crushed on the horns of hattin, 1187 (military history, march-april 2008)
TRANSCRIPT
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In 1187 Saladin s Muslim armies drove
the Latin Crusaders from the Middle East
y J a m e s L a c e y
n July 4, 118 7, the Crusad er arm y in the Latin East
led by Guy of Lusignan, king of Jerusalem , ceased
^ to exist. Saladin s Muslim armies slaughtered them in
^
the bru tal Battle of Hattin, fought nea r the pre sen t-
day city of Tiberias, Israel. The bloody collapse of
the Second Cru sade, with the failure to take Dam ascus, had already
forecast that the Crusaders would not expand their holdings in the
Middle East. Their cm shin g defeat at Hattin ensu red they wou ld not
even hold o n to w hat they d w on in the Eirst C rusad e. W ithin
months of the battle, the Muslims, under their brilliant leader,
Saladin, had retaken almost every Crusader city and stronghold
including Jerusalem .
The strategic position of the Crusader states, including Edessa
Tripoli and Jerusalem, had always been precarious. Continually
involved in expensive wars, they never became self-sustaining
depending instead on a constant flow of funds from Byzantium and
the West. By 1187 this flow had slowed to a trickle, as European kings
increasingly centralized their power and retained their revenues for
dom estic use. Byzantine suppo rt, which waxed and waned according
to political circum stances, had also reached a low poin t.
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s o m e t h in g o f a h
d e m o n in a 1 6 t h
I ta l i a n p a i n t i n g
wa
d e t e r m i n e d t o r id t
M i d d l e E a s t o f C h r
u s a d e r s . H e s t
s t a t H a t t in i n
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The Crusaders
kept a minimal
number of men in
their strongholds
and shadowed th e
larger Muslim
arm ies, avoiding
the kind of
major batt le that
could lead to
annih i la t ion
Lacktng sufficient cash. Crusader
leaders were unable to hire enough
mercenaries to follow up on battlefield
victories forstrategiceffect. Furthermore,
despite periodic spastns of crusading
zeal, barely enough fighting men were
arriving from the West to make up for
Crusader losses. By the middle of the
12th century many knights found it
easier to join the
Reconquista
in Spain or
slaughterSlavsin the Teutonic rang
nach
sten
than to make the long, perilous
journey to the Latin East.
By the time Saladin invaded the
Kingdom of Jerusa lem in 1187, this
manpower deficit presented Crusader
leaders with a stark choice: They could
either place an army in the field or man
their strongholds, but they could not
do both. If the knights remained behind
their walls until the Muslim army faded
away at the end of the campaign season,
theywouldlikely seetheir
fiel s
wrecked,
further reducing iheir resources for the
following year However, if the leaders
fielded a large army and lost, their weak-
ened strongholds would surely fall
in rapid succession. They could lose
everything. Typically, the Crusaders kept
a minimal nurnber of men in ibeir
strongholds and shadowed the larger
Muslim armies, avoiding the kind of
major battle that could lead to annihi-
lation. When circumstances compelled
them to fight, their ferocity often brought
the Crusaders victorybut not always.
Heavy losses since the en d oftheSecond
Crusade in 1149 had greatly reduced
their options.
These strategic challenges were mag-
nified by other setbacks in the 20 years
leading up to the Battle of Hattin. First,
the great Saracen leader Nur ad-Din had
stripped away the County of Edessa from
the Crusaders and then taken Damascus,
which had often supported the Crusader
cause against its fellow Muslims. More-
over, Nur ad-Din had continually mauled
the Army of Antioch, which had never
fully recovered from the annihilation of
the kingdom s north ern forces on the
Field of Biood in 1119. A final major
blow came when Amalric, soon after his
1162 coronation in Jerusalem, reversed
two generations of Crusader strategic
policy, which had called for the army
of Jerusalem to march north whenever
Arttioch was threatened. Instead, he
turned his attention to the south and led
three invasions of Egypt.
