in isolation until the conquest by Menlik II of the Lake Zeway regions and Arsi Oromo ended the isolation. Zay out-migration began since the opening–up of the islands to the central government during the reign of Menlik II. The steady migration eventually resulted in the islanders of Galila and Debre-sina virtually leaving the islands and migrating to Boccessa area in the outskirts of Zeway Town to establish settlement on the mainland. Large-scale population migration from the south- eastern islands of Tulu Gudo, Tadacha and Funduro occurred in 1970-72 to fertile shore lands to the northeastern side of the Lake (Tesfaye 1988). One of my key interests was whether it was the decline in fish production as a factor that led to the out-migration. Local informants argued that the out-migration was not primarily driven by a decline in fish abundance and productivity; it was mainly triggered by growing population size which far outstripped the meager patchy and stony island farmlands and its

declining productivity, as well as the lure of vacant farm lands to be occupied and inhabited. According to informants at Tulu Gudo Island, out-migration existed from ancient time although in limited number. But when population increased, the islanders appealed to the then central government. For example, Emperor Menlik II gave 50 acre of land outside the islands; Emperor H/Selassie also gave 20 acre. Then, the able-bodied adults left the islands to settle in the new farmlands, leaving behind old people and small children. Massive out-migration occurred during 1940s to settle around Meqi area environing the Lakeshores (Megdella, Qorke Edi, Shubi Qeraru, Woldeya areas in the then Shoa Region). Now the migrant Zays have become dominant in these areas. In general, the explanation for out-migration was not due to decline in fish productivity, because in those times fish was abundant. The people wanted to engage in agriculture saying that only fish, with very small land space, could not support the growing population. It was due mainly to over-population and land shortage.

2.4.4.3. Fish as Capital, Fishing and Intensive Land Cultivation as Co-existent Livelihood Systems

The Zay have made their living on fish production and small-scale farming. They have been both fishers and intensive land cultivators from time immemorial; their former status often overshadowing the latter in terms of its cultural and nutritional significance. Thus said an old informant from migrant rural Zay community at Meqdella, “We were born into and grown up in the fishing culture. Our fathers and ancestors were fishers. They also cultivated land. We learned the wisdom of fishing from our fathers and our fathers from their fathers.” Informants at Tulu Gudo Island claimed, “This Island of ours is the

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forerunner in fishing in the whole Ethiopia. Fishing in other lakes and water bodies in the country is a latecomer; we have fished on the islands for about 1175 years.”

Photo 3: Fishing as capital for the Zay Islanders Fishing and intensive crop cultivation have characterized the islanders for millennia; the two livelihood systems occasionally vied for preeminence, one dominating the other. The fish had been the main capital, their lifeline. It may be compared with equivalent capitals for other societies: cattle for pastoral nomads, etc. Fish production has been supplemented with a small-scale crop cultivation using tiny patches of arable lands amidst the stony soils of the islands. The ancient Zay produced finger millet in particular, and teff was also produced, although in did not exist from the beginning according to an old informant. The ancients stored their cereal produce in local barns made of bamboos. They stored finger millet for long period of time as an insurance against lean seasons.

2.4.4.4. Processes in Decline in Fishing as a Source of Livelihood A unanimous view from FGD participants of adult and older community members at Tulu Gudo Island is that fishing has consistently declined as a source of livelihood for the islanders particularly since the recent few decades. According to the informants, indeed, fish production has declined from its pristine conditions. In the past, the islanders could abundantly harvest by simply using hooks. One could simply go and fetch fish for immediate use, as one would pick cabbage from a backyard. “And the fish then was fatty. The fattiness was itself special, unique kind, tasty when frayed and eaten. The sauce was very fatty,” said an old informant. According to the informants, the important factors in the progressive decline of the fishing livelihood were introduction of modern fishing gears, increase in fisher population and releasing of exotic fish types. In view of the islanders, ambaza (catfish) has destroyed the local fish variety, which has been a lifeline of the fish-based livelihood system. The informants believed this ambaza fish began feeding on the smaller fish of the qoroso and in the process has destroyed their livelihood. “It is after the introduction of this fish that fish productivity declined in this Lake; we understand that the main reason for the decline in fish production is the introduction of this exotic fish type,” as one informant argued. Informants generally argued that gradual decline of fish has led to the weakening of their livelihood system. According to the informants, it is especially since EPRDF came to power and the provision of access to all people surrounding the Lake that the right of fishing of the islanders began to be challenged. Now, the islands are all vulnerable to famine, as the fish productivity declined. Thus “we have almost become floating in the air trapped in between. We are now thus living as losers. Even if the fish productivity is small, it could have sustained us the islanders if the wholesome access right is not given to all manner of fishers” as on older man said.

2.4.4.5 A History of Fish Marketing There was very little market demand in the past. Informants stated that no one initially sold or bought fish; it was harvested only for diet. One informant said, “When certain Gurage merchants introduced our fish to the urban centers people began demanding more fish. Even so, fish was so teeming and abundant and the wider communities demand for fish

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so little that we sold up to 100 fish for a Br.” But gradually people’s awareness of fish edibility increased and market demand gradually expanded. In the past, because of the abundance of fish, the older generation sold fish in absolute numbers, not in kilos. Thus, 40-60 fish were sold for one Br. This has changed gradually, and now the people are selling fish in kilos. A kilo of fish which numbers from 6-7 (if qoroso) is sold for 2 Br. Some big-sized fish were being sold in high prices; one fish if big sized sells 1 Br, if bigger 2 Br. Ambaza brings more money to the fisher as it is bigger in size. The fishers at the shore sell one live (un-filleted) ambaza for 1-2 Br. The merchants then sell in kilos after gutting it in fillet forms. If one caught some 10 ambaza, it would weigh up to 20 kilos. In some cases, one could catch a very big ambaza weighing up to 6 kilograms.

Photo 4: Fish ready for markets (Ethiopian Fish Marketing and Production Enterprise Boat)

Lack of Well-Facilitated Market System One of the major current livelihood challenges of the islanders is lack of well-facilitated fish market system. This is also

confirmed by Head of Oromia Fishery Resource Research Center: “Currently, there is big marketing problem. It is market demand that determines the production. The trend should be changed to producer-driven market; the perishable nature of fish dictates searching for various alternatives in dried form.” The lack of good transport service between the islands and the towns has led to exploitation and price manipulation by the middle men merchants who often fix cheap price. There is high shortage of transportation problem. There is no government or other bodies based transport service limited number of private boat owners. These private boat owners do not offer regular, predictable transport service. The problem of fluctuating market and price is and added challenge to their livelihood. The problem of market and price fluctuations and the producers’ powerlessness in price bargaining has persisted until today. The primary producers have no power of negotiating price. Because of the easy perishability of the product, the fisher cannot wait until he gets a better price. A kilo of un-gutted fish (freshly caught), for example, is sold for 1.50 Br at Langano Lake fishing base. The same kilo of fish of tilapia – gutted- is sold 26–28 Br in Addis Ababa super-markets. We see the extent of powerlessness of the fishers in this direction. The seasonal fluctuations of fish price are staggering.

2.4.4.6. Declining Fish and Coping with Livelihood Challenges Local informants did not remember any notable history of food shortage or famine on the islands, except for some faint memories of a vicious famine that occurred at a distant past. One old man stated, “In my life time I did not hear of any famine. Our fathers cultivated land and stored cereals; they caught fish and fed us. They fed us well. If you ate one fish with a half injera- it was satisfying; you could stay the whole day. So they raised their children in very comfortable way.” Like the rest of societies with subsistent economies in the country who face livelihood crisis (Fasil 1993), the Zay have been since the last few decades faced with food security challenges. According to a Zay intellectual, up to the 1940s, fishing used be supplemental activity for the people, as there was very little market opportunity. They harvested fish mainly for their household nutritional purpose. They had engaged in intensive crop cultivation, although the arable land was very meager. But when the market opportunity was opened up and fish

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productivity was very good farming became a supplemental activity. However, since the 1990s the steady decline in fish production, and the mushrooming of illegal fishers have now forced the people once again to drop fishing as their main livelihood base. This led gradually to the livelihood crisis and decline in living standard of the people. Then people began to seek alternative ‘off-fishing’ livelihood strategies, such as hiring farmlands, sharecropping, daily labor in urban centers, etc. Some livelihood diversifications exist for the Zay. One of the coping mechanisms being used by Zay fishermen both on and out of the islands is occupational switching. Such trends in occupational switching are now common among Zay, particularly migrant ones. Some migrant and islanders engage in fruit investment. Those able to access financial capital are now turning to irrigation–based farming focusing on fruits and vegetables, using small water drawing motors. They contract farmlands from the peasants. Some engage in motorized fishing, supplying fish to towns in way. Some have become successful through these processes. Those who lack the financial resource stick to their intensive fishing, although it does not pay off much. Despite decline in local fish productivity, the islanders continue to subsist on fish; they don’t have viable land. The migrant Zay living in various parts of Arsi and East Shewa Zones of Oromia State subsist mainly on agriculture. Some migrants continue in fishing through fishers’ cooperatives and engage in fishing.

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CHAPTER THREE FISHERY RESOURCES OF ETHIOPIAN FRESH WATER BODIES: THE CASE OF ZEWAY LAKE

3.1. Introduction This Chapter presents the states of fishery resource in fresh water bodies of Ethiopia, focusing on Lake Zeway. The fish productivity potential, scientific and folk fish classifications, species compositions and trend in composition change, decline and loss of certain species, the lakes ecosystem deterioration processes, etc, are discussed. 3.2. Fish Resource of Ethiopian Lakes

3.2.1. Fish Species and the Fishery Potential

Information on the conditions of fishery activities, traditional fishing communities and the impact of development interventions on fish resources, lake eco-system and indigenous livelihoods is scanty at best (Tsegaye 1998). The number and types of species of fish present in each lake or river in Ethiopia is not known for certain (Shibru 1973). Available sources attest to the fact of Africa’s and Ethiopia’s vast water bodies with abundant fish production potential (George 1986; Bassa 1986). The water surface of Ethiopia is about 0.7%. Network of lakes, rivers, swamps and flood plains cover about 13 million ha of landmass in the country. Of this, about 75,000 ha are covered by fresh water lakes, notably the Rift Valley (RV) lakes system. There are ten lakes in the country of which the majority are located in the Rift Valley which together account for 7500 km2 (Eshete 2003:3). The largest water body in the country, Lake Tana (comprising 50%), is located outside the Rift valley in the northwestern plateau. Some sources estimate maximum yields between 30,000 to 40,000 tones per year (Lulu 1984; Fao. 1993, cited in Tsegaye 1998), with only 20% catch rate of the maximum potential. The fact of under-utilization of the fish resource of the Rift

valley lakes has been mentioned frequently. A study conducted by the Ethiopian Fish Production and Marketing Corp. in the 1980’s indicated the country could be carrying as much as 135,000,000 Br. per year if the fish resource were utilized properly (Tadele, 1990). The inland lakes altogether contain about 20 commercially viable fish species. The commercially valuable species of fish in order of importance include: Tilapia nilotica (qoroso), Clarias mossambicus, Barbus gregorii, Lates niloticus and Borgus Docamac (Shebru, 1979; cited in Daniel; 1992:21). Of these, tilapia locally qoroso, Nile perch (locally nec asa) and catfish (locally ambaza) are most important (Molla 1985). Most of the fish resources of Ethiopia are found in the RV lake system, which teem with some of the above mentioned varieties of fish, namely, Nile perch, tilapia (sometimes also called St. Peter’s Fish), Cyprinus, Barbus (commonly bilca), Bargrus, Clarias, Labeo, etc. (Atkins and Partners 1965, cited in Tadele, 1990).

3.2.2. Scientific vs. Local Nomenclature of Fish Species Fish species existing in the fresh water bodies of Ethiopia have been proffered local terms. The local terms appear to signify the various characteristics of fish, such as their anatomical features, their color, body shape, etc. There appears to be a national resemblance in the local names given to major fish types harvested from the lakes. The following table provides the main commercially viable fish varieties their scientific and local nomenclature. Table 1: Scientific and Local Nomenclature of Commercially Viable Fish Species of Ethiopian Lakes, 2007

Ser. No.

Scientific Name Common English Name

Local term Remark

1 Lates niloticus: Nile perch Nec asa Lit. White fish

2 Clarias gariapinus Catfish Ambaza Also called tiqure, meaning the ‘black one’

3. Hydrocinus forskalli Tiger fish: Bala bandira Lit. ‘Flag fish’

4. Labeo horis/ Labeo niloticus

-- Bale Teyim; Lit. ‘Brownish fish’

5. Barbus sp. -- Bilca Lit, ‘excelling’

6. Tilapia Nilotica Tilapia Qoroso/Koda

7. Bargus docamac -- Karkaro Lit. ‘Rhinoceros’

8. Morymyrus cachive Elephant snout

Electric/Ayit mogot)

--

9. Synodants schill -- Koche --

Adapted from: Daniel (1992:30).

3.2.3. Fishery Potential of Lake Zeway

The water bodies in the Oromia Region may be classified into three: 1) those which are easily accessible (e.g. Lakes Zeway, Langano, and Qoqa). 2) Those that are relatively inaccessible from direct roads: these include Fincaa, Melkawakana, etc; these are relatively not utilized. 3) Those which are not fairly well known by the public or fishermen, holding their virgin

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stocks: Gilgel Gibe (with good fish stock) Borga dams and other water bodies (Mr. Getachew Senbeta, personal communication, October 2007). Needless to mention, Lake Zeway is found in the Oromia Regional State of Ethiopia, located south of Addis Ababa, 160km- in the Ethiopian RV Lakes region, west of Asella, east of Zeway town, south of Mt Bora and north of Mt Alluto (see Tadele 1990). The Lake is roughly oval shaped with 40km length from north to south and 26.5km width from east to west (Henze 1973). Its surface area is about 434 km sq. with 1846 m elevation (Mesfin 1972).

As for the fish species composition of the Lake, expert descriptions Atkins and Partners (1965) indicated that the main fish species found in Lake Zeway were tilapia (Tilapia Nilotica), Barbus (Barbus Affrinz) and Discognatus (D. Makinsis). The Lake particularly used to teem with the small-sized tilapia (qoroso, locally) until the recent introduction of large sized fish, catfish, and (ambaza, locally) diminished its abundance.

The exotic fish varies includes cat-fish (Clarias gariapinus) which was accidentally introduced to the Lake, from Zeway Fish Marketing and Production Corporation. According to expert opinions, the fish, although not indigenous to Lake Zeway, has been in existence in other lakes in Ethiopia. In fact, it is indigenous to Africa and thus called African catfish. It is now dominating the Lake. Although the popular belief is that this fish is the cause for decline in tilapia. According to fishery researcher informant at Oromia Fishery Research Center, the water chemistry composition, siltation, etc, are convenient to catfish. Siltation is especially inimical to tilapia. Beach seine net is mainly used in shores, where tilapia lay eggs, breed and feed. It is mainly tilapia, which behaves thus, and thus the beach seine selectively depletes them. According to Zeway Agricultural Department Fishery expert, since the last 2-3 decades, the main fish catch of the Lake has become catfish, followed by barbus carp (commonly called dubbe). Now catfish has dominated the Lake. Tilapia, which was formerly 98 % dominant, has now declined.

An officer at Zeway Branch of EMPC confirmed this. The Corporation was now supplying catfish in overwhelming majority compared to the local fish – tilapia. The 1999 E. C catch of qoroso was only 363 quintal, ambaza being 770 quintal; others like dubba (Barbus) was 5 quintal. The EPMC supplies currently only these three types of fish. The Zay’s other cherished fish – bilca (minci) was not part of the Corporation’s supply. However, it was noted that dubba was one family with bilca. Since it is very bonny, and the wider community doesn’t like such fish, the Corporation was not supplying it in large quantity, although the fish are in good abundance in the Lake. In sum according to expert opinions, Lake Zeway houses about nine fish varieties, of which commercially usable fish include catfish, tilapia (two subtypes Romis Niloticus and tilapia zilli), barbus (commonly bilca), and carp, commonly called kodda). Other commercially unusable fish varieties are of barbus family, which are of very small size. Lake Zeway is a source for the livelihoods of mainly the islander and migrant Zay and other surrounding communities. The Lake teeming with tilapia and barbus species has great yield potential. It has the greatest concentration of fishermen than any other RV Lakes of the country (Tadele 1990). Of all the RV lakes, Lake Zeway has been subjected to the biggest fresh water fishing operation, notably by the Fish Production and Marketing Corporation (Molla 1985).

3.2.3.1. Folk Descriptions

The Zay term, tulum, is one of the commonest word in the everyday language of the Islanders. The term tulum is used in two senses: one, it signifies the generic name of fish- any kind of fish; two, the term is particularly reserved to differentiate the locally cherished fish variety, tilapia, from others. The common Amharic equivalent for tulum is qoroso. The other indigenous fish is called minci in Zay (commonly called bilca). The Zay described a fish called boldhe, a type of fish that is of

very small size. Experts also indicated many minute varieties of barbus are found in the Lake, which are of no commercial or dietary significance. Informants at rural migrant Zay community at Boccessa classified the fish, as “Qoroso and bilca were original fish. The new arrivals include ambaza, Aba Samuel1 or Dubbe, and the other they call afrike, which is like qoroso; they also call it kenya.” The informants also identified a fish, which they believed was a variant of qoroso – called garad in Zay (suzii is its common name). They described it as a very special kind of fish of big size with high fat level. It is caught occasionally by chance. When caught, it is sold up to 15 Birr. Table 2: Scientific, Amharic and Zayian Nomenclature of Fish Species Found in Lake Zeway, 2007

Ser. No.

Scientific and English Name Common Amharic Name

Zayian Name

Remark

1 Tilapia Nilotica; Tilapia Qoroso Tulum Tulum is also a generic name for fish

2. Tilapia zilli adise (or Kenya) -- Also called afrike

1 So named because it was brought from a man-made water body (dam) called Aba Samuel

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3. Romis Niloticus Suzii Garad Described as very fatty and rarely caught; a type of tilapia

4. Barbus Affrinz; Barbus Bilca Minci Now described as almost lost

5 Barbus sp. Bodhe Very small fish belonging to minci (barbus) family

6 Barbus sp. Dubba Also called dubbee and Aba Samuel

7 Clarias gariapinus; catfish Ambaza Ambaza Also called tiquree, “the black one”

8. P. Carp; common carp Kodda -- --

The recent additions to the Lake are, needless to repeat, known by various terminologies. Confusions abound among the local informants as to the proper nature, classification and origins of these fish. Two or more names are accorded to some of the recent additions (See table below).

Table 3: Local terminologies Accorded for Recent Additions to the Lake, December 2007

Ser. No.

Local Name of Fish Scientific Name Remark

1 Adisie Tilapia zilli The term adisie suggests new/ recent arrival of the fish. Although experts say the fish is a variant of tilapia and lived in eh Lake, the local people regarded it as an exotic. They do not accord it the title “our fish”

2. Kenya >> I tried to sort out the etymology of this term. Local people did not know whether this fish came from Kenya and hence the name. The name Kenya is often used.

3. Afrike >> This term is used among migrant Zay in Boccessa community. It is rarely used. It suggests local people’s perception of the fish’s origin in Africa.

4. Tiquree Clarias garianpinus The name for catfish, ambaza. The term does not merely suggest its blackness in color; It forcefully implies the ugliness and enmity of this fish relating to tilapia.

