Date: 27-06-2016

Name: Floris Wouters

Student number: 10559752

Supervisor: dhr. dr. J.M. (Maarten) Bavinck

Second reader: dhr. dr. D.L. (Dennis) Arnold

Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences Dep. Human Geography, Planning & International Development Studies University of Amsterdam

Cultural beliefs in fish consumption Improving the food security of Hindus and Muslims in Bangalore, India

'Snakefish' sold at a fish market in Bangalore; Source: Floris Wouters, 2016

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Acknowledgements

This research has taught me the amount of work and time it takes before the collection of data is

even possible in an unfamiliar, foreign place. Four weeks seems like a lot of time, but it is not. Finding

a safe place to stay, where food is available and one can focus fully on doing research takes much

effort and patience. There are some people in particular I would like to thank.

I would like to thank Dr. Amalendu Jyotishi for making sure I felt welcome in Bangalore from day one

and overseeing the research in Bangalore and connecting me to Ramesh, who properly introduced

me to local cuisines and the area I was staying in on the first night of my arrival. Thanks to the Amrita

Vishwa Vidyapeetham University in Bangalore for letting me be a guest and use their facilities.

Thanks to Mahit Tyagarajan for making the research in Bangalore and Mangalore very enjoyable. And

a final, very heart-warming thanks to Vysakh Shaji, who, next to a highly knowledgeable and skilled

translator, has also been a friend.

Thanks to dhr. J.V. (Jaap) Rothuizen MSc for, even though not being the designated mentor in writing

the thesis, still always being helpful. And finally, thanks to dhr. dr. J.M. (Maarten) Bavinck for leading

me through this exciting path of writing a thesis on Indian culture and giving me the opportunity to

let the thesis have meaning to future research.

According to officials in the Department of Fisheries of Karnataka, there has not been any

quantitative, let alone qualitative research into fish consumption so far so it seems this research is a

pioneering endeavour. Thank you for this opportunity.

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Inhoudsopgave 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 4

2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 5

2.1 Protein consumption in India ........................................................................................................ 5

2.2 Determinants of diet and fish consumption ................................................................................. 6

2.3 Beliefs in India ............................................................................................................................... 7

2.3.1 Hot and cold qualities ............................................................................................................. 7

2.3.2 Auspiciousness ....................................................................................................................... 8

2.3.3 Ramadan and Halal Foods in Islam ......................................................................................... 8

2.4 Food security ................................................................................................................................. 9

3. Methods .......................................................................................................................................... 9

3.1 Research design and methods of data collection ......................................................................... 9

3.2 Key persons and the research population ................................................................................... 10

3.3 Limitations to the research ......................................................................................................... 11

4. The city of Bangalore and the district of Banashankari ................................................................ 13

4.1 Bangalore ..................................................................................................................................... 13

4.2 Banashankari ............................................................................................................................... 14

5. Structures of fish consumption in Bangalore ................................................................................ 15

5.1 The supply lines ........................................................................................................................... 15

5.2 Distribution in Bangalore ............................................................................................................. 16

5.3 Fishing and trading ...................................................................................................................... 17

5.4 Safety of fish ................................................................................................................................ 17

6. Results: the cultural beliefs ........................................................................................................... 18

6.1 Product related fish consumption ............................................................................................... 18

6.1.1 Hot fish ................................................................................................................................. 18

6.1.2 Beliefs about types of fish and seafood ............................................................................... 19

6.2 Structural beliefs in fish consumption ......................................................................................... 21

6.2.1 The three Gunas in Hinduism ............................................................................................... 21

6.2.2 Vegetarianism in Hinduism .................................................................................................. 21

6.2.3 The Muslim and Hindu calendar........................................................................................... 22

6.3 The significance of geographical location ................................................................................... 23

7. Survey results ................................................................................................................................ 24

7.1 The sample .................................................................................................................................. 24

7.2 Stated reasons for fish consumption .......................................................................................... 25

7.3 Differences between Hindus and Muslims.................................................................................. 26