Recent historians have argued th
given the situation and resources avai
able, Amalric made an appropriate de
cision. Conquering Egypt would secur
his southern flank and put almost un
limtted financial resources at his di
posal. As the ruling Fatimid Calipha
was weak and fractured at the tim
Egypt musl have seemed like easy pick
ings.How ever, Amalric s invasion to th
south allowed Nur ad-Din to secur
his position in Syria and gave him
an excuse lo send his own forces int
Egypt, first under his Kurdish genera
Shirkuh and later unde r Shirkuh
nephew. Saladin,
Despite initial payments of tribute b
the Fatimid caliph, Amalric never rea
ized his anticipated financial windfal
Instead, his three invasions bankrupte
the Kingdom of Jerusalem and cost
dearly in trreplaceable knights. Eve
worse was the damage done to the Cru
saders overall strategic position: Afte
Nur ad-Dins death in 1174, Saladi
declared himself sultan of Egypt an
marched on Damascus, Although
took htm more than a decade to secur
all of Nu r ad-D in s ho ldin gs, Saladi
was able lo unify a massive area wit
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substantial war resources and com pletely
encircle the Crusader states.
he Kingdom of
lerusalem was
thrown into po-
litical turmoil fol-
lowing the death
of King Amal-
nc in 1174. The
thiune passed lirsi to his teenage son,
Baldwin IV, a leper, and the n lo Bald-
win s 7-year-old neph ew, Baldwin V,
Baldwin IV s infirmity and the you th
of boih kings led to more than a dozen
years of political strife, as various fac-
tions contended for the position of
regent. Wh en Baldwin V died in 1186
at age 8, these factions coalesced around
two main rivals for the throne: Guy of
Lusignan, who was married to Sibylla
(sister of Baldwin IV and mother of
Baldwin V), and Ra^miond of Tripoli,
Amalricls first cousin,
Sibylla had the support of both
Knighls Templar Grand Master Gerard
ol Ridefort, who hated Raymond be-
cause ofanearlier perceived slight to his
honor, and Raynald of Ghatillon, one of
Jemsalem s m ost powerful nobles. Ray-
nald saw Guy as weak, vain and indeci-
sive and thus much easier to manipulate
than Raymond, However, most of the
nobles would support Sibylla only if she
put aside her marriage to Guy They de-
spised him because several years before,
as regent un de r Baldwin IV, Guy ha d
refused battle with Saladin in almost the
same location and circumstances he
would later face at Hattin. Although
Saladin s army had subsequently broken
up without consequences lor the Cru-
saders, Guy s contemporaries considered
him a coward an d were wary of his
deliciencies as a military leader.
After consenting to divorce Guy on
the condition she could choose her
new husband, Sibylla double-crossed
thf stunned nobles at her coronation,
calling Guy forward to rule the Kingdom
of Jerusalem. An enraged Raymond then
attempted a coup. When it failed, he
returned to hisov aidominion in Tripoli
and made a separate peace with Sal-
adin-a move that would have reper-
cussions for the kingdom.
Earlier, while serv ingasreg ent, [Ray-
mond had negotiated a truce between
the Crusaders and the Muslims (one of
many such tmces during the Crusades),
which unintentionally gave Saladin time
to consolidate his control of Syria
and unfortunately lulled the Crusaders
into feeling so secure ihat they devoted
their time to internal squabbles. With
that truce due to end in April 1 187, Guy
sent two of his most trusted advisers.
Templar Grand M aster Gerard arid Hos-
pitaller Grand Master Roger des Moulins,
to Tripoli to try to bring R aymond back
into the C hristian fold. But in a demon -
stration of just how wide the rifl had
grown between the Crusader factions,
Raymondperhaps hoping to enlist
Saladin s help in overthrovi ing Guy
allowed al-Afdal, Saladin s eldest s on ,
to lead a 7,000-man Muslim army intent
on pillaging Guys lands through his
territory in Galilee. It was an act of out-
righl treachery. When Gerard learned
of the p resen ce of al-Afdal s army, he
assembled some 150 knights and rashly
attacked the Muslims at the Springs of
Cresson, near Nazareth. The knights
charged to their doom against al-Afdal s
considerably larger force. Only three
knights, including a wounded Gerard,
survived. The heads of most other
knights ended up atop the Muslims
spears. As with most medieval bailies.