5. Aba Samuel Barbus sp. The name suggests the fish’s origin in Lake Aba Samuel (Manmade)

6. Dubba >> Also called dubbe. The term literally suggests pumpkin. But the metaphor used is not clear.

Photo 5: The ambaza (cat fish): an ‘enemy’ to the qoroso (tiapia) Photo 6 A grown up Kenya/ adise

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Photo 7: Little boys eating raw tulum (tilapia) Photo 8: Minci / bilcha (Barbus) Photo 9 A small fish (presumably a Kenya or adise (tilapia zilli)

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CHAPTER FOUR

INDIGENOUS PRACTICES, INSTITUTIONS AND KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS 4.1. Introduction This Chapter deals with findings relating to traditional knowledge and institutional systems the Zay have used for time immemorial. It focuses on indigenous concepts and methods of fishery categorization, characterization, conservation, and management. Findings from the filed data are corroborated with ethnographic research findings. 4.2. The Ethno-ichthyology the Zay Ethno-ichthyology is concerned with folk models and cognitive categories of fish, their attributes, behaviors, and other characteristics (Morril, 1967). Under this topic we will see how the Zay classify fish, describe their physical features, and understand their feeding, breeding and habitation characteristics. The Zay have developed a rich repertoire of ichthyologic knowledge over the millennia. These knowledge span through various dimensions: the nature of fish, its feeding and breeding habits, physiological, anatomical structures, body sizes and weights, colors, enemies of the fish, mobility patterns, identification and determination of fish locations, methods of catching, dietary values of fish, etc. There is nothing for surprise about this, because, “When a culture depends heavily on the products of the sea, one might expect extensive systems of knowledge about these products. … A fishing people also possess a rich understanding of the ecology and behaviors of marine animals” (Morril, 1967: 405). Fishermen have a good knowledge of the water bodies, their depth, currents reefs, and types of bottoms. They have a detailed knowledge of the species of fish they are seeking – their habits, and especially migration patterns and habits (Acheson, 1981).

4.2.1. Folk Classification of Fish Varieties

Local classification of fish varieties essentially projects two models: “our fish” and “the exotic fish”. Local people have developed a rich repertoire of values, expressions, likes and dislikes surrounding these two general categories of fish. Let’s look at some key classifications. Tulum representing the “our model” and ambaza representing that “exotic model’ occupy central place in all the fish classification.

4.2.1.1. Tulum: a Binding Strand in Zay Nutritional and Socio-Cultural Life Needless to mention, the Zay name for fish, tulum, is also a name for their locally cherished fish, tilapia (commonly qoroso). Tilapia was described as “our fish”, which the islanders have adapted themselves to from time immemorial. Informants’ infatuation with the fish might lead one to conclude tilapia as a form of an asset, a capital and a source of ready food security. Their first ancestors harvested it and gave the name tulum to it. Tulum has been conceptualized as a “kind of cabbage which one would get as from ones backyard.” Local people recalled its numerical preponderance and its unparalleled quality of meat. Elsewhere in Africa too, tilapia is in high esteem (George, 1986; Bassa, 1986)

4.2.1.2. Minci: The Multi-purpose Indigenous Fish One of the two indigenous fish varieties of Lake Zeway is minci (described above). Informants had various views. Some argued it had not disappeared totally; others said it still existed. However, all agreed that its quantity had significantly declined. Only very rarely would they catch it. It has many functions: it was fatty; ancient Zays made and stored oil on the pot from the fat. This oil was used in cooking various cuisines. The fat served as an energy source for household lamps in the night. The fat was also highly sought for medicinal purposes. Because the fish was highly bony, it was cooked only in the form of toasting on coal fire. What one informant said may summarize it best:

Its breeding rate is very limited. Bilca’s special character is that it tends to prefer deep section water; it does not come to the peripheries. We caught it sailing to the deep sections in the past. Of all fish varieties, it was most preferable in terms of its fattiness. It is the first in dish (for its good taste) although it is rather the boniest. Gradually, like qoroso it also declined since the introduction of ambaza.

4.2.1.3. Garad: a Lost Fish

Informants identified a type of fish called garad, is common non-Zay term being suzi. Folk categorization puts it in the family of tilapia. As for its numeric status, it had already disappeared. It looked like qoroso, but very whitish and big, and almost all in all fatty. It was an event of big rejoicing when we caught this fish.

4.2.1.4. Ambaza: the Exotic Fish ‘That Eats Up’ the Local Fish, Tulum Catfish (ambaza) is classified as an exotic fish that is ‘un-fishlike’ for most Zay people. Its un-scaly body, its black color, and its serpentine nature have conjured up a name for it by the informants: a kind of snake. Informants also called it a kind of beast, lacking true fish qualities. Hence, as a ‘beast’, it eats up the local fish. It is ‘the black’ fish that has swallowed up the local ‘white fish’, according to informants.

4.2.1.5. Kenya/ Afrike, Dubbe/Addisie: Benign Intruders Zay folk categorization of fish species recognizes the growing numerical and commercial importance of other exotic fish species. The excess of names for these fish types shows some level of terminological confusion and local difficulty in classification. Compared to the catfish, these are benign in that they do not directly harm or prey on the tilapia. They are

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also ‘fishlike’ not ‘beastly’ like their cherished local species. In fact, adissie or dubbe is regarded as a variant of tilapia. Physiologically, it looked like their local fish. Hence, these fish belong to the class of fish that are edible,

4.2.2. Folk Characterization of Anatomical and Sexual Features of Fish 4.2.2.1. Distinguishing Male vs. Female Fish

Fish being central elements of the island ecosystem and economic life, it would be too obvious to state that local people knew how to distinguish various types of fish. The most important thing is not local people knew the different types of fish; rather it is the way they categorize these fish, and congruence between folk and scientific categorization (Morril, 1967; Kings 1997). According to one of my key informants, a female fish looked slim; she stuffed eggs in her mouth and spat the eggs on the water when they caught it. A male fish is distinguished by looking at its body mass: it is long, thin and blackish; also they distinguished it by squeezing the outward reproductive part; if it emits a sort of urine, it is male. Informants also distinguished sex of fish by their certain habitation behaviors. Thus said an old migrant Zay informant at Meqdella community, “We easily distinguished male and female fish. The male fish was blackish in color. It dug holes and lived inside it. It lies down. When we sent hook with bait attached to it, it swallowed the bait and thus caught. The ‘child-bearing’ fish was called yedida tulum. The female fish was whitish in color; she was thicker. She used to stuff the eggs in her mouth.”

4.2.2.2. Fatty vs. Lean and Healthy vs. Unhealthy Fish They could also distinguish a thick fish from a lean one. The former has a small skull with thick body: the latter has a big skull. The Zay distinguished a healthy fish from an unhealthy one by looking at its abdomen which is bulged and bigger for the latter; also they looked at the tongue, which is reddish in a healthy one; for an unhealthy fish it is whitish.

4.2.3. Knowledge of Feeding, Migration and Breeding Behaviors of Fish The fish ate different water plants. The most common fish fed plants are qoiluut and jalegeda (both are soft stemmed, grassy plants growing gin the water or marshes). Informants believed that it feeds the minerals from these plants and gets nourished and fatter. These plants, which fish eat, are disappearing, when people mow down them for various purposes. These plants are also the fish’s resting and breeding sites. According to informants, the fish are both herbivorous and carnivores. They said fish ate anything it gets. It eats various worms; informants call these worms talagaza. To catch the fish, the fishermen would give these worms as baits. They also give them hen’s dung, smaller minuscule fish called shulunqu, and atella (residues of local drink). The hen’s dung and atella are particularly served as aroma (with their high scent) to attract the fish. One islander informant gave an excellent explanation of the relationship between water volume, eco-system health and good fish breeding behaviors.

The water volume condition is very important in this aspect. Now this year, this Lake is full to the brim. This water volume condition has its own contribution to breeding well for fish. When water volume decreases, the peripheral marshy areas and water plants are exposed. These are breeding sites. When this happens breeding decreases. When there is good rain, the fish breeding grounds become conducive. Now this year, the water volume is very good. The fish are now in the peripheral breeding grounds. When the breeding grounds are laid bare, the fish are easily exposed to indiscriminate fishers.

4.2.4. Knowledge of Fish Habitations

The traditional fishing stock of knowledge is shared among the people, and individuals are socialized into the nuances of these knowledge systems. Among such knowledge stocks, the ability to locate where fish are potentially available to locate for catch is very crucial. Anthropologists doing ethnographic studies of traditional fishing communities have shown that “the possibility of maximizing individual production rests on their ability to locate particular species. Toward this end they have elaborated a complex system of named fishing grounds and landmarks. The location of the fishing grounds by visual triangulation and the knowledge by the distribution of fish within them is given seasons are transmitted over generation” (Forman, 1967:417). Knowledge of the habitation behaviors of fish is one of the most important skills required by fishermen. This skill has to be learned through the socialization process. A seasoned, initiated fisherman knows very well the nuances of fish behavior in this regard. One of the means of determining the location of fish was by watching the weather condition. One old man said, “When there was wind on the Lake, the fish escaped to mud, woods and grasses. In these times, we caught few fish: ten, twenty fish. When the water got warmer, the fish become abundant and we caught thousands.” According to an old migrant Zay informant, the fish could not be found just in any part of the Lake. The Lake has different fishing zones; they cruised through various zones. The fishermen threw their nets to an area which they suspected hosts fish. The fish digs holes. “It has its own house. Then we throw our net to that area. When the net catches, we knew by its struggling for escape. There we drag it out we don’t see it. Thus we knew a zone where fish abundantly lives,” said an informant. Another informant explained,

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We knew how to locate fish. Two main ways: One type of fish digs its hole as its house; we call it yebur tulum. Another fish lives in mud; we call it yedida tulum. This fish is found in mud if the weather changes. Our forefathers had the meteorological knowledge. They observed the wind condition on the water. When the weather gets warm, the fish was found. When a smooth cooler wind blew, the fish was found. When the harsher wind blew, the fish that live in the mud and the fish that live in the hole begin to move, searching for warmer locations.

Folk metrological knowledge is very important source of determining the location and movement of fish. The Zay called yeqegnit nifas, (literally, ‘wind blowing from the right hand direction), and dargaa nifas¸ (literally, wind blowing from mainland shore towards the Lake). In these times, the wind drives the fish towards the shore whence they are easily caught. Another important fish locating traditional knowledge was watching the movement or looking for the location of other sea animals. One such animal is gumari (hippopotamus). Where hippos are found fish are likely to be found, according to traditional wisdom. It is believed that the fish pursue hippos to feed on the flea on their bodies. Further, fish are believed to feed on the excreta (dung) of hippo. It is also believed that abundant fish may be found where a python lives. Pythons are occasionally caught in the fish net and in such times many fish are caught. Informants also described various other forms of determining the location of fish for catching. One such method was to watch the behavior of fish-eating birds: “when these birds are found stooping over the water, we guess fish are found there and throw our nets to that direction and catch some fish.” The fish often are attracted to eating the dung of the birds. Another favorable time to determine many fish for catching is the time after rain has fallen and abated. Particularly after torrential rains creating runoffs, which carry various cock and bird dung, worms, etc. These attract the fish to the shore and

they are easily caught.

4.2.5. Knowledge of the Enemies of Fish Fish have many enemies. Folk conceptualization of these enemies matches with scientific descriptions. Fish enemies according to informants included man himself, birds, diseases, leeches, hazardous weather, and other water born beasts and fish themselves. Informants described birds as one of the enemies of fish. One bird called kabiri (in Zay tongue presumably white pelicans) picks fish from the water and swallows it. Another bird that preys on fish the Zay call saba kokign (presumably eagles); it swiftly lands directly from sky and picks up fish; it is this bird which highly preys on fish. Another bird they call lito (a small black bird, presumably storks) that eats smaller fish. All other kinds of birds eat fish when they find it exposed to the surface Another enemy of the fish is bad weather. Informants described that when bad weather occurs, the fish runs to warmer zones for refuge. When the water gets warmer, it comes out from its hidden zones, and scavenges on worms and mud. Other seas animals also prey on fish. An informant told, “Alligator also preys on fish; we call it arjinu. There are also other unseen fish-eaters called tay in our tongue [commonly called the sheep of the water]. There are other smaller unseen enemies; even if there were these enemies, the harm was not as such significant because there was abundant fish. The fish were very big in size. Sometimes, it was so big that when the large birds swallow it, it killed the bird. It is now that the fish are vulnerable for all kinds of ‘swallowers’.” Some informants regarded ambaza as an enemy fish itself. Thus responded an old woman, “Now one destroying agent is ambaza. It is the ambaza that is the deadly enemy of our fish.” Here ambaza is denied recognition as a fish, as if it were a different beast. This view was best exemplified by an old woman’s response to the question, “What should be done to conserve fish?” She responded and asked back, “It is God who knows…. But how can the fish breed as long as this ambaza continues to live in the Lake?” Table 4: Summary of Local Classifications of Enemies of Fish, December 2007

Ser. No.

Name of ‘Enemy’ Common English Name Remark

1. Man himself The unscrupulous over fishing is it self enmity with fish

2. Ambaza Catfish The term ‘enemies of fish’ is meant for an average Zay fisher, ‘enemies of their local fish, tilapia. So catfish is a devastating enemy of fish for them.

3. Kabri Presumably white pelicans An old enemy bird of fish from the beginning

4. Sabakokign Presumably eagles A bird with high eye sight which picks up fish by swift diving.

4. Letto Presumably a stork A small black bird that preys on small fish in peripheries

5. Taay Not determined It s common Amharic name is yewuha beg, the

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sheep of water. Locals say it is a kind of cat family.

Photo 10: Some ‘enemies’ of the fish 4.3. Indigenous Wisdoms of Fish Conservation and Management This section deals with how local people managed to maintain fish stock, what fish-friendly and sustainable knowledge and practices they have had and what norms and institutions they have developed over the centuries.

4.3.1. The “Conspiracy of Maintaining Secrecy” According to one informant in Zeway town, it was said that the ancient Zay kept in secret the art of fishing and fish eating, not wanting that the outsiders adapt to it. The argument given was that if once the outsider world of Oromo societies learn the art and taste of fishing and fish importance, it may lead to depletion of the fish resource. This informant pointed out the ancient Zays did not allow an out-marrying Zay girl to take with her fish in any form, because if she were allowed, she would incite a taste and demand for fish among her in-laws. He went on to state that this norm of the people was gradually deviated and thus fish was introduced to the outside neighboring Oromo. Such social mechanisms that worked towards fish conservation by limiting access to the Lake for wider community are not somewhat unusual. They also occur in other forms among most societies. Hiding some valuable knowledge as a secret is

29

common among traditional medical practitioners, for example. This is aimed at protecting the exclusive right to use the knowledge as power. Thus elaborate norms have been developed to ensure this secrecy.

4.3.2. Capitalizing on Their Negative Stereotypes Stereotyping is commonly used among members of a society as well as between different societies. It is common for sedentary agriculturalists to use negative stereotypes for their pastoral nomadic groups. The former often stereotype the latter as lazy and ‘aimless wanderers’ while the latter stereotype the former as cowards (Hammond, 1971; Helland 2006). Islander fisher communities of Ethiopia have had faced negative stereotyping by the mainlanders. One such stereotyping is, for instance, the social stigmatization and discrimination of the Woito of Lake Tana and the Gidicho of Lake Abaya/Chamo “as hippo-eaters” (Henze 1973). The islander Zay fishers had been stereotyped negatively by the neighboring outsider Oromo communities who considered fish as Ramo bishani (a type of worm of the water), and the Zay, were derogated as “the eaters of water worms.’ The Oromo’s dislike for fish was proverbial. They despised the Zay for eating fish. This dislike for fish by the mainland Oromo was highly welcome by the Zay and they ingeniously helped maintain this trend even when intermarriage takes place. One informant in rural Meqi said that the Zay islanders were despised as “stinking fishers.” One informant interpreted this negative attitude to and contempt for fish eating and islander fishers as a good, “friendly” ideological element, which helped the Zay, maintain their sustainable use of the Lake fish resources. Table 5: Derogatory Expressions for Fish and Zay Fishers, with Possible Interpretations, December 2007

Ser. No.

Derogatory expressions Literal Rendering Interpretation

1. Laqqi “The rowers” Implies the islander’s use of the rower to sail on the water. The Zay are still known by this name among their Oromo neighbors. Although their proper name is Zay, there are still even some Zay who use this name to refer to themselves.

2 Ramo bishani “The water worm” The terms are Oromic; ramo (worm), bishani (water). Fish was regarded as a kind of worm living in the water. Worms are repulsive generally to the sight let alone to eat.

3. Til belitawoch “Those who eat worm” Amharic expression, translated by informants from its Oromic expression. The term suggests eating fish is like eating worms.

4. Inazeh gimatamoch “These stinkers” Amharic expression. Fishers were despised fro their peculiar scent of fish following them wherever they went. Stinkers are not welcome

5. Yenesu fares yebela naw “Yebela is their horse” Yebela is Zay traditional boat. The Oromo regarded the Zay as those saddling the boat, who do not know anything about horse. Horse riders are commonly respected.

However, this tendency of contempt has almost totally disappeared today. One informant pointed out that the “ramo bisani”, the water worms, have now been changed to the “gold”, and according to another old informant, to “the coffee” and this change in attitude has had the resultant negative impact on the fish resources. For most Zay informants, it is as if they wish the Oromo would never have changed their attitude, better to have been considered as “worm eaters.” The metaphors used by informants for fish as coffee and gold indicate the degree of acceptance and rapidly increasing demand for fish as a source of cash and diet. It is so drastically changed that those who formerly held contempt for the Zay as “stinkers” are now themselves eating stinking, spoiled fish, as one informant stated: “We assume that spoiled fish are being consumed outside in the markets. The Zay knew how to distinguish between the spoiled and unspoiled fish “we the Zay are able to pinpoint the natural smell of fish.”

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Table 6: Expressions Used as Metaphors Depicting the Phenomenon of Attitudinal Reversal among the Formerly Fish Detesters, December, 2007

Ser. No.

Local Expressions Literal Rendering Interpretation

1 Inda bunna yishetaal “It is now sold as coffee”

Coffee is the pearl of Ethiopia. Fish is now gaining the highly esteemed status of coffee the number one cash crop.

2. Assa yeyazee beiju worq indeyazee yiqoteral

“He who holds fish is like one who holds a gold”

Gold is a highly esteemed object. A minuscule of gold will accrue a good income. Similarly, fish is now glittering as gold and accruing good cash to the actors.

3. Ahuun assa bekisachew yizaw yizoraluu

“They now go around carrying fish in their pockets”

The former detesters of fish, who even did not dare to touch it with their hands, are now “carrying it in their pockets”, as one would carry a precious object with care.

4. Beye tigatigu beye shaybetu yishetal

“Fish is being sold at every corner at every small tea room”

The widespread demand and acceptance of fish as a valued edible item.

5. Tigemalachu yilu yeneberu ahuun yegema assa yimegebaluu

“Those who despised us saying, ‘You stinkers’, are now themselves

eating stinking fish”

This suggests the possible practice of scrupulous fish vendors who sell spoiled fish to meet the widespread demand. Getting fresh fish is very difficult. People then opt for eating mildly spoiled fish

4.3.3. Use of Sustainable Fishing Gear and Selective Fishing

Anthropological literature is generally of the opinion that indigenous fishing gears are not inimical to fishery resource (Bjanrason, 1993; Sunderling and Gorrospe, 2001). Discussions with local informants lead us to argue that traditional Zay fishing gear and practices were sustainable. In the past, the Zay harvested the fish for household consumption; market demand was nearly non–existent. They used fishing method involving a hand–made mesh net of small size. In those times, it is believed that catching and bringing home big sized fish was a source of joy and fame for the fisherman. One old migrant Zay informant said regarding how the ancient Zay cared for fish: “Our forefathers fished with small hand nets. We got this skill from them. In the past there was plenty of fish. It freely bred in the Lake, eating worms and other things.” Now the fish are pressed hard in all directions with big boats, big nets such as trimala (seine nets). They wipe out the female, bearing fish. The Zay did not catch and small fish one sees these days. When smaller fish came through the narrow net mesh [they call it the eye of the net], they released it back to the water. Now, according to informants, the bigger nets wipe out all kinds of fish (the very immature fish and the ‘child bearing’ fish alike).