8. Conclusions .................................................................................................................................... 27

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8.1 Recommendations in improving food security ........................................................................... 28

9. Discussion ...................................................................................................................................... 29

10. References ................................................................................................................................. 30

Appendix A: Data survey results in graphs ............................................................................................ 32

Appendix B: Survey questions and questions of semi-structured interviews ....................................... 33

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1. Introduction

In economically developed countries, official advice for a healthy diet is to eat more fish. Much

attention is being given to the related health benefits of its properties, of which especially omega-3

oils seem to be beneficial to human health. In many less economically developed countries, fish is a

key human health asset, generally contributing to more than 20% of animal protein intake for 2.6

billion people. It has long been recognized that fish is a valuable food. Compared to meat, poultry

and eggs, fish is low in saturated fatty acids and a good source of protein and selenium; oily fish in

particular is an excellent source of long-chain Omega-3 fatty acids (Brunner et al., 2009). Some

studies found that fish consumption helps preventing high blood pressure, cholesterol,

cardiovascular diseases, Alzheimer’s disease, and various types of cancer (Can et al., 2015).

When researching a social phenomenon such as food security regarding fish from a western,

secularised viewpoint one can forget that there are also cultural and religious determinants to eating

fish. Where for this person it might just seem logical to eat fish because it healthy, because it

contains selenium and Omega 3 fatty acids, there is also a cultural reason. In modern western

society, science plays an important role as a source of (factual) knowledge and is often the absolute

reference to back up statements or behaviour. In this case, science is used to determine fish is

healthy. This is part of the modern, western culture. In India, a place quite far from this world and in

a different stage in development, it seems plausible that that culture might differ from that of the

western world and one might have other reasons for eating fish.

As in all cultures, certain beliefs exist surrounding what facilitates a good or bad health and often

these beliefs influence people’s diet and food intake. Some people believe for instance that a hearty,

strengthening and nourishing stew is the ideal choice of food on a cold, winter day, because it is

abundant and flavourful enough to satisfy the appetite and support the body’s resistance against the

weather. People’s food choice decisions are often based on traditions, habits or well established

behavioural patterns (Kaptan et al., 2016). This research took place in Bangalore and functions as a

preliminary research for the larger research programme Fish4Food. Fish4Food aims to realise new

knowledge, products, practices and policies at various levels of the low-price fish chain (from local to

international) to improve the food security of vulnerable groups in rapidly growing city regions. It

takes place in both (South) India and Ghana.

In light of enhancing the food security of inhabitants of South India this present research aims to

identify how cultural beliefs influence fish consumption. To that end, it gives a description of the

cultural determinants of fish consumption of Muslims and Hindus in Bangalore, as the largest two

religions in India are Hinduism (79,8%) and Islam (14,2%) (Census of India, 2011). Hopefully this can

add to the understanding of their fish food choice so that eventually the food security of the

Bangalorean and South Indian Hindus and Muslims can be optimised or improved.

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2. Theoretical Framework

The goal of this research is to find out how cultural beliefs influence the consumption of marine fish.

To specify the units of analysis only Muslims and Hindus will be researched. The sub questions of the

research first entail the context of how marine fish consumption is made possible: the supply lines,

prices of fish, their stability and the structures of distribution. The context of this food consumption

follows the subjects that are essential to food security: availability, stability and safety of fish.

Second, the cultural beliefs that seem to have any relevance to fish consumption are discussed and

explained. Finally, the survey results will point out how it actually impacts the diet of the people in

Bangalore. In the conclusion, some ideas are stated to optimise the consumption of fish.

This chapter will open with the state of fish consumption in India and its vegetarianism. It will then

enumerate the general determinants of food choice and discuss their influence on fish consumption.

Of these determinants, culture is the subject of this research. Next, some of the apparent cultural

beliefs in Hinduism and Islam that influence fish consumption will be described, after which a small

section is dedicated to explaining food security and its relevance to this article.

2.1 Protein consumption in India Fish and by-products of fish are critical to account for the nutritional needs and global food security.