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Inexplicably, the
Crusader host
marched past Turan
wi thout s topping to
water either horses
or m en. In a lette r
wr i t ten af ter
the batt le, Saladin
described this
oversight as contrary
to their best interest
it can be assumed the Crusader force
also lost a few hu ndred infantrymen,
who were not socially important enough
to merit mention in the chronicles. More
significant, the kingdom had lost some
10 percent of its knights in a minor
engagement. They would be sorely
missed at Hattin,
After the slaughter at Cresson, even
Raymond's strongest supporters de-
nounced his traitorous actions and
forced him to seek peace with the king,
Guy, knowing that Saladin's army was
already forming for a renewed assault on
the kingdom, could not afford to let this
internecine quarrel continue and wel-
comed Raymond with open
arms.
Their
political truce would enable theCrusaders
to pres ent a uni ted front against the
coming Muslim invasion, but ii was
an uneasy peace,
hile the Crusad-
ers worked out
their differences,
Saladin assem-
bled an army of
at least 30,000
men for an as-
sault on the Latin states. He used Ray-
nald's 1186 attack on a caravan travel-
ing between Damascus and Cairo as a
pretext for not renewing the truce with
the Crusaders, Although others, such as
Nur ad-Din, had iried to raise Muham-
mad sidea
oi jih d
(Arabic for struggle ),
the notion of a holy war against the
Crusaders had never taken root in the
greater Muslim world, Saladin's army
was the first that considered its cause
a holy war, and the Crusaders them-
selvesRaynald in particularwere
responsible for provoking this new
mindset. During an earlier round of
hostilities in 1182, Raynald had led an
expedition down the Red Sea coast with
the announced objective of sacking
Medina and Mecca. Although Muslim
forces thwarted this assault, Raynald's
actions enraged the Muslim world and
rallted them to raise the banner
{
ihad
Saladin was so angered by the threat
to tbe holy cities that he vowed to kill
Raynald with his own hands.
Guy realized the upcoming battle
with Saladin would decide the fate
of the Latin states, so he mustered the
full strength of the kingdom. Castles
and cities were stripped ofallbut skele-
ton troops as the army assembled at
Sephoria, By the end of
June,
Guy had
amassed approximately 1,200 knights
and 18,000 to 20,000 other troops of
widely varying quality. Moreover, he
had ordered the True C rossreportedly
fashioned from remnants ofthecross on
which Jesus was crucifiedbe brought
along to inspire the Crusaders.
Toward the end ofJune,Saladin tried
to lure the Crusaders away from thei
water supply at Sephoria, southeas
of Acre, and into an open batde wiih
his superior forces. Failing to do tbis
he launched an assault on the city
of Tiberias, where Raymond's wife
Eschiva, and sons had taken shelter
Unsure how to proceed, Guy called for
a meeting with his leading nobles
on July 2. Despite his family's plight
Raymond strongly advocated that Tibe-
rias be abandoned and that Guy simply
bide his time until the Muslim army
of irregulars dispersed at the onset of
tbe dry season, Guy agreed, although his
use of the same tactic at the same loca
tion four years earlier had resulted in h is
being branded a coward by the other
knights and hounded from the regency
Later that night, however, Raynald
and Gerard reminded Guy of Rayinond's
l
IT DV
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recent treachery and pointed out that
aggressive action had served the Cru-
saders well in the past. During their
conversation a message arrived from
Raymond's wife, urgently requesting
rescue. Although Raymond still advo-
cated leaving Tiberias to its fate, the
rest of the knights took up a call to
go forth and save the Lady of Tiberias.