4.3.4. Avoiding Indiscriminate Fishing One of the most serious problems facing fishing communities and challenging their livelihoods is indiscriminate fishing. Literatures are replete with cases of such problems. Many fish species have become extinct due to indiscriminate fishing. However, traditional fishing societies have norms that prohibited such forms of fishing (Kings, 1997) The islanders unlike the outsider communities and the illegal fishers, endeared fish very much, as they knew multiple functions of fish. According informants at Tulu Gudo Island, their ancestors cherished and protected fish; they used to prevent children from catching young fish to help breed well.

But now, in this generation, the interest is immediate needs; the young fish are indiscriminately caught and used as baits to catch ambaza. Our ancestors used to protect young fish from being caught; young fish in the Lake peripheries were left until they bred and matured; but now the illegal fishers catch the young fish using pieces of thin sheets of cloth and use them as baits for ambaza, especially when they fish using fishing hooks. Our ancestors

protected the small immature fish. Another informant narrated how selective and judicious fishing was made indigenously. The forefathers caught fish using hooks and small fishing nets whose mesh size caught bigger fish. When they catch female ‘pregnant fish’, they used to throw them back in the water. Their mouth stuffed with hatching fish identified the ‘pregnant’ female fish. There were also male fish called ‘digging fish’, which fish served as ‘maters’. Such fish were identified by their slim physique. When such fish were caught, they were also thrown back into the water. The other thing is the immature fish were not used as baits then.

4.3.5. Limiting Frequency of Fish Harvesting One of the environment-friendly practices of fishing in traditional societies was limiting the frequency of harvest (McDaniel 1997; Durenberger 1997). In the past, according to islander informants, fish harvesting was done not as frequently as it is done at the present. Fishing was done twice per year – during the two major Ethiopian Orthodox Church fasting seasons,

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March to April and August. According to informants, the nature it self was conducive for fish productivity in the past. There was no frequent rain failure and drought as it is today. An informant said that in the past, the ‘sea’ it self was vast; there was no problem of breeding grounds. The fishing was done twice per year during Kudade (the Lent) and Filsetta (15 days fasting in August); in the rest of the year the fish were left untouched – they could easily breed, get mature and fatter.” The limited frequency of fishing in the past was, however, not all dictated by the people’s urge for fish conservation. Rather, the fact of very low market demand for fish and very low awareness of the wider community regarding its food values. Things have now drastically changed in these directions, setting a stage for all-year round fishing.

4.4. Sea –tenure System and Fishery Management

4.4.1. The ‘Tragedy of the Commons” The idea of the “tragedy of the commons” which has become very popular describes the difficulty involved in sea tenure and utilization of resources. According to Acheson (1981), fish are a common property resource and thus are protected by no one. “The fish he does not catch this morning will only be caught by some one else to morrow. In this sense the actions of a fisherman are rational; he tries to catch as many as quickly as possible. This leads to what is called the tragedy of the commons” (p. 301). The “tragedy “has both ecological and human dimensions since people are locked into a system in which they are destroying the resources on which their livelihood depends. In the fisheries, it results in over-exploitation, damage to the breeding stock, lowered catches, and higher price for consumers, etc. Fishermen according to this view cannot and will not limit their own exploitative efforts in the interest of conservation. Regulation by government is necessary (ibid, same page).

It appears that the theory of common property resources and the closely associated bio – economic models would provide the best fishery conservation model and are accepted and supported by all parties in the fishing sector. However, this has not been the case. Studies indicate that the policies of conservation modeled on ideas of economics and biology, neglecting other sciences, has often resulted in problem. In most cases, the policies have brought adverse impacts on indigenous fisher communities

4.4.2. Access to Fishing Rights Different fishing societies have developed elaborate norms and institutions that act as organizing principles for fishing activity. Such traditional norms have often helped maintain fishery resources. However, traditional fishing rights vary from culture to culture and time to time (Sunderling and Gorospe, 2001). Acheson (op cit p. 281)) maintains that in some societies, fisheries resources are truly a common property resource. He argued that fishermen can fish where they want and that there is no ownership of fish resources. However, in many diverse societies, fishermen do have established ownership rights to marine resources. In most societies fishing rights involve control over fishing space, not the resource itself. However, such a wide verity of types of sea tenure system has been reported that it is difficult to generalize about them. According to one of my key informants, the Zay islanders have maintained traditional customary rules for sustainable, equitable use of the Lake’s fish. They had sea–tenure: access and harvesting rights were apportioned among the five Islands. There were customary fishing zones or grounds. Rules and norms of fishing were instituted and these rules were respected. Thus the Zay have had this sense of ownership of the Lake in general and fishery in particular. These traditional norms had contributed to sustainable use of fish resources, but now these traditional rights and customs have been broken down.

4.4.3. Modern vs. Folk Fishery Resource Management

Fishing communities throughout the world have managed their fishery resources in what can be generally described ‘environmentally friendly manner. This fact has been confirmed by ethnographic studies of indigenous fishermen through out the world (Cordell, 1978). There are many kinds of norms and institutions fishermen had invented to control access and fishing procedures, and these need to be taken in to account as basis for successful fish resource management (Durenberger, 1997; Sunderling & Grospe, 1997). The current consensus among social anthropologists is that efforts to manage and conserve fisheries have not succeeded very well. Most anthropologists believe that management efforts of fisheries are domed to failure unless they take in to account the various forms of indigenous institutions of management, which have seeds of environment friendly management regimes in them. And certainly, such polices would receive more local political support. Fishers’ expert knowledge of the ecosystem may prove to be an important resource. The attention that is often given to the more formal aspects of the scientific process may lead scientists to underestimate the accomplishment of folk knowledge (Bjarnason, 1993). The common assumption that appropriate and successful fishery management is not possible beyond the scientific model is not itself appropriate. Successful fishery management programs have often been those that gave the community full power and access and ownership rights by the government.

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Many anthropologists call into question the basic bio – economic assumptions that now underlay the fisheries management and development policies and practices. They argue that such models are flawed in that they often do give little or no place for valued, accumulated knowledge systems of indigenous fishing communities. As such, the policies often end up exacerbating conservation problems aid breeding more complicated ones (Acheson, 1980; Thomas, 1997; Mc Daniel, 1997). Social scientists argue that folk models of fishery resource management, if carefully integrated, are often as effective and may be more effective than the scientific models. However, scientific models are often backed and enforced by the government because the biologists and economists behind the models and polices have been accorded powerful recognition traditionally (Durenberger, 1997). The salient argument that “Better policy will only come with better ethnography and increased understanding,” (ibid. p.165) might a good argument to be considered by fishery policy makers. Integrating folk management systems with the scientific models of fishery management is essential. It is high time to recognize that local institutions, organizations, and knowledge are important aspects of resource systems. “... There is a need to encourage policy makers and enforcers to understand, respect and tap rather than against or in spite of, the fishermen participating in these fisheries resource systems”(King, 1997: 420). 4.5. Traditional Fishing Technologies and Techniques

4.5.1. Traditional Fishing Gear, Method of Fishing and Transformations Thereof Subsistence or artisan fisher communities across time and cultures have invented and used various methods and techniques of fishing. Although the methods and techniques varied from time to time and culture to culture, general similarity in the methods may be observed the world over. The use of nets and hooks, for example, are used throughout the world; indigenous communities in the Amazonian of Peru used the methods of nylon mesh nets between eight and fifty meters in

length, setting trot lines – with hooks, and the use of spears (Mc Daniel, 1997). The Zay traditionally depended on hook and line fishing and small hand– thrown nets as their method of fishing. Their rafts are made of reed logs and plant fibers (which were harvested from the shores) were characterized by easy construction, low cost, relative stability, maneuverability and speed, freedom from concerns of anchorage, etc. However, these advantageous features of the traditional voyagery facilities have now faced challenges. Transformations that do not often work for the benefit of the majority are taking place. The Zay had invented and used their own fishing gear from time immemorial. They had the fishing paraphernalia at their disposal, all designed, manufactured and maintained by indigenous knowledge. The boats, the nets, the rowers, the baiting system, etc, all originally made. The oldest and most archaic form of sea-going boat of the Zay is one that is made from tree trunks of bobofe (reed), by nailing two big such trunks together. Such a boat is now obsolete on the islands. Occasionally it is seen outside the lake near Zeway area used by certain individuals. Yebela is the Zay’s graceful canoe that they have used for time immemorial. It is made from the same bobofe tree. Thinner bobofe tree trunks numbering from five to eight are tied together by a tying rope obtained from the stem of a creeping tree growing in the marsh. The rower is made from stronger tree cut away from lakeshores in the forests. It is often made for sycamore tree. When going home after fishing, the fishermen often leave the canoe at the shore, only taking the rower with them. Other non-indigenous canoes now in use include yintey yelba (a boat made of sawed wood). It is bigger and can accommodate up to five persons. This boat is costly and only financially well-off islanders own it. Some islanders occasionally make an equivalent boat by tying up to eight bigger bobofe trees together. Financially more well-off islanders may also own modern motor-driven boats which are currently seen on the Lake. There are two varieties of this: one whose body is made of sawed wood, and the other whose body part is made of iron. The Zay indigenous fish net measured two meters long. The net varied according to the number of small stones tied as weight to the end of the net. Some nets had 40 stones; some had 60 stones2. The Zay sat down on their yebela. They made a seating saddle on the center of the yebela. They threw the net towards areas where fish were thought to reside. The place where fish are found, they (the fish) dug holes under water peripheries. When the thrown net touches it, the fish moves and trapped into. There were other more archaic and simpler methods of fishing in the past. According to one of my key informants, some of these techniques included the following: Table 7: Traditional Zay Sea-going Vessels and Modern Gear, December 2007

Ser. No.

Name of Vessels Carrying Capacity Other Features

1 A dug out from two reed stems Two persons The oldest and most archaic sea-going vessel,

2 A 40- or 60- stone net meant a net whose rope endings are tied to small pieces of stones which serve as weighting objects.

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now obsolete in the Islands.

2. Yebela, also called Shafat One person; occasionally two persons

Time-honored Zay invented vessel; made from reed wood; an average yebela measures about 3-4 meters long; its companion rower is made of sycamore tree stem.

3. Yintey jelba Up to five persons A recent innovation; non-Zayian in origin; made of sawed wood;

4. Bala moter jelba Up to 30 persons Its body may be made of sawed wood or iron/ aluminum. Only few islanders, living on the mainland own it.

Pool- Trapping: This method was used around lakeshore where water pools are found. These pools were fenced with stones and a linking pipe type hole was dug that connects the pool with the Lake. The fishermen knew that fish liked pools for their warmth and they would congregate to the pool. During evening times the fishermen would come and put trapping sack to the mouth of the hole that connects the pool and the lake. The fisherman would then enter to the pool and woo away the fish with a stick towards the sack. Thus the fish would be trapped and enter into the sack. Hand-catching: In the past when there were abundant and very bigger-sized fish, the fishermen would often catch a fish using their hands, without any net or hook. Bigger, male, brownish fish would often come to the shore and take rest. A fisherman would very gingerly approach the fish and instantly fall over the fish by jumping and catch it. Spearing: Spearing as a method of fish catching was used in the past. This method involves careful aiming of the spear or

similar tool and piece the fish upon its showing up to the shore or top of the Lake. This method was very archaic and not as such efficient. And further it demanded very high level of aiming. Spearing ass fish catching method was generally, according to informants, a non-Zayian and was practiced by mainland communities. The islanders had a belief that a speared, blood-socked fish was not religiously permitted to be eaten. Catching with Thin Sheet of Cloth This method was used to catch very small fish varieties which do not grow into big size. Such fish, called shulunqu, were often eaten by roasting on an earthen pan in the past. The fish were caught with a thin sheet of cloth made of hand-woven cotton threads.

Photo 11: One of the oldest sea going vessel of the Islanders Photo 12: a ‘modern’ vessel broken and out of use. Getting such vessels is difficult for the islanders

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Photo 13: a man rowing the oldest sea going vessel and another man getting ready to row; the researcher posing for a photo (above)

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Photo 14: Zay Islanders’ most enduring sea going vessel called yebela or shafat

Photo 15: My key informant, interpreter and field guide, Kebede holding the rower for the yebela

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Photo 16: Some fishing nets used by the local fishers

4.5.2. The Concept and Method of Baiting

Indigenous fishing communities have invented the concept and method of baiting. The concept and method are generally similar across societies, although there are variations in the types of baits used (Kings 1997; George, 1986). Among the Zay, baiting is utilized as a method of attracting fish for catching; baiting goes side by side with hook fishing. Various entities are used as baits. The most dominant baits are worms called telegaza, which are picked out from under the stones in the water peripheries. Mutaa a type of butterfly (presumably dragon fly) is also caught and its wings stripped off and the body part is stuck to the end of the hook as bait. Table 8: Summary of Local People’s Classification of Major Fish Feed Used for Baiting, December 2007

Ser. No. Local Name of Feed English Name Remark

1. Talagaza A worm of the water This used to be the main feed of fish.

2. Mutta Dragon fly Small boys often catch this insect, pluck out its wings and stuck it to the end of the hook as bait.

3. Yintagu quzeen “Excreta of a hen’ Excreta of hen and other birds attract fish as they have strong scent.

4. Atalla Residue of a locally made beer

This strong scent matter is spread / thrown over the water to attract fish.

5. Shulunqu ‘minuscule fish’ Very small sized species; in the past islanders ate them by roasting.

Other baits include cock excreta, atela (residue of local beer), very small fish varieties called shulunqu, and others. These days, fishermen are using pieces of soaps as baits.

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4.6. Traditional Fish Preservation Know–how

The Zay had three major fish preservation techniques. Firstly, they boiled the fish in its entirety with out cutting or piercing, and put it on a mat called cici made of grassy plant, which allows fresh air to blow out to the fish; secondly, the fish was toasted on coal fire; and thirdly, it was gutted, made into dried fish meat which was hang over a rope. It stayed up to a month. It was filleted and cut into thin pieces of some length, exposed to sunshine for some days, and then it dried. The indigenous fish preservation knowledge of the traditional fishers served as a basis for research ideas for researchers in the Oromia Fishery Research Center, according to the Center’s Head. According to the director, some of the research projects the Center was doing had got their ideas from traditional fish handling practices. For example, research on drying technology presentation technologies, the traditional knowledge was already present in the knowledge system of the Zay. The technology of cooking fish using smoke (which the Center just released) had its origin in indigenous fishing practice. Many traditional people used smoke as a cooking and preservative agent. 4.7. Ethno-botanical Knowledge and Utilization of Various Water Growing Plants Ethno botanical knowledge of traditional societies is generally hailed as superb, being even the basis for scientific models (Bodley, 1996). Fishing societies have also developed a rich repertoire of botanical knowledge classifying and categorizing them into edible, medicinal and other functions. Among the Zay, informants identified various types of plants growing in or near the Lake some of which are used as food sources for the fish and others as edible for humans. Of these plants, some are also put to various uses in relating to fishing activity. Some of the water growing plants were used as human food sources particularly in the past. Informants stated that most of these practices have become obsolete. The following is a brief inventory of water growing pants and the various uses into which they were put.3

Tumbolu: The common popular local name for this plant is bobofe. It is presumably a reed tree. This tree is used for making the traditional Zay boat called yebela. It is soft tissue water plant. Informants indicated the root of this plant is an important feed for fish. Further the root of the plant also houses various water worms that the fish feed on. Local mainland people make a stool from this wood; hence, the reed forest around the Lake was almost virtually destroyed until it was stopped and reforestation efforts came along.

Photo 17: Bobofe plant (Papyrus); A fisherman putting his nets to use Photo 18: A bobofe tree carved and shaped for use Urunchulla: This creeping plant which grows around lake marshy areas is served a kind of makeshift biding, tying rope when they make yebela. Further fishermen use it to tie a number of fish as a bundle, which they take home for consumption. Awaree: This water-growing plant has a common name: filla. Presumably it is some kind of papyrus. Ancient Zay fishers

used the root part of this plant as a sort of snack and thirst-quenching food. It was like a sugar cane. Fishermen used this plant as a food source especially during fishing chores.

3 I put the names of the plants in their local terminologies. Their scientific or Amharic equivalents were not given here due to

some problems.

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Photo 19: Aware plant. My key informant and field guide uprooting an aware plant(left) holding an aware(right). Cilla: This is a grassy, soft-stemmed plant. Its root and stem are watery and juicy and hence fishermen in the past used it as food source while fishing. Like aware it is like sugary. Apart from its food value, this plat was used as a sort of rope to bind fish when fetching them to home for consumption.

Photo 21: A dried qoilut plant Isugni: Of all the water–growing plants, isugni was most dominant in the past. It is a tuber plant, like potato, whose root/ tuber was edible. It was boiled and eaten with fish. The Zay resorted to it particularly during drought seasons. This plant had a broad leaf, and this leaf called erbitu served as a makeshift holder for fish fat to take home from fishing ground.

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Photo 20: An isugni plant Boccee: This plant was grassy whose long stem had a hole in it. Fishermen while sailing and fishing used the stem of this plant to drink water from the Lake by filtering with this stem. Susayaat: A broad-leafed plant that served a covering material for fish, so that the harvested fish was not exposed to sunlight. Qoiluut: A plant growing near lakeshore, which served as a covering material for filleted fish when they made quanta, dried fish meat. This plant was/ is also a source of feed for the fish. Fish ate the root of this plant Jalagedda: A grassy water plant, which is one of the most common feed for fish. Fishermen also eat the root of the plant as one would eat sugar cane. Fishermen would uproot this plant by dragging with their hands. Informants indicated that these plants are currently destroyed as people mowed them down for various purposes. Further, since the arrival of catfish, the plant has declined, as the fish destroys its roots.

Photo 22: A jalageda plant

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CHAPTER FIVE DIETARY AND NON-DIETARY BELIEFS, PRACTICES & USES RELATING TO FISH

5.1. Introduction This Chapter deals with the various traditional beliefs, folk tales, practices and functions relating to fish among the Zay. Dietary beliefs, preferences, and cuisines are discussed in some detail. The Chapter also deals with the multi-purpose dietary and non-dietary functions of fish products focusing on fat. The current state of such phenomena is also discussed. 5.2. Fish as Highly Valued Meal Various researchers (Acehson, 1981; Geroge 1986); Pllnac and Jon, 1988) state the overriding nutritional and psychosocial importance of fish in islander and maritime societies). Among the Zay, the forefathers treated fish with high respect. It was believed that having fish meal in a house was a kind of boon and blessing for the household. As a treasured object, fish was one of highly valued gift and exchange items among people who had special ties with each other (e. g. in–laws). Fish has had multi-purpose functions for the Zay. One informant said, “It builds up body. It gives us health. You can eat it alone or eat with other food items; when cereal production fail, we depended on fish a lot.” 5.3. Traditional Fish Cuisines

5.3.1. Cherished Body Parts Eaten Up on careful observation and interview, one would distinguish the difference in the art of eating fish between Zay and non-Zay. Among the Zay, the most cherished part of a (cooked) fish to eat is its skull; certain compartments in the scull are carefully scrutinized and eaten. According to one of my key informants, the Zay highly cherish to eat a part of the cooked fish, which is a seat for fat. The seat for fat they call glajara. The brain part is also highly cherished. That special part they call komkoshi. It is commonly the prerogative of husbands to eat this ‘special’ part. Komkoshi contains a very soft tissue

that is sapped up by chewing the bony part. My informants indicated that the eyeball of the fish was not discarded a way children would fight with each other to take the eyeball. It is a cherished edible part. When I asked why they fought over it, various responses were given: “Because it is very delicious,” “It has medicinal value,” “It opens up one’s brain (makes one bright-thinking),” “It is concentrated in fat,” and so on. Informants at Tulu Gudo Island confirmed, “The head part of the fish is highly cherished when cooked. The boys in the house fight each other to get the part. It is preferred because it is highly tasty and fatty. This has been the case from the beginning. The outsiders do not each the head. We eat all of it, including the eyeball. The eyeball is highly fatty. It is regarded as a medicine for brain.” Only intestinal parts are not edible. The eggs or small fish lings are also eaten. The egg is eaten fried. One islander informant said, “From time immemorial fish was the main food. All other parts of fish are edible (and of course excepting the intestinal part). The fatty part was preciously sought – it was drunk as juice it was used as medicine for abdominal crump. Especially the fat of our indigenous fish bilca was highly sought after. When children are sick with abdominal crump, they were given the fatty juice of bilca fish. It was also given as a special treatment juice for post- partum mothers.”