That apparently strengthened Guy's
resolve, and he immediately issued
marching orders.
uy organized his
columnintothree
groups: The king
himself would
co m m an d th e
center, with Ray-
mond in the van
and Baliun of Ibelin and the Templars
in the rear. On July 3 , the C rusaders set
out from Sephoria toward a small spring
at Turan, about a third of the distance
to
Tiberias, Saladin immediately
broke
off
the siege and led his forces to confront
the advancing Crusaders. Inexplicably,
the Crusader host marched past Turan
without stopping to water either horses
or men, although there was no other
waler source on their direct route across
the treeless hills and plainstoTiberias, on
the shore of Lake Tiberias (now known
as the Sea of Galilee). In a letter written
after the battle, Saladin dispassionately
described this oversight as contrary to
their best interest. From the mom ent
of that decision, the Crusader army
was doomed.
Scorched by the brutal sun, the
armored Crusaders inched toward Ti-
berias, Saladin's skirmishers massed
in from of and on the flanks of Guy's
army, and Crusader casualties began to
mount. The Muslim horse archers kept
up a continual harassing fire while look-
ing for any weaknesses that w ould allow
their heavy cavalry to split the Crusader
column. In keeping with tactical tradi-
tion, Saladin directed his main force
against the Crusaders' rear. He also sent
the wings of his army around the Cru-
sader column to occupy Turan and set
themselves astride the Crusaders' escape
route. By 9 a.m., with ihe temperature
rising, the Crusaders were surrounded
and effectively cut off from any water.
For long hours, Guy pushed his com-
pact formations up toward Maskana, on
the hills overlooking Lake Tiberias, but
incessant Muslim attacks began to string
out the column. In the early afternoon,
messengers from Balian and the Templars
told theIdng the
re r
guardwasin danger
of being overwhelmed. Again uncertain
of whatto
do ,
uysentamessage forward
to Raymond, seeking advice. Back came
counsel that he should halt the column
and pitch tents in order to mass his
forces for a big push toward Tiberias
in the morning. After ignoring Ray-
mond's earlier sensible advice to stay
at Sephoria and await Muslim develop-
ments, Guy then accepted Raymond's
spectacularly bad advice to halt and
make camp on the waterless plain near
the village of M askana.
On the westem end ofaplateau over-
lookingTiberiasand the freshwater take,
the exhausted and thirsty Crusaders
drew together and made camp for the
night. Morale was low, and many of the
infantry had already deserted or ceased
fighting, while all around them swarmed
exultant Muslims. Under cover of dark-
ness,
Saladin had his camel caravans
bring up plentiful water and tens of
thousands of arrows for the next mom-
ing's battle. He also had his men stack
brush upwind of the Crusader camp.
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In the m om ing they lit this great mass of
tinder, enshrouding the demoralized
Crusaders in choking clouds of smoke.
At dawTi, from behind the blinding
haze, the Muslims closed in on the
Crusaders, liring arrows by the thou-
sands as they advanced. According to
a Muslim chronicler:
Th e Muslim archers sent up clouds of
arrows like thick swarms of locusts killing
many o the Frankish horses. The Franks
surrounding themselves with their infantry
tried to fight their way to Tiberias in the
hopeofreachingwater but Saladinrealized
their objective an d forestalled them by
planting himself and his army in the way.
Once more at a loss, Guy sought
advice from Raynald and Gerard, who
both advo cated a breako ut attempt
by the mounted knightsapparently
intending to leave the surviving infantry
to its fate, Guy ordered his brother,
Aimery, constable of the kingdom, to
assemble enough knights for a concerted
charge, lo be led by Raymond.