5.3.2. Eating Raw Fish: Filleto Eating uncooked fish meat has now become commonplace among fishing communities. If one went in early morning to lakeshores near Zeway Town, one would watch people having their breakfasts there eating filleto, raw fish meat, flavoring it with various condiments, pepper sauce and sipping on areqe (local drink). Similar practices of eating raw fish meat in fishing communities from around the world may exist. The practice of eating raw meat, particularly that of beef is long widespread among most of Ethiopian societies. Like other peoples of Ethiopia, the Zay islanders also eat raw beef meat. However, among the older generation Zay on the Islands, raw fish meat is not eaten. Informants indicated it was never practiced among the ancient Zay. Eating raw fish has been introduced to the Zay recently. Some associate its introduction with the intensification of fishers’ cooperative associations. Fillet is now eaten flavored with onion, condiments and other spices both on the islands and outside. Informants said, “It is a new innovation, brought with the introduction of fishers’ cooperatives. In the past, let alone eating raw fish, when they saw a small prickle of blood on the tongue of the fish they shunned it.” One old islander informant argued, “No, this habit is a recent innovation. Raw fish was not eaten in the past, except that it was eaten cooked (boiled and fried). Now, there are those who eat fillet dipping in pepper sauce.” However, other informants argued that given the widespread habit of eating raw fish meat, the past generation did not know the benefit and taste of raw fish. They shunned it not because they knew a raw fish hurt or caused diseases. Simply it was not in their tradition.

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Photo 23: Zayian art of processing and eating raw fish meat

5.3.3. Eating Boiled Fish: Wojarat Ancient Zay boiled fish in a pot, without scrapping its scales; cooked the fish in its entirety, without cutting or gutting. They added only salt. Informants said the fish was so fatty that it did not need any flavoring oils or condiments. Informants theorized the ancient Zays were very big and huge in body frame and they attributed this to the fact that, according to informants, “the fish were full of all necessary minerals and vitamins.” They said cooking in modern style totally strips the fish off its natural mineral contents. It was believed that when you scrapped the scales, washed and gutted out the fish, you reduced the mineral counters.

Photo 24: Bioled fish meat ready for a meal (Note the ‘modern bread replacing the traditional local breads)

5.3.4. Eating Roasted Fish One of the most cherished fish cuisines for the Zay was what they called tubus, fish meal roasted in its entirety on a live coal fire. According to informants, in the past the abundance and fattiness of fish was very conducive for this cuisine. Very fatty fish were chosen for this purpose. When roasted or fired, no condiments were added. One important, cherished component of this meal was called gugne quti, which was a very fatty fish. Informants described that up on catching this type of fish; the catcher immediately puts a sign on the fish, usually by cutting some part of its tail. A man and his wife would eat this fish, by roasting.

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Photo 25: baking local bread ‘ injera’; commonly eaten with fish meat

5.3.5. Fish Fat: the Zay ‘Butter’, ‘Oil’ and Valued Gift Item The informants characterized the then abundant fish as very fatty. The Zay put this fish fat to various ingenious cuisines. Thus said one informant, “The fish was very fatty. The fish was sliced in its abdomen, and fat was picked up like butter. Our women heated up the fat and stored it in a pot. This stored fat used as butter. Porridge was made from it. It was very precious. Let alone for others, it was even given as gift for parents-in-law [in-laws were highly esteemed among the Zay].” When they caught fish and making it ready for market, they picked out fats put them on broad- leafed water plants (called yirbit qitey). Husbands brought the fat on these leaves. The fat was then washed, heated on fire, refined and was put in a clean pot, tightly covered. It was a delicious and highly sought fish material. The fat thus was a key ingredient applied in various indigenous porridges such as ciko (barely flour porridge), porridge made of finger millet, teff and wheat.

Table 9: The Multi-Purpose Function of Fish Fat among Zay Islanders, December 2007

Ser. No.

Dietary Functions Medicinal Non-dietary functions

1. Serves as a butter and oil Relives abdominal crump Source of energy for lamps at night

2. Made into a sauce form to sip Relieves heart/ chest burn/ indigestion Ointment like butter which fishermen rubbed their bare body parts while on the Lake to protect themselves from leech bites.

3. Drunk as a thirst quencher Exorcizes away resident evil eyes effects common as pediatric psychiatric problem

4. Cooked as a porridge Helps peuperile (post-partum woman) woman to compensate blood loss

.5 Serve as a lubricant/ butter for scrambled barely porridge

Relieves eye pains. Fish bile is more commonly used as an eye ointment

6 Made into a form of bread

5.4. Medicinal Values of Fish According to ethnographic literature, dietary cultures across the world have included medicinal value as an important component of foods. Food as medicine has been used for time immemorial. Long before modern medicine discovered the medicinal values of food, traditional societies have done so. No wonder traditional fishing societies have utilized fish in various health care and disease treatment efforts. Among the Zay, fish has had multi-purpose medicinal and health care functions.

5.4.1. Fish for Infants and Pregnant/ Post-partum Women Fish meal was a chosen and cherished dish for pregnant or post-partum women and even for small children as young as six

months old. Informants explained that for a post-partum woman the sauce of boiled fish was given. She first sipped the sauce and then ate the boiled fish. When pregnant women suffered from indigestion, they drank fish sauce. They give cooked fish to very small children by picking away bones and put fleshy pieces of meat in their mouths. According to informants, it was very good to their health. When the infants cried due to abdominal pains, they gave them the sauce of the fish fat; the fat was mixed with abasuda (a medicinal herb) and made them drink. When sick children drunk the fat, it made them vomit out the ailing elements from their stomach. It relieved them. They begin this after their 6th months of age. According an old woman, fresh fat of the fish was washed, refined, heated, cooled and was given as drink for children

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who were sick with some stomachache or other psychiatric problem. She said, “When they drunk the fat, it made them vomit out the ailing elements from their stomach. It relieved them.”

5.4.2. Fish Fat: ‘Medicine for All Twelve Diseases’ The fat of fish was regarded as a sort of panacea for ‘all the twelve diseases,’ according to an informant. This showed the peoples’ perception of the all-rounded medical, health function of fish. The phrase, ‘twelve diseases’ is a metaphor: eating fish meat or drinking its sauce may treat all known human diseases. The Zay perceived their indigenous fish varieties, particularly minci (a barbus family fish which is now almost lost) were most fitted for these purposes. Bigger, thicker minci was sought after for its medicinal use. Its dried flesh, when pounded into flour, was made into a sauce. Patients and non-patients alike sipped it with great enjoyment. An informant at migrant Zay rural community of Meqdella said, “It was a medicine for such diseases as nifaso (abdominal crump) and all the twelve different types of diseases such as malaria, cough, indigestion, etc. Our ancestors said fish was a medicine for 12 different types of diseases. So when the sauce was drunk it cured malaria.” An old migrant Zay woman at the same community said, “In the past a patient yearned to get the fat of fish and its juice, it had medicinal value.” Another old woman informant added, “In the past, the fish had a lot of fat. We cooked the fish in its fat. There was no need for condiments and oils as now. We just boiled it by piercing its abdomen. This fish was like medicine to over bodies.” One old male informant philosophized, “Eating fish enhances you complexion, and other meat don’t.” Another added, “We feel healthy where we eat fish eating other food creates a sense discomfort in our stomach. We feel happy and whole when we eat fish. Missing fish disturbs our mental health.” Now this has disappeared. Where is the fatty fish? They have exchanged our white fish with black fish. Fat is found our white fish the black fish has not fat; it has only guts”

The bile of fish is also used as a medicine widely in the past. They use the bile as medication for heart burning. Sometimes it was also sought as a medicine for eye disease. It was applied as ointment in the sick eye. This has disappeared. But some use it still for chest-burning (indigestion) problem. They also use bile when eating fillet (raw fish).

5.4.3. Perceptions of Fish Diet’s Link to Good Mental Health and Physical Strength There was a saying among informants that Zay fore-parents were physically stronger and bigger than the present people. The informants also had a sense of adoration to their ancestor’s strong intellectual prowess, which manifested itself in the islands ‘eco-facts, among other things. One of the underlying reasons stated by informants was that it was the abundance of locally cherished fish, the centrality of fish diet in the daily menus of the people that contributed to their mental prowess, better health and physical strength. Informants also argued that contrasting the present generation with the distant past generation the latter had enjoyed better health: “it is in our time that we are witnessing many diseases that are affecting us.” One of the informants argued, “The forefathers caught and ate a fatty fish full of the minerals and vitamins, today we eat a fish caught immaturely, devoid of vitamins; our forefathers ate one fish and they were satisfied, today even if you eat three or four fish it does not satisfy you. There is a big difference in the fish of the past and the present.” “Asaw ahun sim bicha new,” said an informant, literally meaning “It is only a name today’s fish has got.” This traditional perception is of course not without some scientific foundation. Studies of population genetics show the variations in physical and mental attributes among various people groups across time and space (Kottack 2002; Scupin, and DeCorse, 1995). Dietary habits no doubt contribute a lot to this variation. Local perception of the alleged variation between the past and present population of the islands generally attribute these variations to the dietary habits and nutritional statues prevailing then and now. Informants argued that living conditions were very comfortable in the past. There was plenty butter, milk, and fish fats. Fish fat was eaten bounteously. Informants generally bemoaned that now the living condition has got very lean and precarious. Children are not well cared for and well fed unlike in the past. One informant went into lengthy narration of how the fish made a big difference in this matter:

For the variation in physical conditions, the fish played pivotal role. In the past, one person could not finish eating one fish; but now, even if you eat ten fish, it does not satisfy you. We don’t consider we are eating a real fish today. Then if they eat a fish, or two, it was very satisfying; why did not they get fatter? The fish then had enough ‘mineral’ in it. The fish had enough vitamins. Eating these real fish with enough minerals and vitamins kept them healthy and fatty; they did not need a physician. Even it was said our forefathers were very creative and intelligent. This is true! When we feed enough fish, we see that our minds worked faster, we did not need any education. But now even the people’s mental capacity has declined; why? Because of decline in fish, because fish are becoming less prevalent in our daily food items. They used to invent many things, which the present day university graduates cannot even do. When we witness the artifacts and eco-facts on our islands that testify to, their minds were creative; as for me, I believe this was due fish as their main abundant food.

This folk perception of the role of fish diet in promoting good metal health and physical strength may further be confirmed by what we know in commonsense and what scientific researches show.

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5.5. Preferential Rankings for Various Fish Varieties Ethnographic studies show that fishing communities around the world have various dietary preferences to fish species. Certain fish species are preferred to others. The preferences may be based on a number of factors such as the observed and experienced tastiness of the meat, presence or lack of hazardous elements in the fish, aesthetic aspects of the fish, size, color and the like (Bassa, 1986; George 1986; Moss 1993). Among the Zay, there exists a well-established set of norms and preferences on the edible and inedible fish varieties, why or why not they are edible, and how they may be eaten. Without any question, qoroso (tilapia) has been the most proffered fish for the Zay from time immemorial for the Zay in terms of its dietary value, taste and pleasantness. In fact, the very Zayian term tulum simply stands for tilapia. When the Zay complain that fish has declined, they basically mean decline in tilapia variety. Bilca, another indigenous variety, follows. Of all fish varieties, the Zay preferred bilca the most in terms of its fattiness. It is the first in dish (for its good taste) although it is rather the boniest. Of the other new comer fish, dubbe and kenya varieties are also preferred by the islanders as food sources better than ambaza which ranks the last in terms of edibility, appearance and color. Due to this, it is not preferred even still now as food source except for its high demand for sale.

People’s dislike for certain fish varieties may be, according to ethnographic studies, rooted on religious, cultural or other perceived ‘bad’ element or’ impurity’ on the part of the disliked fish. The Zay consider the catfish (ambaza) religiously impure and most adult Zay do not put it to dietary use. They believe that ambaza is not a chosen diet for ‘respectable’, devout, adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Fisher communities elsewhere also hold various dietary beliefs, relating to fish. These beliefs determine edible fish from inedible ones. Among the Tlinigit people northwest coast of the United States, “The Tlinigit associated shellfish with poverty, laziness and ritual impurity and those who sought to be ‘ideal’ persons avoided shellfish” (Moss, 1993: 631).

Photo 26: eating the most cherished fish meal: qoroso 5.6. Exotic Fish and the Islanders’ Dietary Beliefs: the Case of Ambaza As informants time and again consistently complained, the Zay people were very sorrowful over the ‘ill-fated’ incident of the release into the Lake of exotic fish, ambaza. The people filed complaints to the various government bodies, from Kebele Administration to Regional Bureau. According to one of my key informants, the appellants were given responses from the government bodies, which told them, “The release was done in planned and studied manner. It may appear to you harmful for now, but in the long run you will reap the benefits.” The people’s complaint was that this exotic fish has dominated their cherished fish qoroso. But the concerned Government body reassured them that they will gradually come to know the benefit of this fish. He said the Government told them, “You will not only empower your economy through sell of this fish, but also like to eat it.” The resistance to utilize it as edible fish has still persisted especially on the islands. There were many reasons why the people disliked it: cultural, religious, aesthetic, taste, etc. One of my key informants said, “When you look at the fish you are not sure whether it real fish or not. The aesthetic value- the appearance, complexion and its color are repulsive to the people. Some even linked it to a snake. However, the salient reason behind the disdain for the fish as a dietary source is not so much its aesthetic value as it is the religious belief of the people. It is believed among devout Orthodox Christian island Zays that the Bible does not permit ambaza as an edible animal, as it lacks scales. My key informant said, “When you compare qoroso and ambaza, the former is well pleasing to the eye, while the latter is very repulsive. Its complexion is distasteful. It is only when it is gutted, filleted and cooked that you begin to regard it as edible; otherwise in its live form you doubt its edibility.” There are however inter-island, intra-household, inter-individual and island- mainland variations in the degree of dislike for the new fish. Most informants agreed that, the new generation is adapting to eating this fish. The Tulu Gudo islanders, who have been the religious loci of Zayian society, are regarded as the most dislikers. Inhabitants of islands of Tadacha and

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Funduro are relatively lenient. Migrant, non-islander Zays are generally less strict in this regard. In time of lean seasons, ambaza is the final resort to Tulu Gudo islanders. According to informants, people likened ambaza to a snake. It ranked last in dietary preference, preceded by qoroso, bilca, kenya, dubbe in that order. The Zay are so economically, emotionally and culturally dependant on their tulum and minci that the exotic fish is so pathetic to them. One old migrant Woman in her late 70s, living at Meqi Town said, “The recent fish that dominates the Lake is like a snake. I have never eaten the flesh of this fish. I don’t know about others.” The fishing communities have adopted themselves to eating tilapia. Introduction of catfish has brought about nutritional disturbance. As one woman informant puts it, “The local fish in the past were so well-looking in complexion and so thick that there was fat. The fat was like a clean white sheet of cloth. But since the arrival of the ambaza, the Zay has lost some of their indigenous cuisines, our traditional cuisines such toasted fish, boiled fish, dried filleted fish, fish sauce … these have diminished.” Tulu Gudo islanders are especially hurt because their disdain for ambaza is intense, unlike some of us the migrant Zays, who now eat it.” Table 10: Local Terminologies of Repulsion for Catfish, December 2007

Sr. No. Local Expression Literal Rendering Remark

1. Tiquree ‘The black one’ Not merely to suggest its blackish color, but much more to indicate its enmity and repulsiveness.

2. Farse biccha ‘It is only guts’ Indicates the local people’s reminiscence for their fish fat from tilapia and barbus. The catfish variety does not have fat according to them.

3. Awuree yimeslal ‘It looks like a beast’ Hence stripping this fish of its ‘fishily’ attributes.

4. Ebaab yimeslal ‘Looks like snake’ Snakes are generally detested, repulsive and feared among the local people as probably the case elsewhere.

5. Gilfafi elewum ‘It lacks scales’ According to Zay Orthodox Christian Church theology, unscaly fish are not edible; Lack of scales makes the fish look like a beast.

Photo 27: ‘Ambaza” the scaleless beast” 5.7. Edible Water- Growing Plants and Fish Cuisine The ethno-botanical knowledge of traditional societies is well documented by cultural anthropologists (Kottack 2002; Hammond, 1971). Traditional people around the world have put to use thousands of plants for dietary and non-dietary, medicinal functions. Among fishing communities around the world, various plants growing on or near the water bodies are used for various food sources. Among the Zay, it was customary for fishermen to take parts of certain plants and snack on it while engaged in their fishing chores. When males went fishing, they eat various water plants. Some of the plants are eaten as sugar cane. There was a

plant called aware, the root of a water plant containing sweetly juices; when they come home from fishing, they brought roots of this plant. Another plant was called jalageda, a water growing plant whose stem part was also chewed. Another plant was called is isugn, which was a very important plant grown in lakeshore; it was uprooted, and its root has edible nodules, like potato. It was boiled and eaten with fish. An old migrant woman at Meqi Town said, “We ate it particularly in

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drought seasons. It was sweetly. Some isugn species were very delicious. It could be eaten alone as potato, or together with fish. Now it is forgotten. They don’t harvest it; neither do they prefer it now. The inedible variety of isugn was called armami. There was another tuber plant growing in the water, called boccu. Informants described the tuber of this plant as something akin to sweet potato. It was edible especially during drought seasons. It was boiled and eaten with fish diet.