Asthe Muslims pressed forward, Guy
ordered the charge. Over the preceding
century, the furor of a Frankish charge
had turned the tide of many a desper-
ate battle. However, this time Saladin
was prepared, his men well drilled to
cope w ith such an attack. As Raymond s
mailed fist of armored knights ihun-
dered forward, the Muslim line opened
and let it pass straight through. What
happened after that is cbuded by many
conQicting
accounts:
The force was either
swarmed upon as it paused to regroup
or Raymond, seeing that all was lost,
simply led them away to safety Regard-
less, Raymond and his sons escaped
the Muslim encirclement, and for many
this was proof of his treachery. The fact
that he died within months of the battle
was seen as evidence ofGod sjustice.
uy s position was
now even more
desperate. Under
a storm of arrows
and incessant at-
tacks his army
managed to inch
tts way toward the ragged rim of an
extinct volcano k nown as the Hom s of
Hattin. There the knights sheltered amid
Iron Age walled ru ins, erected the royal
red tent and, presumably, placed the
True Cross within it. But they remained
surround ed, w ithout food or water, and
were apparently too exhausted to break
thro ugh Saladin s army. As a Muslim
chronicler relates:
No matter how hard they fought they wer
repulsed;no matter how often theyrallie
each time they were encircled.N ot even a
ant crawled out from am ong them no
could they defend themselves against th
onslaught. Theyretreated to Mount HaKin
to escape the storm of destruction; but on
Hattin itself they found themselves encom
passed by fatal thunderbolts. Arrowhead
transfixed them; the peaks laid them low
bows pinned them down; fate tore at them
calamity chewed them up; and disaste
tainted them.
Balian managed to lead on e desperate
charge clear of the encirclement. But th
rest of the army was trapped.
Despite iheir dismal predicament
the Crusaders m aintained discipline and
continued fighting. At some point Guy
spotted Saladin on the battlefield and
gathered a force of mounted knight
to assault his position and try to turn
the Crusaders fortunes by killing tbe
MILIT RY HISTORY
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The Muslims swept
over thehil l,
collapsed the tent,
captured the
True Cross and
began round ing up
prisoners, most
of whom lay about
on the ground,
too exhausted
to resist further
Muslim leader. Twice they charged. Both
attacks failed, although for the Muslims
they came perilously close to success.
Muslim chronicler Ibn al-Athir recorded
an eyewitness account from Saladin's
son, al-Afdal:
The Frankish king had retreated to the hill
with hisband andfrom there he led a
furious charge against the Muslims jacing
hini,forcingthem backuponmv father
I
saw
that he was alarmed anddistraught
and that he tuggeda this beard as he went
forwardcrying "Away with the devils'."
The
Muslims
turned tocounterattack and
drove theFranks backup the
hill....
Bu t
they returned tothe charge with undimin-
ished ardora ndagain drove the Muslims
back upon
myjather.
His response was the
same as before, and the
Muslims again
counterattacked.
I
cried We have beaten
them " Myjatherturnedto me andsaid:
Bequiet. We will nothave beaten them
until that tentfalls."
No sooner had these words escaped
Saladin's lips then the Muslims swept
over the hill, collapsed the tent, cap-
tured the True Cross and began round-
ing up prisoners, most of whom lay
about on the ground, too exhausted
to resist further.
mm ediately after
the battle, Sala-
din had
Guy
and
Raynald brought
i> h im . He o f -
l e d G u y s o m e
water, which the
bcaicii King umiiK greedily When Guy
offered the cup lo Raynald, the latter
refused. Saladin angrily exclaimed,
"Drink, for you will never drink again."
Raynald calmly answered that if il
pleased God, he would never drink
anything offered by Saladin, He then
told Saladin that if the battle had gone
the other way, he would have beheaded
the sultan. Enraged, Saladin called
Raynald a pig, ran him through with
a sword and had him beheaded. The
head was later sent to Damascus and
dragged through the streets.
Saladinalsohad the captured Templar
and Hospitaller knights beheaded after
they refused to conven to Islam. Thou-
sands of others were sold into slavery,
aside from those nobles worth ransom-
ing.Guy washeid prisoner in Damascus.
Saladin released him the following year,
and in 1189 Guy laid siege to Acre,
sparking the Third Crusade.