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CHAPTER SIX THE PSYCHO-SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF FISHING ACTIVITY

6.1. Introduction This Chapter deals with the way fishing activity is organized, the psycho-social structures that set fishing as a unique livelihood system, the transformations that are taking place in the traditional social organization of fishing and the adverse impacts on the system. Attempt is made to corroborate field data with ethnographic illustrations. Key issues in this Chapter include: the gender division of labor in fishing, age division and the role of children, some unique features of fishing, the psychosocial orientation and personality attributes of fishing communities. 6.2. Gender Division of Labor in Fishing

Maritime anthropological researches show that there is more or less a generalized tendency across fishing communities in the world that the open sea and the task of fishing on boats is ‘a man’s world, where as women, among other things, deal with household chores and fish cuisines. The open seas have been “an all–male environment” (Acheson, 1981). The very phrase ‘fishermen’, like ‘policemen’ or ‘firemen’, conjures up a picture of a male-monopolized world of fishing. In most fishing societies in the world, thus, there is a strong sexual division of labor: the men fish while the women mind the household. It has been suggested that fishing requires stamina and strength, and women presumably do not have these qualities. However, anthropological literature also indicates that through- out the world, women participate in all operation of fishing, even in some dangerous ones (Ibid). To the question, “Did/ Do women catch fish with nets sailing on the Lake?” participants of old community women FGD at Meqdella rural community near Meqi Town, replied, “Never! They don’t go to the Lake on boats and fish. To sail on boats, we women are not physically fit. It is males who could sail according to Zay culture. Our task is to cook the fish when they bring it.” Such a response was obtained from an average local informant. The idea that women are not physically fit for the fishing task is a widespread one across fishing communities (Acheson, 1981). Proscribing women from engaging in fishing or making any contact with fishing paraphernalia is common in many traditional societies. According to Acheson (op cit), in many societies, certain classes of women are proscribed from having contact with boat or a boat construction; in other societies, fishermen are not supposed to have contact with women when they are engaged in fishing- magic or preparing for fishing trip. Thus, among the Zay islanders, women had never engaged in catching fish by working on the lake, sailing yebela; although they occasionally catch using hooks. One thing, women in Zay culture are regarded as ill-fitted (physically weak) to face the challenges of working on the lake under very hard and sometimes venturesome circumstances: facing violent storms, working in the dark hour nights, possibility of being toppled down when collision with hippos occur, among other things. The other thing, it is generally, implicitly forbidden for women to sail boat and catch fish using net; it is almost a taboo. As almost all informants agree, the task is not well- fitting for women both physically and culturally. Views regarding women’s involvement in fish catching varied among informants. Some argued fishing catching, even using simple hooks at the shore, is a taboo for women. Thus, women never (at least in principle) engage in this task. Others argued women (particularly young ones) often caught fish using hooks standing at the shore. There were, thus, intra-island and intra-neighborhood variation in the role of women in fishing, especially going to Lake to catch. Some informants argued women never involved in catching fish, in whatsoever form. An old woman in her late 70s

said, “We helped our husbands by making qwantas out of the filleted fish; we women did not catch fish, even with hooks.” Another old woman gave a different opinion,

I myself was active catcher. I did not go on the Lake but fished on the shores. We sat on stones and caught with hooks. We made the thread at home tied it to stick. We caught worms under the stones, (the worms were called talagaz); stuck the worms on the hook and gave it as baits. We knew the location of catchable fish by their dug holes in the water. We felt the holes with our feet and put a leaf and a plant called qoiluut as a sign on the hole and threw the bait into the hole. However, we did not sail yebela; women did not sail it on our islands.

One of my key informants also maintained that adult and older women generally did not participate in sailing on the water, and catch fish either on boats or by hooks. They never do it now either. However, all informants agreed that it is wholly masculine task to sail with yebela and catch fish with nets. The Lake continues to be men’s world. It was considered a taboo for a woman to sail. Women among the Zay are specialized in the ‘home economics’ of fishing; they are experts in making fish cuisine. They also helped their husbands or brothers in filleting and making dried fish meat (qwanta), which in the past their husbands took for sale to various urban centers. Women were also experts in making fishing nets from hand –span threads using cotton.

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Photo 28: Boat making: a man’s job

6.3. Age Division of Labor: The Role of Children as Fishing The open seas is not only men’s world, it is also adult, able-bodied men’s world. This excludes young children and elderly males as well. The same physical reason that excludes women also applies to children. Children have to pass through the stages of physical development and proper socialization through individualized and apprenticeship fishing trials. But cultural taboo is not involved here as it is for women (Durenberger & Pilson, 1985; Polnac and Jon, 1988) Socialization into the fishing culture and learning fishing know-how’s is even more important than mere physical maturity and fitness to sail and fish. The art of fishing is not a naturally given ability. It depends on the individual level of wits, ingenuity and experience. One should know the timing when to give the bait to the fish, when to pick up the thread, etc. Some big sized fish may sometimes make one fall in to the water if one does not know how to maintain balance and not artful in fishing. The socialization process of learning the art of fishing; understanding the values, norms and beliefs relating to fish and fishing; mastering the island eco-system, the lake and its resources; etc, begins right from the childhood. Such socialization thus occupies a central place in the lives of the children in the islands. Small children dominantly boys, commonly engage in fishing. Children begin fishing through imitating bigger ones. They begin by making their own hooks and catching with those hooks standing on the shores. Hook fishing is thus a common practice for small children. It is common to observe small boys at Lake shores holding their long sticks tied with thread rope and catch fish for daily consumption. Some households, which lack able-bodied adult males often, depend on these boys for their household fish consumption. Children often catch fish while fending for the cattle and they snack on freshly caught fish by filleting the fish with their teeth. Eating raw filleted fish is becoming common these days.

6.4. Magic and Superstition in Fishing Societies

Religious and magical beliefs coupled with all other forms of recourse to the supernatural are important components of the overall fabrics of life in traditional societies. Cultural anthropological researches show that human beings cope with irreducible risk through rational means and magic. According to Malinowski, cited in Acheson (1981:287) “Trobriand Islanders use extensive magical ritual to secure safety and good results when fishing on open seas.” Prayer rituals as expressions of religious beliefs are important components of fishing activity among the Zay islanders, too. The islander Zay are generally devout religious people adhering to the Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity. God appears to be at the center of their every day life, even helping determine the location of the fish: “It is God the creator who brings the fish,” as one old informant said. There was prayer offering related to fishing. When they set out to fish they prayed thus, ‘We will go and come back safe if God wills” Fishermen would often pray, up on completing their day’s fishing activity, saying “Yemeqet erbet meqetin erbet”, which means, “ May my hook never come out of water without catching fish for the next day. Such forms of magical elements are also common elsewhere among fishing communities (Forman, 1967). Informants maintained that some fishermen often conduct magical rituals by going to the shore. They sacrifice a goat and sprinkle the blood onto the water. They chew ckat (a mild narcotic leaf common in Ethiopia). They thus pray so that their gods may give them success in fish catch. Notably non-Zay mainlander fishermen, however, do such religious observances. 6.5. Some Beliefs as Organizing Principles of Fishing Activity Economic activities are generally supported by various religious and para-religious beliefs in traditional societies. Such beliefs often serve as agents of empowering the activity, by providing the actors the psychosocial energy to accomplish their tasks and be confident and successful in their tasks. Individuals would thus tenaciously stick to such folk views. Although

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such beliefs may not have any scientific validity, the performers are often very comfortable with such beliefs and practices, as they often seem to work for them (Forman 1967; Scupin and DeCorse, 1995; Hammond, 1971). Among the Zay fishermen, there are many such folk views. For example, if you step over the fishing net or hook of your friend fisher, it is believed that that would be a bad omen: it would mar the success of the fisher. Thus, you have to be very careful no to step over or stand upon the fishing equipment. If inadvertently one breaches this rule, one has to immediately reverse his action to avert the bad omen. A fish, which the fisherman catches as his first chance, is termed as yekaram tulum. It is believed that a fisherman’s subsequent success depends on how he treats this first-caught fish. One should never give away this fish to other persons. The catcher himself has to solely consume it. When fishing, it is common that a fish escapes upon being caught. A fisher to whom this happens should be comforted by a word of encouragement by a friend fisher. The latter says to the former, Yashagrinh!, meaning, “May God give you another fish in its stead!” The fisher responds by saying, “Amen!” When fishermen are fishing together, a fisher who catches fish first, must say to his friend, “Yaqinah!”, which means, literally, “May God help you too to catch!” There was also a folk view among the Zay that when one catches eni bella tulum, a fish whose one eye is blind, one is believed to be blessed with a good sign. It was a good omen. One would catch bounteous fish. Informants indicated that they would often catch such kind of fish. They believed it worked for them. There was also a belief among the Zay that to catch a bounteous fish, the fisher men would first catch a fish or two and toast it right there at the shore, eat it, burn the bones to ashes, and then put their hands over the ashes and pray. Then

they would march on to their subsequent fishing activity with an invigorated, empowered psyche and motivation. 6.6. Distinguishing Features of the Fishing and Fishing Societies Ethnographic studies of maritime and fishing societies have come up with a number of distinguishing attributes for such societies. This characterization is congruent with the way other societies that depend on, say, cattle, are depicted. Literature on pastoral nomadic societies, for example, have often depicted such societies as exhibiting certain unique psychosocial attributes and social organizations that set them apart from others (Hammond, 1971; Kottack 2002; Helland 2006).

An economic and livelihood system that depends on fishing a major activity is thus bound to display certain features that are lacking among other livelihood systems. A review of ethnographic works dealing with fishing and islander societies across time and places shows that more or less universalized features are found in all such societies. These ethnographic works generally contend that the uniqueness of fishing and islander societies mainly emanates from the fact that fishery as a resource itself is endowed with unique characteristics. What follows is a brief presentation of some of the distinguishing features of such societies and how the ethnographic data match with our field data.

6.6.1. Unique Features of Fishery as a Livelihood Source

Fishing is a complex and dynamic matter. Like any other livelihood system, it is best understood in historical, economic and political contexts. However, compared to other systems, “… Fishing poses some very unusual constraints and problems” (Acheson, 1981). These unusual constraints and problems are linked to what has been called the ‘tragedy of the commons’. The problems and challenges of fishing communities are themselves manifestation of this perennial problem: the fact tat fish are common resources. Thus contends Acheson (op cit. p 292)

Fish are a common property resource… Resources of all kinds owned by the public (i.e., air, rivers. grazing, land, oceans) are over-exploited and abused in ways that do not occur with privately owned resources…. Those depending on common property resource are locked into a system in which it is only logical that they increase their exploitation without limit. Why should fishermen conserve when there are no ways the benefits can be reserved for themselves? … In the long run fishermen live with the specter of complete stock failure.

Unlike other livelihood systems such as agricultural cultivation or cattle rearing, fishery activity has strict spatial boundaries: although fishing zones or areas may be bounded by mutual norms, the fish as a resource cannot be bounded. Hence, the fishermen, unlike others, have much less control over their yield or productivity (Alexander, 1977: 247). Production planning for fisheries thus becomes very difficult. The fishery resource is open to all potential fishers, whether legal or illegal. The fish are “natural common property resources; no single user has exclusive rights to the resource nor can he prevent others sharing its exploitation” (ibid, 248). This unique condition of fishery often leads to possible depletion of stocks or even total extinction of certain species. “The individual [fisher] is in competition with all others in attempt to secure a large share of resource for himself, and if he restrains his own efforts, he merely increases the share available to others” (ibid.). This problem of free and unrestricted access to the fishery resources is currently what is happening on Lake Zeway. Local informants have time and again complained that the Lake with its fishery resources now seems to be lacking any sense of ownership. Many o the conditions have now become out of the control of the islanders who for long period of time have meaningfully and sustainably managed their fishery resource. It seems that this problem o ‘the tragedy of the commons’ has escalated only in recent decades.

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Compared to land cultivation, for example, fishing also displays other unique features. Land cultivators may meaningfully plan about their production processes, workout to invest in additional inputs to enhance productivity, have a meaningful sense of private ownership of the assets, etc. Fishing as a system lacks such and other related features. According to Alexander (1977: 248), “There are considerable differences in consequences of additional labor inputs [between fishing and crop cultivation]… higher gear utilization rates seldom result in greatly increased yields over the long term because fishing does not require sustained participation, there is more opportunity for entrance of marginal workers, and this reduces the incomes of those depending up on fishing alone for their livelihood.”

The last point is exactly one of the greatest challenges that are facing Zeway islanders, to whom fishing is the backbone of livelihood. The increasing entrance into the fishing activity by multiplied thousands of illegal fishers encircling the Lake has posed a real danger. Another very important point is the fact of more likelihood of exploitative relationship between fishers and the parties who receive or buy their products. Unlike their crop cultivator counterparts, fishermen suffer from lack of power in bargaining the rule of game for their supplies, pricing, etc. This basically emanates from another unique nature of fishery resources: that it is easily perishable. It also emanates from the underdevelopment of product preservation technologies that at the primary producers’ disposal. Therefore, fishermen, more than agricultural producers, are likely to be exposed to the exploitative relationship of patron-client nature, because of the perishable nature of their product; and because of their weak positions in searching market opportunities; they are forced to enter into such relations with the middle men.

Among the Zay fishers, although informants indicated that conditions were now relatively better in terms of barraging power for price, especially since the establishment of cooperative associations, there were still many problems in this regard. It is now rich few middlemen who gain much profit from the fishery resources. Patron-client relationships are now being common around Lake Zeway. Rich merchants who won the means of production and the financial capital now hire the labor and fishing expertise of Zay islanders for very cheap price. Some of fishermen form the islands are now moving to other lakes in distant places in this patron-client relationship, as productivity has declined on Lake Zeway.

6.6.2. Responses of Fishing Communities to Their Unique Challenges To contain the challenges and problems that emanate form the unique features of fishery resources, fishing communities across cultures use various response mechanisms and display certain psychosocial attributes. Some of these features are the following.

6.6.2.1. Individual Strategies

One of the responses fishermen display to a situation in which competition is endemic is to compete as effectively as possible. According to Acheson (op cit), fishing societies developed strong urges for competitiveness. These competitions are necessary in view of the growing openness of the fishery resources to potentially wider fishers. To build their competitive power, fishers use various individual strategies such as developing fishing skills, occupational switching, capital management and innovation.

6.6.2.2. Fishery Switching Perhaps the most common strategy used by fishermen to adapt to uncertainty and a context of competitiveness is to combine occupations. Fishing is rarely done exclusively in tribal and peasant societies. According to Acheson (1981,), Swedish peasants, for example, often combined fishing and farming to such an extent that it was difficult to tell which was their major occupation.”(P 291) Fishing, however, occupies central place in fishing communities especially in terms of its emotional and cultural significance. As Acheson argues,

“In many societies with a mixed economy, the cultural and emotional significance of fishing far over- shadows that of agriculture. The land does not have the same emotional quality, as do the boats. No one ever died digging potatoes; there is no danger planting barley; the important ethnographic conclusion is that fishermen combine fishing with non- fishing work in times of economic distress.

Among the Zay, although the fish and fishing make up the basic fabrics of their socio-cultural identity, they have never wholly depended on fishing. Fishing and land cultivation have co-existed and often vied for preeminence. Switching between fishing and non-fishing activities has often existed form the beginning and this tendency has even increased in recent decades.

6.6.2.3. Innovations

Fishing societies display unique power of being innovative and at same time being ardently conservative and resistant to innovations. They often may adopt new methods and techniques of fishing or be resistant to such changes. According to Acheson, 1981)

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However, fishermen the world over were unsurprisingly conservative…Ethnographic literature shows innovations have more often have been rejected. One of the theoretical arguments states that innovation are more likely to be rejected if they are unprofitable economically or if they are incompatible with existing cultural patterns; people would reject innovations if they challenge traditional ways of life. However, the adoption of innovations is highly differential. There are “early”, “middle” and “late” adopters; while some may be never willing to adopt at all. In general, young men are more prone to be “early” adopters.

The Zay fishing culture and the techniques and technologies has been both dynamic and static. Some aspects of the fishing culture have still persisted over the millennia and resisted innovations. Many of the values, norms, practices, and fishing paraphernalia still defy change. However, on the other hand, there are discernible innovations on the islands. The fishermen have despite probably out of choice, adapted themselves to new methods and technologies of fishing. This choice has to be made to cope with the prevailing challenges and competitive environment. In congruence to the ethnographic findings, there are variations among the islanders and migrant Zays, inter- and intra-island as well as demographic variations in terms of adopting innovations. One good example is the case of ambaza. Cuisine made form this fish meat is a wholly new thing to the islanders who have been used to their local varieties. There are striking variations in terms of adapting to this innovation. Migrant Zay, youngsters, urbanites and religiously less devout islanders are early adapters.

6.6.3. Commitment to Fishing & Personality Traits

One important unique feature about fisher communities is their tenacious commitment and favorable attitude to their occupation. Such degree of commitment may be lacking among land cultivators, cattle raisers. What makes this unique may be the fact fishing are committed in spite of the challenging, risky, tiresome and increasingly unproductive conditions of

fishing. Despite the risks and uncertainty associated with fishing, “… in most fishing societies fishermen are usually committed to their occupation. Many anthropological studies indicate that fishermen have generally positive attitude to their occupation.” (Ibid.) The unique nature of fishing and the hostile islander and maritime environment under which they operate engender certain strong psychological attributes among fishers. According to ethnographic sources, the psychological characteristics of fishermen show remarkable similarities across culture. “Fishermen in many societies are aggressive, courageous, and independent. Fishermen must depend on each both to produce fish and reduce risk” (Ibid). Up on visiting Zay islands, one might observe the spirit of courage, independence, as well as cooperativeness. Although the rapidly declining fish productivity and the resultant livelihood challenges are drawing many islanders to the mainland in search of better opportunities, there is a general tendency among the people to regard their fishing activity as something sacred. No wonder, as it makes a basic strand in their socio-cultural and nutritional identity.

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CHAPTER SEVEN FACTORS IN ZEWAY LAKE FISH RESOURCES DECLINES

7.1. Introduction This Chapter deals with factors that were perceived as salient in the processes that led to decline in fish resources of Lake Zeway. The findings emanate from both local informants and expert opinions obtained during the fieldwork. Local perceptions of decline in fish mainly stress local fish varieties notably tilapia. Perceptions of factors in fish productivity and quality decline may be classified into some convenient categories: natural factors; human impacts on the ecosystem; introduction of exotic species; changes in wider communities’ attitudes towards fish; changes in fishing gears and modernization efforts; increase in illegal, indiscriminate and inappropriate fishing; lack effective control of illegal fishing; and lack of effective, integrated fishery conservation. 7.2. The Fact of Decline in Fish Productivity and Quality It is a known fact that across the world fishery resources have been facing deadly adverse impacts. Several aquatic fauna in general and fish species in particular have already been extinct. Ethiopia is no exception to this and some expert opinions indicated that aquatic biodiversity of the nation’s fresh water bodies are already in danger and from some lakes of the country certain fish species have disappeared (Sunderling and Goroospe, 2001; Bjanrason, 1993; Cordel, 1978; Shebru, n.d.; Laloto, 1999; Lulu, 1984) Both local and expert informants have indicated that decline in fish productivity and quality as well as virtual disappearance of some species is well-understood facts. According to an informant at the Zeway FPMC4 Branch Office, the quantity of fish catches the Corporation is registering is very small compared to the past catches. When compared to the amount of fish

catch in the 1980’s, he said that the Corporation used to catch from 8000 to 10, 000 quintal of fish per year. The informant confirmed what the Zay fishers all bemoan about: today the fish catch from Zeway Lake has dwindled very drastically. The informant at Zeway Branch of FPMC mentioned the case of Lakes around Arbaminch (Abaya and Chamo Lakes) where fish catch has almost hit zero today: the reasons being over- fishing and clearing breeding grounds. When strong wind blows, the multitudes of small fish are thrown out on to the bare sand, exposed to all manner of danger and die. When the water volume decreases, the grasses and plants also dry out. Agricultural investment that takes place around the Lake, using the water form the rivers that feed the Lake was another crucial factor. 7.3. Some Salient Factors in Fish Productivity Decline

7.3.1. Decrease in Volume of Water Shibru (1973) writing three decades ago indicated that the water volumes of some lakes of Ethiopia have appreciably declined due to various reasons, including deforestation and other human activities, such as extensive irrigation. The human impact on fish is manifested in mowing and cutting down plants and trees growing around the Lake. This denies the fish access to feeding and breeding lands. According to the head of Oromia Fishery Research Center, currently agricultural activities based on water pumping by various actors, such as local individual farmers; organized cooperatives, large – scale investors, etc, are going on. There are very many water pumping motors in use now. All these contribute to water volume decline during winter season. But due to steady rainfall, the water volume has been good and there is a tendency in the fish resource to revive better in the last two years. This year’s (2000 E. C) water volume of the Lake could be said to be in its excellent condition. This corroborated the ideas of other informants. Informants at Tulu Gudo Island expressed their knowledge of and worry about the human intervention impacts on the water volume and the fishery resource. One informant mentioned the currently ongoing irrigation activities. “Now, even though they are of low power, using high powered water pumping motors for irrigation leads to decline in water volume. For example, there are about nine big water-pumping motors around Meqi – if all those motors are put to use they would dry up the Lake.”

Case 1: Fish Decline Lake Chamo Style: Will It also Happen to Lake Zeway?

According to EPMC Zeway Branch officer, the worst case of fish decline happened in Arbaminch area, on Lake Chamo. The fish had almost totally been depleted. The most known fish type, called nec assa (Nile perch), which measured sometimes up to 100 kg, no more exists in the Lake. The main reasons were generally the same reasons that were currently undergoing around Lake Zeway: the extensive agricultural investments that utilize the waters of the Lake and that of its tributaries; innumerable fishers (about 3500 illegal fishers were counted), the use of inappropriate fishing nets, catching very small fish, etc. The Lake’s qoroso, which some times weighed up to weigh 500 gram, was also almost lost. Despite this tragic state, the Lake Chamo was still being fished, while instead it should hade been closed up for any fishing activity for some time.

4 Fish Marketing and Production Corporation

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Regarding trends in Lake Zeway water volume, one of my informants narrated his experience as follows:

Some four years ago, I had a chance to take a team of experts sailing on a survey visit on my boat. They measured the depth and told, “This Lake may dry up in the next 15 years.” I was very surprised and apprehensive. The Lake in fact had declined very much. We used to go by horse cart some kilometers from the point where now the shore is. This year, the volume has returned to its position. The shore was dried up, leaving vast areas – which were grabbed by people for farming. I myself held a portion of the land. Now, even though there are many water pumps using the water in these last two years, the volume has not declined.

7.3.2. Eco-system Disturbance

The proverbial 40% forest coverage of Ethiopia at the turn 20th century dwindled to disturbing 3-4% coverage at the present according expert opinions. The widespread deforestation activities that have taken place in the country for many decades have been the main factor behind the ecological disturbances and environmental deteriorations. Expert opinions and common experiences show that eco-system disturbance has highly affected the water bodies in the country. Some of the lakes have virtually disappeared (Shibru, n. d.). When we come to the Mid RV Lakes regions, experts citing folk tales argued that the Lakes Zeway, Abiata and Langano were one water body in the past before they were separated. Ecological disturbance has been going on around the Lakes for many decades. The water condition and its chemical contents depend on the conservation practices in the surrounding catchments areas. The catchments area in the Rift Valley terrain is generally exposed to erosion; it is an area for high investment activities. The siltation problem – which leads to depth decline in the lakes, is common due to high erosion; it may have the power to introduce change in fishing ground, fish species composition; it also affects the water quality of the lakes.

According to the head of the Oromia Fishery Research Center, a recent study shows the Lake Zeway is exposed to high siltation. Its depth is declining There is water volume fluctuation in winter and summer seasons due to lack of water budgeting system in the area where irrigation using water pumps increasing. The variation also affects the marine biodiversity, and species composition; it may lead to domination of fish with low market demand over those with high demand. And worse, according to the Center’s head, if the present conditions continue, it may even lead to complete depletion of spices. So there is urgent need for integrated catchments area protection and lake conservation by all kebeles and weredas. Soil erosion protection and forestation of nearby mountains are urgently needed. Now such forms of environment protection activities are very minimal at best in these areas. Most Zay informants both on the islands and outside pointed out that the problem of ecological disturbance was a big factor in fish decline. One informant living in Zeway Town lamented: “Now the Zeway Lake fish resource has declined. The Lake is over- fished. Marshy areas with the grassy plants and other water-based floras where fish use as their breeding, growing and feeding zones have been highly affected. People mowed out the grasses, cut down the trees for their various purposes. They sell the grasses and stools and other equipment made of water trees. The fish thus is being deprived of its source of food and breeding site.” Regarding this phenomenon, one male informant, who also was a member and chairman of a Fishers’ Cooperative, said:

The nearby marshy and grassy plants of the Lake shore are cut down, leaving the fish devoid of their natural feeding and breeding habitats. Various individuals entered into cultivating the land in the Lakeshores so much so that the forest area around the Lake was completely cleared out. But since the last 2 – 3 years, thanks to some actions from the Agriculture Office and the efforts of the Zeway Fishers Cooperative Associations, some improvements are being made. The cooperative associations appealed up to the Federal government level to prevent the forest clearing and agricultural investments going on around the Lake catchments.

Informants well understood the linkage between deforestation activities, erosion problem and water volume decline. People cultivate marshy areas mowing down grasses and trees. These lead to erosion, which causes siltation. One informant from Boccessa rural community said, “They cultivate marshy areas mowing down grasses and trees. These lead to erosion which causes siltation.” Participants of a group discussion in a youth FGD at Boccessa expressed their worries regarding other possible pollutants: the effect of the seepage of car wash residues as many vehicle owners use the Lake water to wash their cars; the seepage into the Lake was causing harm to the Lake and the fish. Another key informant also corroborated this idea, “Car wash is done on the shores of the Lake. Residues of those may seep into the Lake and may thus pollute the water killing the fish. People took their vehicles just into the water and made the cleanings there.”

7.3.3. Introduction of Exotic Fish into Lake Zeway 7.3.3.1. Variations in Local and Expert Opinions

According to various studies, one of the reasons for extinction of several fish varieties is introduction of exotic fish to a water body (George, 1986; Kings, 1997). There are many cases of several declined or lost fish varieties due to introduction of exotic fish in many lakes all over the world. Lake Victoria, for example has witnessed such incidents. The extinction of many indigenous fauna and socio-cultural systems in the Australian Continent when Europeans brought with them exotic animals is also well documented (Weiner, 1999; McLeod, 1999).

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Expert opinions show that many fish varieties have been introduced into the water bodies of Ethiopia over the past several decades. This process is still going on. It may be argued that many of the fish species that currently inhabit the various water bodies are not endemic or indigenous to a water body. The planned and well-studied execution of this process is of course very important for the overall nutritional and economic betterment of the society. The problem is the adverse impact exotics bring to the local species and to the overall ecosystem. One of the often mentioned factors by local informants is the fact, in their perception, that the introduction of exotic fish, notably, catfish, has led to a virtual decline of cherished local fish species, notably tilapia. Most informants perceived the introduction of exotic fish, particularly ambaza, as one of the gravest of all factors that contributed to decline in local fish stock. Expert opinions also agree with this view. Now the Lake is teeming with this fish, dominating the local ones. The variation local and expert opinion is that local people believed catfish ate up tilapia. “It eats up qoroso,” so believe almost all of the local informants. Expert opinion states that it not so: prey-predator relationship has always existed in nature. There are other factors as well. What the fish experts explain in scientific terms regarding the decline of local fish does not make sense to the local people.

7.3.3.2. How Was Catfish Released to the Lake? The history of introduction of exotic fish varieties in to Lake Zeway has been shrouded in confusing and conflicting views. Of the three main edible fish varieties that locals know as not indigenous, ambaza and its history and release into the Lake has captured the people’s attention most. There were two folk views. One is that either the Agriculture Dept or the Zeway branch FPMC released the fish purposefully. One dimension of this folk view is that it was released so that the people would benefit from this (fast breeding) fish. The other unstated perception is that it was released with some ill –intentional plans to harm the people. This view was never overtly stated to me.

The second view was that the fish was released in to the Lake when the Corporation inadvertently threw away gutted- out remains of the fish into the Lake. This second view is also espoused by the Corporation and the Agriculture Dep’t although they were not themselves sure of it. One of my key informants believed that the release of the fish was intentional. He informed me that local people appealed to various levels of government bodies concerning the exotic fish and the appellants were given responses from the government bodies, which told them, “The release was done in planned and studied manner. It may appear to you harmful for now, but in the long run you will reap the benefits.” However, he was not explicit whether this intention was benign or malign. Some informants argued there was intentionality in introducing ambaza to the Lake. But this intentionality was not on the part of any formal, government body. Thus argued one informant:

The Fish Production Marketing Corporation that brought the fish from Awassa and Arbaminch Lakes introduced Ambaza into the Lake. When the Corporation was gutting the fish and threw the leftover, the laborers (gutters) left live fish amidst the dirt and threw in to the Lake. It was not any intentional, planned release of the fish in to the Lake by the Corporation. It was the Corporation’s laborers who intentionally left some live ambaza with the dirt when they felt tired. Since then the fish bred rapidly. Now the lake is teeming with it.

In sum, the commonly agreed upon view was that three main fish have been released into the Lake. Both informants and experts mentioned that two of the exotic fish namely, qoroso- looking fish called kenya or adise and dubbe or dubba were introduced by the Bureau of Agriculture. The other fish, Ambaza was released into the Lake by a miscalculated, careless handling of the post- harvest of the fish, which was emptied in to the Lake.

7.3.3.3. ‘Ambaza is eating up Qoroso’: Local Perceptions Some of the local informants did not know how exotic fish came to the Lake, but almost all of the local informants believed that the decline in indigenous fish varieties was directly linked to the arrival of exotic fish. As a woman informant in Zeway Town explains:

“In the past there were abundant fish. Fish catch was easy. Fish production was high, but fish consumption was very minimal. The local fish declined when ambaza came in to the Lake; I don’t know where it came; it grew gradually until all the Lake is now teeming with it. This ambaza eats up the local fish. The local fish in the past were so well-looking in complexion and so thick that there was fat. The fat was like a clean white sheet of cloth. But since the arrival of the ambaza, there are no more such fish.

Informants at a rural migrant Zay community expressed similar story:

Ambaza proliferated and now dominates the Lake. Qoroso declined. The other indigenous variety bilca has totally disappeared. Although the fish researchers tell us that the fish did not disappear, rather they escaped to the deep of the Lake. But for us we consider it as disappearance. The indigenous fish began disappearing since the release in to the Lake of this black fish; it is the Fish Corporation that released this fish with the leftovers. This black fish, ambaza feeds on qoroso which has highly declined, although not totally disappeared. The blackish fish has highly dominated the Lake.

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The informants further argued, “Since the introduction of ambaza, it has now become commonplace to catch small fish and use them as baits for ambaza. Now in this area, the malaria bed nets supplied in abundance are being used as trapping facilities to wipe out the smaller qoroso fish for feeding the ambaza. This is other new trend which is further contributing to the decline in qoroso.” Youth FGD participants at Boccessa expressed similar views. They mentioned that due to the introduction of the ambaza fish variety into the Lake, the Lake ecosystem was already being changed. The fish ate up the grass and plants which grew on the shore; this led to the disappearance of the qoroso variety, which depended on the grass to lay egg and multiply. Besides eating up the qoroso fish themselves, the ambaza have affected the ecological balance in the Lake.

Table 11: Local Expressions Depicting Link between Release of Catfish to the Lake and Decline in Local Fish, Tilapia, December 2007

Ser. No.

Local Expression Literal rendering Interpretation

1. Yih tiquruu assa kemeta wodih assa teftual

‘Since the arrival of this blackish fish, local fish have disappeared.’

The blackish fish is depicted as devouring the whitish local fish, tilapia.

2. Ambaza belto cersotal ‘Ambaza has eaten up the fish’ In local cognitive map, catfish is a direct cause for the decline of tilapia, It eats up tilapia

3. Haiqu ahun ambaza bicca honual ‘The Lake is now teeming with ambaza’ It was formerly teeming with qoroso

4. Ambaza eyale assa indet yirebal? ‘How can fish breed well as long as this ambaza continues to exist?’

Catfish is breeding fat and dominating at the expense of tilapia.

5. Yegna yedirow cooma assa teftual ‘Our ancient fatty fish has disappeared’ The indigenous fish cannot grow into maturity and thickness to harvest fat as long as catfish exists.

7.3.4. The ever-increasing Illegal Fishing

The issue of illegal fishing was almost always mentioned when one talks to a Zay informant regarding factors in fish decline. In their views, this is one of the main factors in fish decline in the Lake. It is very common to hear complaints of the following sorts from local informant:

“Fish has disappeared from the Lake. Now the Lake is invaded with thieves.” “Illegal fishers of all kind of persons- be it merchants, students, farmers- have abounded.” “Now the illegal fishers are reigning supreme over the fish resources, with very little government control.” “The illegal fishers are creating havoc on the fish resource engaging in indiscriminate, unsustainable fishing.” “Illegal fishers are increasing in all directing of the Lake. The Lake has no owner.” “The cooperative associations cannot contain the illegal fishers, as they are powerless. The legal cooperatives

harvest edible size, matured fish, but the illegal ones are indiscriminate in their use the resource. Their nets catch small immature fish.”

These rather emotive expressions of local informants are also confirmed by opinions from fishery experts and other concerned bodies. According to a fishery expert at Zeway Agriculture Department, confronting illegal fishers that now operate on the Lake is like trying to carry a very stupendous military mission. The lack of effective control mechanism and coordination among various stakeholders in the region was also cited as a crucial problem. Another problem is the easy exposure of the Lake to the actions of illegal fishers. The Lake’s being open at all sides allowing easy access has facilitated this. The Lake is in a very short distance to the major marketing center – Addis Ababa. The fact that the Lake’s area and the surrounding region are of lowland temperature has accelerated fish demand. Informants stated that during the former governments especially during the Dergue Regime, they used to take strict measures against illegal fishers. They used to chase the illegal fishers with motorized boats and even sometimes they broke the fishers boats, cuttings pieces the nets, and arrest the illegal fishers; but now such kind of do not exist on the part of the Government. It has become very loose. No control is being made; all manner of illegal fishers proudly invade the lake. Table 12: Expressions Depicting the Phenomenon and Behavior of Illegal Fishers, December 2007

Ser. No.

Local Expressions Literal Rendering Interpretation

1. Zaree belicce lemuut bay ‘Let me eat today and die tomorrow’ The shortsightedness and extreme greediness of illegal fishers, with no sense of and care for sustainable use

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2. Keyeaqtaccaw wordewbetal ‘They have descended over the Lake at every direction’

The term ‘descended’ is suggestive; sort of merciless action

3. Qen kalelit yitemedal ‘They catch day and night’ Suggests the continuous fishing without respite.

4. Hayqu kemshekemew belay new ‘It is beyond the Lakes carrying capacity’

The increasing number of fishers outstrips the capacity of the fishery resource.

5. Huluum yibocqewal ‘All people grab it greedily’ --

6. Hayqu wuhaa bicha yihonal ‘The Lake will be only water’ If over fishing continues at its current rate, the lake will totally lack its fishery resource

7. Trimalaw terargo yiwosdewal ‘The beach seine nets wipes out all fish’

This suggests the inimical application of inappropriate modern fishnets and method of fishing, which discriminately catch all types of fish.

7.3.5. Inappropriate Fishing Gears & Indiscriminate Fishing

Maritime anthropologists argue that traditional fishing technology, although backward and unproductive in terms of efficiency, nevertheless, has been ‘fish-friendly’. Almost all researchers in this field agree that rapid decline in fish biodiversity coincides with modernization and mechanization of fishing gear (Acheson, 1980). Informants generally argue that ancient Zay fishing gears were fish-friendly; they didn’t catch fish indiscriminately. But the introduction of modern fishing nets with increasing demand for fish has largely affected the fish stock. To hear comments like the following is very common on the impact of modern fishing gears:

“The modern ‘tegotach’ merab [beach seine nets] catches a lot of fish at once, if fish are available. The problem with these modern nets is that there are often nets with narrow mesh sizes, which wipe out all fish in its way.”

“The productivity has declined now compared to the past. In the past, the smaller nets caught bigger fishes, the

nets were not destructive to the fish; but since the introduction of bigger nets, the fish quantity and productivity declined.”

“We used to catch 3 – 4 hundred fish with simple hooks. But now, the fish escaped to the center and deep. Very

long and wide nets measuring from 200 to 400 arms length (about 100 – 200 meters) roam the Lake.”

“The main deathblow to indigenous fish productivity was the introduction of huge fishing nets (trimala). The net caught all the female fish. The biz-sized fish were highly wanted as first grade fish. Such bigger fish were hunted down after the introduction of the huge nets.”

“…Then came the big boats and fish nets. It was called trimala [seine net]; when it came it began wiping out the

fish, including the female fish. The kind of fish you see now, we used to throw back into water when it was caught. Now they are catching these small fish. Now there is no fish.”

Both local and expert informants argued that it is often the illegal fishers who use inappropriate fishing gear. According to local informants, “their purpose is to amass the fish indiscriminately; they have no worry as the islanders or legal fishers have, because, when productivity fails they can turn to other businesses. They want immediate benefits to gain as much profit as possible, particularly during the kudade (two fasting months of March and April, and filseta (fifteen fasting day of August), and the Wednesday and Friday fasting days of the Orthodox Church of Ethiopia. Informants lament about the present generation’s indiscriminate fishing practices. Older local informants indicated that in the pas the Zay were careful to not catch immature and reproductive age female fish. Local views are corroborated with some research findings. Underutilization of fish resource as food source in the country is often matched with frequent over- fishing in the Rift Valley Lakes in the country. As a major source for commercial fishing, Lake Zeway’s fish resource faces big challenge. The Lake faced tragic decrease in the fish resource in the years 1984-1987 (Tadele 1990). This trend further continued in the 1990s, and early 2000s when the Lake experienced tragic decline in its volume and fish resource.

7.3.6. Change in Attitude to Fish among the Neighboring Communities According to expert opinions, Ethiopia’s per-head per year fish consumption rate is one of the lowest in the world, even in East African standards. With all the promotion and awareness creation efforts by FMPC and Agriculture Department, rate of consumption are still is below 0.2% (Mr. Getachew Senbeta, personal communication, 2007). However, some changes in

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community attitudes are slowly taking place. Local informants stated that in the past the demand for fish in Ethiopia was very minimal. Fish was not recognized. The feeding taste or demand of the community increased by the efforts of the Fish Corporation which began providing fish to the different parts of the country. The Agriculture Dept also introduced a total of 45 different ways of cooking fish as a food source. This helped enhance the recognition and acceptance of fish as food source. According to informants, the neighboring Oromo called the Zay islanders, ‘Til belitawoch” meaning, ‘Worm eaters’. They regarded fish as a kind of worm of the water. Informants at Tulu Gudo Island said, “The outsiders were ignorant of fish and fishing. They derided us, saying ‘you worm-eaters;’ now, they have tasted the benefit of fish and turned out to be fish–lovers. They derided us saying, ‘you stink,’ but now they carry fish in their pockets.” According to informants, it was only Zay people of the five islands who used to fish alone; only they had the fishing knowledge. The other surrounding Oromo despised fishing. They had contempt for the Zay. Now, all have adapted themselves to both the fishing knowledge and the feeding habit. All have now engaged in fishing, be it in organized fisher cooperatives or in illegal way. The increasing demand for fish among the heretofore fish-despising communities and throughout the urban areas of the country is a crucial factor well understood by local fishing communities. Local informants used different idioms of expression signifying the high demand for fish. One old migrant Zay man at a rural Meqdella community said, “Even the small sized [qoroso] they now sell it like coffee.” Here the analogy of coffee, which is the nation’s most important cash crop, is applied. Others said, “The former water worm has now become gold.” An informant at Tulu Gudo Island said, “They who despised even to be around us the fishers, now they carry fish in their pockets.” What one of my key informants said further illustrates this phenomenon of drastic change in attitude:

Formerly, people stood and watched in amazement when the Zay sailed and fished, holding an intense contempt for the fishers. They even did not dare to touch the fish for fear and contempt. Now practically all communities that encircle the Lake are actively engaged in fishing. The ‘worm’ has now become the pearl and the gold for them. All engage in fishing for household food consumption and for market.