After the battle, Saladin wasted no
time in exploiting his victory. Within
two weeks he had captured nearly all of
the Cmsader ports. Only Tyre resisted,
due to the timely arrival of Conrad of
Montferrat. Most ofthe castles and cities
in the interioralsofell, with the exception
of the great fortresses at Kerak, BeMor,
Sphet and Bclfort. In September, Saladin
encircled and laid siege to Jerusalem.
The city com mand ed by Baiian of Ibelin
sincehissuccessful breakout from Hattin,
surrendered on October 2.
The Kingdom of Jerusalem had largely
ceased to exist, and tales of the defeat
struck the Westem world like a thunder-
bolt, galvanizing it for yet another great
cmsade. In 1189 Richard the Lionhean,
Philip
Augustus and Frederick Barbarossa
began moving toward the East, vowing
to recapture Jerusalem. 4^
Forjurtherreading James Lacey recom-
mends:
God's
War A
New History of the
Crusades,
byChristopher Tyer-man, and
Arab Historians of the Crusades,
by
FrancescoGabrieli.
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BATTLE OF HATTIN JULY 4 1 1 8 7
he icad-up to the 1187 Battle of Hattin is a tangle of alliances and
betrayals, power struggles and religiotis fervor. Us origins date
from 1174 with the death of Nur ad-Din in Damascus and King
Almaric in the Kingdom of Jerusalem . Saladin marched on D amascus ,
worked to unify the Muslim territories that bordered the C rusader states
and b ided h is time. Meanw hile, the Kingdom of Jentsalcm passed first into
the h and s of Almarie s lepro us teetiage son , Baldwin IV, then to Bald wins
7-year-old nephew , Baldwin V. W hen the child king died in 1 186 , the
throne fell lo Guy of Lusignan, who had married into the royal l ine.
His rival, Raymond 111 of Tripoli, first attempted a eoup, then allowed
Saladin s son to lead a Muslim arm y acro ss his terri to ry to sack Guy s
lands. Raymond later sought a polit ical truce with Guy, hut by then
the Muslim armies had gathered to threaten the kingdom. Saladin drew
ihe Crusaders out of Sephoria by laying siege lo Tiberias, then home to
Raymond s wife. Und er a rain of Muslim arrow s, the knigh ts inarched past
a water source at Turan and made camp on the dry plain near Maskana.
They awoke to a choking hrushfire. Th e Horn s of Hattin loomed ahead.
GUY OF LUSIGNAN
Guy rose to the throne of Jerusalem
in 118 6 based on his w ife s biood
ties to the two previous kings. Many
Crusaders considered him a coward,
however, as he had shown hesitancy
in battie against Saladin at the earlie
Siege of Kerak. Ironically, it was his
rash decision to engage Saladin on
the open, arid plains overlooking
Tiberias that led to doom at Hattin.
Water
Source
MARCH TO TIBERIAS
On July 3, Guy led a column of
Crusaders from Sephoria in relief
of Tiberias, on the shores of the
eponymous lake. Incredibly, the
column marched straight past a
spring at Turan, the main source on
the direct route to Tiberias. From
that moment their fate was sealed.
WATER
As had been the case over centuries
of desert warfare, water would be a
key tactica l consideration at Hattin.
Guy Ignored R aymond s ad vice to
hole up at Sephoria until the Muslim
irregulars dispersed at the onset of
the dry season. Instead, he marched
the heavily armored Crusaders across
a treeless plain under direct sun past
a primary water source. Fatal moves.
TURAN O
Balian of
uy of
usignan
aymond II
of Tripoli
CRUSADER FORMATION
Guy anchored the center of the column,
with Raymond in the vanguard and
Balian of Ibelin and the Templars in
the rear. Both Raymond and Balian
later managed to escape the Muslim
encirclem ent, leaving Guy and his
embattled infantry to face a storm
of arrows and overwhelming odds.
DISTANCES:
Turan to Horns tH Hattin: 5 mlles/S km
Maps by Steve Walkowia
MILITARY HISTORY
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