The outsiders, when seeing the fish demand dramatically increased opted for direct fishing on the Lake instead of buying from the islanders. Due this, all people, both organized and illegal go and fish on the Lake. Informants argued that there is now a mismatch between fish supply and demand. This is because of the growing number of fish consumers and demand for fish in the market. The fish demand as food source has soared dramatically, but the supply has declined.

7.3.7. All-Year Round Fish Harvesting (Over-fishing) Informants complained that the Lake’s fishery was being harvested without any respite. In the past, fish harvesting for commercial purposes was done twice per year, following the two major (Orthodox Church) fasting seasons, on kudade (two months of March and April) and the Filseta (15 days fasting in the month of August). It was not fished for market purposes in the rest of the year. For household consumption, the fishing was done on piecemeal basis. In those days the fish productivity was high, but market value was very low. Now fish has become highly popularized and in high demand. But the productivity is low. Fishing is done all year round in all directions of the Lake. In sum, the main factors in local fish resources may be summarized as follows:

1. Natural factors and human impacts: rainfall shortage leading to decreased water volume and ecosystem disturbance;

2. Alarming rate of increase in fishers of all sorts; 3. Change in attitude toward fish among the wider community; 4. Utilization of inappropriate fishnets; 5. The release of exotic fish types in to the lake notably ambaza.

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CHAPTER EIGHT THE DYNAMICS OF IMPACTS ON LOCAL FISHING LIVELIHOOD

8.1. Introduction This Chapter deals with the dynamics of adverse impacts on local fishing livelihood, socio-cultural traditions, and eco-system. The Chapter shows that local livelihood system has been adversely affected. Further attempt is made to analyze to what extent, how and in what ways the system is affected, the sources of these impacts and their categories. Two of the fundamental theses of this Chapter are that processes that have led to decline in fish productivity, variety and quality have heavily affected the local livelihood and socio-cultural systems and the impacts are multi-faceted, and the sources of these impacts are preeminently exogenous. 8.2. Impacts on the Lake Ecosystem According to social anthropological research findings, some of the sad realities of our modern era are the consequences of rapid economic development on bio-diversity, ecosystem and socio-cultural systems. A review of these findings reveals the adverse footprints of unbalanced development activities and rapid population growth. Biodiversity loss, ecocide and ethnocide are the grave outcomes (Schaefer, 2004; Kottack 1994; Bodley, 1996). Maritime and islander societies, their local ecosystems, fishery resources and livelihood systems have borne the brunt of the adverse impacts. In Ethiopia, Lake ecosystems have faced various challenges. Some water bodies have witnessed drastic volume decline. Bio-diversity in the ecosystem has been affected (Tedla 2005). Such impacts are also visible in the Rift Valley region of the country. The human impacts on the mid Rift Valley Lakes including Lake Zeway are very significant; they are ostensibly visible on some lakes. Take the cases of Lake Abiata for example. According to the Oromia Fishery research Center, Lake Abiata, which has been center of bird sanctuary, has had high fish stock. But now due to ecological problems, the fish stock

has been totally depleted. The main problem was the establishment of Soda Ash Factory–which depends on the water to harvest sodium carbonate. According to fishery resource expert at Zeway Agriculture Department, before 2004, Lake Zeway had drastic decease in volume. The various plants, reeds, and papyrus tree forests had completely been destroyed. The main factor in Lake Zeway ecosystem disturbance was the problem of farming the water–shed area of the Lake; irrigation–based agriculture was extensively going on the vicinity of the Lake. According to the expert, there were about 68 irrigation-based agricultural farms going on plowing the Lake shores. Many rich merchants and hotel owners in Zeway town were engaged in the farming at the time. The farming and clearing of the reed forests had a very big impact on the fish resources. According to the expert, the tilapia fish was almost completely lost, and the fish productivity also totally came to a halt. According to head of the Oromia Fishery Research Center, a recent study shows the Lake Zeway is exposed to high siltation. Its maximum and minimum depths are declining There is water volume fluctuation in winter and summer seasons due to lack of water budgeting system in the area where irrigation using water pumps increasing. The variation also affects the marine biodiversity, and species composition; it may lead to domination of fish with low market demand over those with high demand. And worse, according to the Center’s head, if the present conditions continue, it may even lead to complete depletion of spices. According to the Expert, at the time of our study, lake shore tree forests are emerging, the Lake resource was gaining its normal status, depleted fish varieties, especially tilapia were coming again. The Lake has gained its volume status that it had 20 years ago. The fish eating birds have come back, there are various trees springing up in forest around the Lake. I had the chance to witness the veracity of some of these claims through observation and interviewing. According to the informants, the water volume of Lake Zeway has achieved dramatic increase in the past two years and had regained its former volumes and width. In one of our study sites, some 10 km away from Meqi Town, some of the farmlands and living neighborhoods were swallowed up in the water. Informants indicated due to this change in water volume, fish breeding was also improving. The conclusion was that since last year, improvements are in fact being registered, and the Lake was gaining its volume. However, the regaining of the Lake’s volume is a function of mainly the good rainfall condition of the recent years.

8.3. Impact of Commercialization of Fishing: the Case of FMPC

It is obvious that government, non-government or private led development and market- oriented projects bring about certain positive benefits to local people where they operate. Lake Zeway continues to be the nation’s important fishing source, with all its current problems. The EFPMC now– a government development organization purchases the fish product from the producers and supplies it to markets mainly in Addis Ababa, since its establishment in 1978. The establishment of this Corporation has, among other things, helped promote the nutritional, dietary and market value of fish to the wider community, helping boost the demand for fish and creating enhanced income generation and employment opportunities. Although the Zeway branch office of FMPC claimed no adverse impacts were brought about due to the operations of the Corporation, we may logically argue that in some sense, the Corporation has at least indirectly contributed to the observed negative changes in the local fishing livelihood and fish species composition change. According to local opinions, the release of catfish into the Lake and the resultant change in the fish species composition, dominance of exotic fish and tragic decline in locally cherished fish is in some importance sense a work attributable to this government-based development

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Corporation. However inadvertent the release of catfish may be, and despite the current economic benefits being accrued from the fish, the damage has irrevocably been done to the age-old indigenous fish species, which have defined the very fabric of the islanders’ social, cultural, economic and nutritional identity. Another perceived impact that concerns the FMPC is what some local informants hinted as the possible privatization prospect of the Corporation. Leaks from the rumor concerning this phenomenon have reached the people and some concerned persons from the community have expressed their worries. According to one of my informants, there are plans on the part of the Government to privatize the Corporation. The worry and concern of the Zay is that if the FPMC were privatized, it would sooner or later bring about many adverse impacts in the lives of the producers, particularly the islanders. Although it may have positive results such as the potential for better prices, its negative effects may outweigh, particularly if the prospective private company gets into direct involvement in production. It is feared that the livelihood state of the people who depend on fishing might be worsened. 8.4. Impact of Irrigation Agriculture Development Activities One of the main reasons for fluctuations and some time alarming decrease in water volume of the Lake is rainfall shortage. Two river tributaries, Meqi and Katar Rivers, feed Zeway Lake. The Lake releases its water through Bulbula River into Lake Langano (Tesfaye, 1988; Henze 1973). Available statistics and observations show that at present a flurry of agricultural development and investment activities are going on in Ethiopia. The irrigation potential of water bodies for agricultural development and the scope of irrigable land are hailed as immense. However, irrigation agriculture in the country is said to be one of the lowest and the vast water bodies are underutilized.

Some study reports show that the water form Lake Zeway could cultivate about 10000 sq km area of land and the current irrigated area is very small (Draft Study Report, Water Resources Authority). Despite these facts, the adverse impact of irrigation-based agricultural development currently carried out around the Lake are already emerging and the opinion of local and expert informants is that such impact will increase in intensity if appropriate water budgeting mechanized is not put in place. There are further concerns and fears about possible pollutants emitting into the Lake from these industrial agriculture activities that use chemical fertilizers. The big concern for the people is to make sure that no amount of pollution neither in the short nor in long run will affect the Lake ecosystem, the fish, the people and their livelihood. The water of the Lake is a source of drinking for the islanders, their cattle, and the town of Zeway. Almost all informants I contacted shared the fear of one of my informants: “I have a fear that pollutants may leak from the residues, and chemical fertilizers employed by the multitude of water -pumping motors.” Apart from direct impact of development projects on the Lake ecosystem, informants at Boccessa community also mentioned an emerging impact of large-scale development projects on the livelihood of the people. The participants particularly expressed their worry concerning the emerging negative impact on their community’s livelihood by the investment in their area of a huge agro-industrial firm that has leased a vast acre of farmland from the government. They said their farmlands were taken for a nominal benefit. Another indirect impact on the livelihoods of the local people was that the investment and development actors often give priority to capitalizing on the local resources and to maximize their own economic advantages. The local people are negatively affected in that they are made to sell their labor in cheap prices. The labor prices are very low. It often amounts to blatant labor exploitation. The indigenous socio-cultural practices and values are also gradually affected by the investment practices Case 2: Perceived Impacts of Agri-Sher Ethiopia Flower Company One of the gigantic flower industries in Ethiopia is located at Zeway, at a former state fruit and maize farm. It is called Agri-Sher Flower Ethiopia. The Company seems to be increasing its presence and impact on the Zeway area community. The Company has contributed its own share to reducing the unemployment problem. However, most informants emphatically pointed out the visibly growing discontent among people regarding the perceived negative impacts. Informants disclosed rumor-like information regarding the environmental impact of the Flower Company. It was being rumored that the chemicals have been leaked to the lake waters. Worry and concern about the possible impacts of the flower company was great among the islanders. Informants at Tulu Gudo Island expressed their worries thus:

This you call ‘Holland’-- it is rumored that they use very strong chemicals. In rainy seasons, the residues may leak into the Lake. We the islanders are now in fear because of this; it would destroy both the fish and us. But we are not sure the chemicals have already seeped into the Lake. Nevertheless, we are in big tension. In the future, it may kill the smaller fish and latter the bigger fish. It should be carefully investigated. We have not at present seen any bad things.

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Informants at Boccessa rural community adjoining the Company’s farm complained the company is ever engulfing the farm areas, intensifying its presence. The health impact was becoming a talking issue: the rank and file, especially those handling the chemicals are being exposed to health problems. One fisherman and a chairman of a Fishers’ Cooperative in Zeway expressed his worries thus:

There are potential possibilities of pollution from the leakage of oily substances and residues from the innumerable water drawing pumps. This may adversely affect the fish and the lake ecosystem. It is also said that the Sher Flower Company uses very powerful chemical liquids, and that there may be possibility of leakage in to the Lake. We the fishers’ cooperatives have been very worried about this, and we appealed to concerned bodies. But no conclusive responses are forth coming. We requested the Zonal Administration, which responded to us saying, ‘the flower company was introduced to the area in planned and studied manner.’

Although such rumors are often baseless and thus may safely be discarded, it may be wiser to carefully investigate them, as it is causing a kind of hysteria among some community members especially on the islands. The general mood of the people is discontent. But no one now points to any tangible already incurred risks in this feared state of affairs. However, expert opinions I colleted from various sources did not see any concrete impact currently being observed, although they did themselves have some worries. According to the head of the Zeway Fish Marketing and Production Enterprise, their Office had no verifiable evidence of negative impacts on the Lake and its resources from the agro – industrial enterprises, such as Agri-Sher Ethiopia. However, he did not hide his fear that in the long run it may have some impact. A fishery expert at Zeway Agriculture Department also confirmed that the fear of potential pollution from the flower industry among the public is not without any base. However, his office had not so far found any tangible evidence.

I interviewed the head of Oromia Fisheries Resource Research Center about the possible pollution risks from big flower farms. According to him, the Center, although did not conduct any formal study, made observational analysis. At initial stage the Center observed some suspicious and worrying conditions: the water draining from the cannels was affecting the nearby plants. Addis Ababa University Environment Science Department commissioned a number of student–based researches on the issue. However, the researches did not show any massive impact of the flower company. But, the impact may be revealed gradually in the long run. For now, no tangible problem is observed. He stated that the company people ensured the Center that they used the chemicals in drip form on the farms. However, one fact was certain, according to the fishery researcher: “It is obvious that the agricultural run-off (residues) will leak in to the Lake in the long run. The Government itself knows this very well that the company uses dangerously labeled chemical fertilizers, pesticides, weedcides, etc, which will absorb into in to the soil, and this inevitably will pollute the ecosystem in the long run.”

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Photo 29: A view of Sher-Ethiopia Flower Agro Company 8.5. Decline in Fish Quality and Productivity and Its Impact

8.5.1. ‘The Good Old Days’? Almost all Zay informants indicated a strong sense of past-centered temporo-centrism favoring the bygone times in the past when their Lake was teeming with their culturally, nutritionally and aesthetically cherished fish. Most people seemed to suffer from the memory of the “good old days” when they enjoyed the thick fatty local fish. An old informant said, “Ewunetegna asa diro nebar”, which literally meant, real fish was only in the past. One old Zay man in his late 80s living in Zeway Town puts it: “The fish was very fatty then. Now you don’t find any fatty fish.” Another old migrant Zay at a rural Meqdella community said, “The fish was very big. One person could not finish eating one fish. Our real ancient fish has now disappeared.’

A similar view was given another informant,

Now if I eat four fish it does not satisfy me. Our ancient fish, it was very fatty; one fish would satisfy; a person would finish a fish if he were very hungry. The fish was like a well-fed sheep. It had fat. Now you can’t find fatty fish. The big nets wiped out the child bearing and immature fish alike. To compensate for this, they flavor it with oil, onion, and condiments. We did not need any oil or condiments or flavors.

One informant commented on the difference between the fish then and now in terms of size and thickness: “The fish were very big in size. Sometimes, it was so big that when the large birds swallow it, it killed the bird. It is now that the fish are vulnerable for all kinds of ‘swallow-ers’.” Fattiness was one major criterion informants used to measure quality of fish. All agreed that fatty fish no longer now exist. One informant had this to say,

The fattiness of the fish was unique. Now fattiness has disappeared. The reason is over- fishing. Even an ox gets fatty when it is treated well, how can the fish get fatty if it is harvested before its maturation? The fish have no seasons of respite; the illegal fishers are harvesting them relentlessly. To get fatty fish you have to give the fish longer breeding time.

It is interesting to note that local informants used various metaphors to depict the good state of fish in the past. The analogy of ‘a well-fed ram’ or ‘a well-treated, fattened ox’ is particularly striking. Expert informants also verify the fact of decline in fish quality, thickness and productivity. Scientific measurements of the thickness of local fish tilapia show a big difference from what it was some 20 years ago. Regarding productivity, the present catch frequency for tilapia shows similar figure: below 40%, a far cry from the previous some 98%. Fishery Resource Research Center of Oromia had the following to say:

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The fish stock 20 years ago was so abundant, according to expert witnesses, that in only a single throw of the net, they caught close to 18 quintal of fish. Regarding fish thickness, a single tilapia weighed close to 2 kg. Now, it is surprising to see a tilapia that weighs 600–700 grams. If is this the difference that occurred in 20 years, we can imagine what would happen 20 years from now to the fish if appropriate measures are not taken.

In general fish as Zayian capital and asset has declined drastically, so much so that the islanders are particularly highly affected and many are searching for other alternatives. They are in jeopardized circumstances because, unlike other outsider fishers, they don’t have any other viable land to cultivate due to the rugged island topography and stony soils. Table 13: Expressions Depicting Local People’s Perception of the Qualitative and Quantitative Differences between Fish Then and Now, December 2007

Ser. No.

Local Expressions Literal Rendering Interpretation

1. Gomen keguaro indemeqtef neber ‘It was like fetching cabbage from your backyard

The lake teeming with tilapia so abundant that one could simply go and catch simply by hooks.

2. Asaw coomma bicha neber ‘The fish was all in all fatty’

3. Asaw indesebba mukit neber “The fish was like a well-fed/ fattened ram’

It could grow into maturity without being harvested before time

4 Ahuun yalew assa wustu wuha bicca naw ‘The fish now is watery’ Suggests it has been stripped off its mineral and vitamin substances

5. Assa diro qertual ‘real fish means that of the past’

Now one cannot find real fish. The ‘good old days ‘has passed.

6. Aand assa bibella yareka neber ‘If I ate one fish I could get satisfied’

The fish was so well grown, fatty and thick it easily satisfies

7. Coommaw inde nec fatil neber ‘The fat was like a white pure sheet of cloth’

8. Yedirow assa zait matafecca ayasfelgewm neber ‘Our local fish when coked did not demand any condiment or oil’

It was cooked in its fat as a oil and flavoring content

9. Ahuun yalew assa vitamin mineral yelawm ‘The fish now does not have vitamin and mineral’

Because it does not grow into maturity; the recent arrivals are not as rich in

these contents as the local ones.

10. Diro beyebetu qwnata aytefam neber ‘In every house, there was a dried fish hanging over the rope’

Because fish was abundant

11. Diro saylemen yiset neber, ahuun lemineh naw mitgezaw

‘You need not be for fish in the past; any fisher could give you if you needed. But now you beg even to buy it’

Because productivity has declined. And traditional community values are being altered.

8.5.2. Nutritional Impact of Decline in Fish Quality and Quantity

The most visible, immediate impact of decline in local fish variety is nutritional and food security. The formerly teeming Lake with tilapia is now teeming with catfish. Despite its economic benefits, catfish, needless to mention, is not exactly the kind of fish islanders cherish and the people have consistently resisted the idea of its edibility. Informants maintained that in every house, the commonest thing to get was fish. The fish would be eaten bounteously in various forms. At any time of the day, you could find at least dried fish hang over the ropes in the house; with every food item people served fish to visitors. There was no food shortage problem. But now, it would be hard to see a house that gets fish every day. The tradition of hanging dried fish meat has already been obsolete. One informant said, “The main food had been fish although occasional beef meat was eaten. Now the fish’s overriding place as a salient diet for the people is losing ground.” It is not just the matter of getting fatty, quality local variety fish, even lean tilapia are hard to come by.

As stated earlier, the nutritional impact of the decline in local fish variety is basically a function of the introduction of exotic fish notably catfish. The adverse nutritional impact of ambaza is a well-founded fact at least in the perception of local people. Dietary beliefs and habits are very persistent and not easily changeable. The fishing communities have adopted themselves to eating tilapia. Introduction of catfish has brought about nutritional disturbance. Islanders’ indigenous

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cuisines, such toasted fish, boiled fish, dried filleted fish, fish sauce, various types of porridges made from fish fat, all have disappeared. And the culprit behind all these is catfish. The nutritional impact of ambaza was also best expressed by informants at Boccessa:

But in terms of nutritional and dietary culture, it [ambaza] has brought adverse impact; because the people particularly the islanders have high disdain for ambaza. It is generally considered as a taboo to eat this fish. They say it does not have scales, and eating fish without scales is forbidden in their religious belief. They consider it as a beast, like snake. They cherish their indigenous fish. It is like cabbage for them. This nutritionally cherished fish has declined. So, only recently, out of lack of choice that the Zay are now adapting themselves to eat this ambaza.

One informant puts it blankly, “They [the islanders] have gained no food/ nutritional function from ambaza except for its money value. It hurts them if it does not serve them as edible fish.”

8.5.3. The Ecological Impact of Preponderance of Exotic Fish The ecological impact of exotic fish is also well articulated by informants. Informants argued that ambaza voraciously ate the roots of the waterside forests so much that it has contributed its share to the decline in plant life. The Lakeshore trees and grasses were very thick in the past, but these have declined. The local fishes also lost their breeding sites. Although decline in plant biodiversity around the Lake may be largely attributable to human intervention, the possible adverse impact duet to introduction of exotic fish into the ecosystem is not scientifically untenable. Research findings show that exotics may play their own roles in disturbing the ecological balance in the local ecosystem. 8.6. Impacts on Indigenous Technologies and Methods of Fishing One of the visible adverse impacts due to the introduction of mechanized fishing gears into the area is the declining

important of indigenous fishing technologies and know-how’s. Although the traditional fishing gears may be backward and of low efficiency and unproductive compared to the modern ones, they were however more sustainable and fish-friendly. Changes in the technologies and methods of fishing have occurred. The indigenous five- arms- length Zay hand net is obsolete. It is replaced with very big and long nets. Informants stated that the Zay had their own fishing norms. Each used to fish/catch in his own fishing zones. If one fished in a certain fishing zone, no one would come and catch fish in front of his zone. This was the norm. “We worked in unison and respect for each other,” said one informant. Now these kinds of norms have become obsolete. Any one can fish as he wishes. One concurrent activity for the islanders that went hand in hand with fishing was weaving. They engaged in weaving apart from fishing activity. The fishnets were made from the yarn threads of homemade cotton. But this tradition gradually disappeared.

8.7. Endangered Artifacts and Non-material Cultural Heritages

The islanders had hundreds of their own paraphernalia relating to fish catching, filleting, gutting, holding, storing, preserving, etc. These material cultural heritages are important in that they help define the ethnic identify of a people. Disappearance of these brings about identity confusion. People get much psychosocial satisfaction and solidarity by celebrating on their cultural traditions (Weiner, 1999; McLeod, 1999). Informants expressed that a number of traditional artifacts and non-material cultural heritages relating to fishing were in danger. Some of such objects were already obsolete. One of such objects was a tool called qambara, a piece of wooded instrument called qambara made of a tree growing on the shore. It was a sharpened tool, used to remove out the guts when filleting fish. Now this has disappeared. Another artifact that has become obsolete is what they call cici. Cici was a small rectangular mat made of grassy plant growing in the lake shores. The women used it spread the boiled (cooked) fish on it and hang it on a horizontal grid of beams attached to a portion of a wall in a room of their house. An old woman informant said, “We spread the boiled fish on to cici and hung it in a cool place. When the air blew on it, it dries, and this dried fish could stay for up to four days. It stayed clean and fresh.” It was a kind of traditional refrigerator. Cici was necessitated in the past because fish were abundant, and hence, they required it to preserve the reserve fish after cooked. One of the practices that has become obsolete is the women’s task of going to the Lake shore while their husbands or other male family members fished to gut fish and make quanta (dried fish meat), and to pick up fish fat and use it a butter and oil. Older women FGD participants narrated in passion: “We went to the Lake shore to gut fish caught by males. We picked the fatty parts, pounded the dried fat and mixed it with barely flour. Then we used to make porridge and cecebsa (scrambled flour mixed with fish fat). The women used earthen pots to cook fish in the past. There were no cooking pans like now. When they boiled the fish, they did not scrap away the scales; instead they cooked it in its entirety. The fish was so fatty that they did not need to add any oil or other flavoring condiments. They added only salt. This cuisine had now become obsolete. Some of fish cooking and related utensils and in the past included maqaya (boiling/ cooking pot); qambara, masha (a knife) with which they cut or gutted the fish; cici; lemet on which they put and presented the fish meal especially for husband;

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gabata, smaller and bigger trays, made of grass on which they placed cooked fish; qolomshosh, a special utensil made in embroidered form from grass used to present injera or qita for husbands to eat with fish; etc. According to women informant some of these utensils crockery have become obsolete. Practices related to the fat of fish have become obsolete. The Zay used the fat of fish as an oily mixer for basso (juices made of barely flour) and cecebsa (scrambled barely flour.) A woman who just gave birth was given juice/sauce made of fish fat mixed with honey “to replace the blood she lost during labor,” according an old woman informant. One of the practices that has become obsolete is the use of fish fat as a source of energy for house lamps. There was no need for spending on kerosene as it is today for house for lighting purpose. They simply used fish fat. They made thread from cotton, stuck the thread in to a chunk of fish fat and lit it. “It was our electricity,” said an old woman. The fat was put/mounted on a piece of earthen pot. This fish fat derived fuel sources has forever forgotten. “Where is the fish that has any fat in it today? They have exchanged our white fish with black fish. Fat is found in our white fish; the black fish has not fat; it has only guts” stated an old woman, a migrant Zay at Meqi.

Photo 31: Some endangered Fish based technologies 8.8. Impact on Fish-Based Social Relationships and Neighborhood Ties Decline in the productivity of local fish species replaced by dominance of exotic varieties has other adverse impact as well. According to informants, many of the islanders’ social and cultural values and relationships are based on the nutritional value of tilapia and minci. The decline in locally cherished fish has affected some social and neighborhood/community networks. The local fish had been a key part of social community relationships, festivals and ceremonies during weddings, funerals, and friendship parties. It was cuisines made of fish that gave color and texture to Zay social communalities. Many personal and neighborhood relations were built up on this fish based festivities. Fishers gave from their catches freely to those who asked especially women, regnant women and the aged were respectfully offered fish.

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The decline in local fish has also led to disappearance of some indigenous social communal ties such as the practice of feasting together on fish, gift exchanges of fish among friends, in-laws, peers etc. It was considered a taboo both to beg for a fish and to sell fish in Zay culture you just gave automatically when someone came to a fisher. Fish exchanges between households are also important organizing principles. Now, such communal practices have weakened due to decline in fish and economic problems. Everything is calculated in terms of money, and fish supply has plummeted. It was Zay custom in the past that when one want to take in marriage a certain girl, the man’s party would go to the girl’s part. Upon arrival, the girl’s family would ask, “Does your boy know how to make yezay merab [Zay traditional hand net]? Does he have a rower?” If the response were negative, the parents would never give their daughter. Such practices have now disappeared. The decline in the productivity local fish varieties has gradually led to decline in the knowledge system especially among the young generation relating to fish catching cuisine, eating, sailing, canoe building, ethno- botanical knowledge, etc.

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CHAPTER NINE

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION This Chapter presents key conclusions based on the findings of the study and suggests point of interventions and recommendations. 9.1. Conclusions Our discussions of the findings of this study lead us to draw the following important conclusions. The conclusions basically draw our attention to the present local livelihood, cultural and socio-ecological challenges that face the Zay fishing and peasant communities, with focus on the islanders.

9.1.1. Breakdown of Fish Friendly and Fish-based Traditional Knowledge System, Technologies and Institutions

From the forgoing discussions, it may be safely drawn that the Zay islanders have had sustainable, fish-friendly technologies, practices and institutions for millennia. The traditional Zay principles, procedures, techniques and technologies of fishing all have the concept of conservation and sustainable use of fish resources. These socio-cultural systems have faced a near-crisis. Crisis in these systems have also led to their subsistent livelihood system disintegration. The question of whether crises in these various local systems have occurred is settled: We state confidently crisis has occurred. Many of the islanders’ age-old practices, norms and technologies relating to fishing activity have become obsolete. And these have highly affected the people’s livelihood, their socio-cultural identity. Many of the people’s local-fish species-based cuisines, know-how’s, paraphernalia, have become obsolete. Other fish-based interpersonal, inter-familial, marital, and neighborhood social networks have come to a standstill.

9.1.2. Exogenous Factors’ Dominant Role in Local Livelihood, Ecosystem and Socio-Cultural System Crisis

One important theme that may emerge from the foregoing discussions is the role of exogenous factors in the crisis. Pursuant to other findings of ethnographic researches, the Zay islanders have led a meaningfully stable, resilient and sustainable livelihood and fishing, comfortably switching between land cultivations for millennia. Disintegrations in socio-cultural systems and livelihood crisis coincide with the exposure of the islanders to external elements. The introduction of government-led and other development interventions into the Lake’s catchments in the form of commercial scale fish production and marketing, as well as irrigational agriculture has already brought about tensions and disintegrations in the people’s psycho-social, cultural, economic and ecological milieus. The currently on–going agricultural investment development activities with more likelihood of scaling–up in view, employing the waters of the Lake and its feeder rivers, will definitely bring about ecological crisis around the Lake. At worst, it may result in complete drying up or at best in some irreversible damage. The potential hazards, either in short or long run, of the of environmental pollutions from the presently on-going irrigation-based agricultural activities and large-scale agro-industrial investments, with the prospect of privatization of the current Fish Corporation looming ahead, the people’s multifaceted crises will only escalate. In general, the current trends are not encouraging. When we are told the status of the Lake (in terms of volume, depth, chemical composition, etc) and the fish stock 20 years ago it is very amazing; after 20 years from now we can imagine what might happen to the Lake and its biodiversity and the resultant repercussions on the livelihoods of fishing communities.

9.1.3. The Challenge of Food and Nutritional Security The Zay had never known food security and nutritional shortfalls in their entire history. However, the last few decades have witnessed a considerable decline in the islanders’ local fish species that have served as a stable source and base for food security and nutritional well-being. What the islanders now face may amount to crisis in community nutrition. The problem is not only decline in fish productivity but also discernible decline in fish meat quality. Formerly, they would get abundant fish with excellent quality (fatty, big–size, and mineral–nutrient rich fish) like one would simply pick a cabbage from one’s backyard. Now, fish as a dormant element in the food security and nutritional status of the people has been dwindling tragically, so much so that it is now unthinkable to get fish diet for most households on daily basis.

9.1.4. Illegal Fishing and Unsustainable Fish Use, and the Prospect of Complete Fishery Stock Depletion

Human intervention has wrought havoc on the lake’s ecosystem, volume, fish species compositions, productivity and quality. Cherished local fish varieties have tragically diminished.

Lack of integrated environmental conservation in the Lake’s catchments, Unbudgeted use of the Lake’s water for irrigation, Unscrupulous handling of exotic fish that inadvertently released catfish into the Lake and replaced culturally and

nutritionally un- preferred fish, etc,

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All have contributed to the problem. Further, the challenge of increasing illegal fishing threatens Lake’s biodiversity, the fishery resource and the survival of the people who mainly depend on the fish resource. If it continues in its current rate, depletion of the fish resource is a near danger. This would mean disaster for the island people to whom fishing is an important source of security in times of trouble and cereal production failure – from their meager arable land. The illegal fishers follow the selfish motto of immediate benefit Sustainable use of fish resource is meaningless for the illegal fisher, who is determined to amass the fish from the Lake at whatever method or manner. He does not care about the safety or breeding of the fish. The lion’s shares of the fishers do not care about the need for conserving fish resource for posterity. The increasing market and dietary demand of fishing continually spurs more and more illegal fishers. A man with fish is holding gold in his hand.” It is sold in every corner, and served in every restaurant and every small food vending rooms. If effective control is not done, the future is bleak: as an informant commented, “Haiqu wuhaa bicha yihonal,” literally, “the Lake will be only water”: virtual depletion of fish resource is inevitable.

9.1.5. Lack of Effective Fishery and Lake Ecosystem Management and Control Mechanism

Despite efforts by various actors, it may be concluded that at the present, there is a discernible lack of effective, integrated, community-driven and participatory fishery resource and lake ecosystem management. The scale of the problem of illegal fishers has outwitted the local fishers’ cooperative associations, and fishery control department of Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development. Confronting and controlling illegal fishers has become like tackling some stupendous military operation. In short the main problem is lack of effective law enforcement mechanism. The higher bodies and decision makers had not

taken strong measures. In general, the fish resource has not been given due attention.

9.1.6. Lack of Efficient Water Transport Facility, Marketing Problem and Fish Price Manipulations

To date, there are now official, efficient water transport facilities that provide service to the islanders. The current existing boat transports are informally provided by fish merchants. This is one of the salient challenges for the islanders. A related problem is the problem f fish marketing and the powerlessness of primary fish produces in bargaining fish prices. There now exists an exorbitant price difference at fishing sites and the fish vending supermarkets. The islanders have now little to gain economically from the present patron-client kind of relationship in which the few fish merchants and even the fish Corporation gain much. The efforts of fishers’ cooperative associations are dwarfed by the mounting challenges of illegal fishers.

9.1.7. Increasing Illegal Fishing, Declining Fish Productivity, Shortage of Arable Land: the Islanders’ Dilemma

The islanders’ dilemma is very real: Locally cherished fish species have declined. General fish productivity has declined. Illegal fishers have increased. Their arable land is patchy and meager at best. The existing small patches of cultivable land have been over exploited. Farming is therefore never a viable alternative source of livelihood for them. They are now trapped in these multiple problems. The future of fishing and livelihood for the islanders thus seems bleak.

9.1.8. Ever- Increasing Out-migration of Able-bodied Islanders Although the wave of out-migration has already occurred in the 1940s to 1970s, there still goes on an individualized out migration. Due to the decline in fish resource, overpopulation and resultant economic hardships, the able-bodied islanders are ever migrating out in search of better alternatives. This process may in the long run militate against the islanders ancient cultural resources: Eco-facts, artifacts, and other tourist attraction entities may be in danger as more and more people migrate out, living behind elderly and children. The objective realities on the ground were such that the new generation is leaving the islands more and more through modern education and other opportunities. They intermarriage; their children learn new cultures, sets of beliefs and ideas, etc. 9.2. Recommendations The following recommendations are based on the foregoing conclusions.

9.2.1. The Need for Integrated, Effective Lake Ecosystem Management

The future of the mid-Rift Valley Lakes in general and that of Lake Zeway in particular depend on appropriate ecological measures. What is lacking currently is integrated effective control and management system for the Lake, its biodiversity and catchments. The main task that awaits all stakeholders is to make appropriate ecological biodiversity and water bodies’ protection. The government needs to take a lead in mobilizing the community and other actors to ensure that proper environmental protection and biodiversity conservation activities are done around the Lake. This will avert the bleak future

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for the Lake. In the future, if proper environmental protection and ecological conservation are not made, and any deforestation activity that is currently going on is totally prohibited, it is highly likely, even invertible, that Lake Zeway may be in real danger. Appropriate catchments are environmental protection activities are essential. Instead of intensifying furrow irrigation based agricultural investment in the area; it is good to promote drip irrigation method. Further, promotion of eco–truism activities are also highly welcome. Soil erosion protection and forestation of nearby mountains are urgently needed. Also it may be important and help reduce water abuse if the government introduces water-billing system – that every user of the lake or other river water should pay tax. This will lead to sustainable utilization.

9.2.2. The Need for Promoting Sustainable and Proper Conservation of Fishery Resource

There is urgent need to devise fish policy and create appropriate awareness on the fish and Lake policy among all stakeholders. There is an urgent need for creation of a strong sense of ownership by the community of fishers, merchants, agriculture office, research centers, and all other stakeholders. Appropriate actions should also be made to put in to use the post–harvest products. The policy makers need to give appropriate focus to the fishing sector, whose nutritional and food security potential is very high. If appropriate policy environment is created, and sustainable fish resource use practices are in place and proper environmental protection activities made, the fish production potential of Lake Zeway alone is close to 3000 tonnage per annum. One of the commonest recurring suggestions by informants, to alleviate the present livelihood challenges was to make effective protection of the Lake. This meant strict protection for the access rights of the people, and make ways of leaving the Lake lay fallow for certain period to help the fish breed well.

The islanders want all parties to regard a fish as ‘a human being’; they want the fish be given equal degree of attention as trees or forests. Good indigenous practices such as throwing back immature and female fish to the water and giving a season of respite for the Lake needs to be replicated. Following islanders’ comments, I further recommend that the government and other stakeholders work hard to create an attitude in the society so that they regard fish as precious resource of the country. There is also the need to promote it more for its food and medicinal values, its relation with better intelligence, its high contribution to health.

9.2.3. The Need for Protecting and Revitalizing Endangered Environment Friendly Traditional Values, Practices and Institutions

It seems bleak, in view of the current treads of the phenomenon of out- migration of the young generation, the increasing intensity of over-fishing, the low likelihood of the rebirth or replenishing of the nutritionally socio- culturally cherished fish varieties, the increasing unbalanced inter-ethnic exchanges, etc. It may not be too long before the indigenous Zayian knowledge systems and practices relating to the island ecosystem and fish resources may face the danger of irreversible damage if the current conditions that militate against them continue without check. However, it is possible to make realistic assessment of the situation and seek ways for revitalizing the various now endangered traditional practices, artifacts and institutions relating to fish. By liaisoning with appropriate actors, such efforts need to be made to avert the impeding possibility of socio-cultural identity crises.

9.2.4. The Need for Investing in Means of Reversing the Present Fish Species Compositions

It may also be important if concerned bodies may seek ways addressing the current dominance of the Lake by culturally and nutritionally undesired fish species and make attempts to revitalize the locally cherished fish species.

9.2.5. The Need for Culturally Sensitive Awareness Creation on Enchasing Edibility of Catfish

If the prospect of reversing the present fish species composition of Lake which is dominated by catfish is scientifically and practically untenable, it may be thus important to scale up the present awareness creation efforts regarding the nutritional values of catfish in more culturally sensitive approaches. These efforts particularly should focus on the islanders and the young generation.

9.2.6. The Need for Ensuring Real Community Participation in Any Future Efforts of Fishery Resource Management

A strong sense of community ownership of the Lake and its resources need to be created, enhanced and maintained. The community and the government need to work hand–in–hand. The need for strengthening and empowering the existing fisheries cooperative organizations is urgent. It would be essential to draw people–oriented fish polices, with the people’s full, real participation, by taking into account useful traditional knowledge systems and institutions. The need for co–management of the Lake and fishery resource is essential. The community needs to be very active in the management of the Lake ecosystem and the fish resources. There is further urgent need for empowering fishermen’s in bargaining for fish marketing and pricing.

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9.2.7. The Need for Ensuring Proper Environmental and Socio-Cultural Impact Assessments Are Made Regarding the Agro-Industrial and Other Development Activities

Careful and reliable environmental and socio–cultural impact assessment activities should be done before any investment and development activities are carried out. Generally, conservation and management policies are most favored when they take in to account interest of many groups and favor existing norms and social institutions. It is therefore mandatory to engage social anthropologists when designing such polices and regulations, as these scientists would help provide special insights into fishermen’s social customs, norms, institutions and knowledge systems. Polices ignoring these social anthropological realities are destined to be futile and rejected by the people even if a cadre of minorities may outwardly appear to support them. The Government and other concerned bodies need to make a careful analysis of the situation and the feasibility of undertaking two goals at the same time: intensifying irrigation–based large-scale agricultural investment and maintaining environmental protection around the Lake and protecting the lives and livelihoods of the fishing communities. These communities have depended on the Lake resource for millennia, and their current and future survival and cultural heritage maintenance continues to depend on these resources.

9.2.8 The Need for Effective Control of Illegal Fishing All stakeholders should work hard to expose and arrest any fisher that uses illegal fishing net; and the illegal fishers themselves should be strongly punished for their behaviors. It is urgent is to create a fishing community that feels the right sense of ownership of the resources, and use appropriate method and technologies. It is also very important to begin taxing all fishers, and controlling illegal fishers.

If the government tries to bring all the threatening current factors into effective control, the lake fish resources would be more than enough even to the future generation. But given the present conditions, let alone for the future generation, even the current generation may sooner or later be in very real danger. Thus the government and other concerned bodies must do every effort to bring these conditions under control. The Need for Further Research Although it is not directly related to the conclusions and objectives of this study, I want to add one more point of for future research intervention. I believe this ethnographic study of factors in the weakening of livelihood and socio-cultural systems in traditional island- based fishing communities of Zay is a first of its kind and hence may serve as a starting point for other similar studies in similar islander ecosystems. It may be thus important to suggest to use the findings of this study on the Zay as a basis for future efforts of the Center for Environment and Society, Hawassa University, to conduct similar ethnographic and multidisciplinary studies on other societies on the islands of RV Lakes region.

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