Global fish consumption has increased from 9,9 kg per capita in 1960 to 18,9 kg in 2010. To account

for this demand, fish production has naturally grown accordingly. In 2010, the recorded average per

capita fish protein consumption (kg/capita) was 2,85 kg, which accounts for 2,2% of total protein

consumption. Between Indian states the consumption varies between a consumption of over 20

kg/capita of a coastal state to one of 0.03 kg/capita of a landlocked state (FAO, 2014).

India is one of the developing countries in the world with very low average per capita fish

consumption. Fish consumption accounts for 31% of the protein consumption in the world (FAO,

2014). For a country with a relatively large coastal area, this is contrary to expectations. However,

India is known for its large vegetarian population. The The Hindu CNN-IBN State of the Nation Survey

is a survey done in 2006 about the diet and food habits of the Indian population. For this, 14,680

respondents were interviewed. The results showed that 31% of Indians are vegetarians. Another 9%

is 'eggtarian', vegetarians who eat eggs.

As opposed to individual belief, vegetarianism seems to be more determined by inherited cultural

practice, which means religion is an important factor for food choice. For instance, 55% of Brahmins

are vegetarians. On top of that, the results show that Hindus who worship every day are more likely

to be vegetarians Hindus that do not. However, the majority of all Hindus is non-vegetarian. Most

important, however, seems to be the regional location. Especially the coastal states have a very large

non-vegetarian population, opposed to the landlocked states: Kerala for instance has a 2% vegetarian

population, whereas Rajasthan's is 63%. Finally, vegetarianism was found to be very infrequent

among Muslims (3%). To understand the diet preferences that lead to this vegetarianism the next

section will elaborate on the determinants of a person's diet.

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2.2 Determinants of diet and fish consumption The essential driver for eating is hunger. There are, however, multiple determinants of food choice,

such as whether the choice of food is healthy, tasty or cheap. The consumer's geographical

accessibility for the distribution or catching of fish is determinant of the availability of fish: it is a

precondition. One simply cannot eat a certain food, if it is not there.

People’s preferences and food choice are bio psychosocially determined: biologically, psychologically

and socially. The biological drivers of food are palatability, sensory aspects (whether food looks

appealing) and especially the need for nutrient dense foods. These are foods that are high in sugar

and fats and are biological preference because of the energy it provides to the body. As an example

for palatability, humans are more prone to liking sweet or salty food over sour and bitter food, for

the latter may indicate spoiled or poisoned food.

The influence of sensory aspects on food choice are also known as the risk perception. Risk

perception in food is a highly personal process of decision making, based on an individual’s frame of

reference. When a person is educated in hygiene standards and is aware of the possibility of bacterial

infection, that person would use that knowledge in choosing foods that are safe to eat. Secondly,

psychological determinants such as a person's mood or the amount of stress of the person are

important for the choice of food.

Third, another quite important determinant of food choice is its cost and the income of the

consumer: the access to food. The price of many foods nowadays are very low because of their bulk

production. These foods are often unhealthy: potato chips, sugary drinks, fast food and so on and are

cheaper than nutrient-dense, healthy foods such as fresh vegetables. There are for instance also

various types of fish that have different prices. Low-income families will not be able to afford the

more expensive ones.

Finally, cultural determinants are significant drivers for food preference. Social surroundings such as

family and religion have a significant influence on food choice in that they include everything and

everyone around an individual person that tell that person how and what to eat, in every stage of

life: food choice is essentially formed and constrained by circumstances that are cultural and social.

People for instance generally prefer food that is familiar to them and they have known since their

childhood. Similarly, advertising is a means to make products familiar to people and when this

happens, people are more prone to buying it. The final social factor in food choice that will be

discussed here is convenience. One can think about the convenience of preparation, accessibility and

edibility. Fast food is for instance often much more convenient than making dinner yourself from

scratch: it takes less time and there is less cleaning to do afterwards (Eufic Review, 2005; Shepherd,

1999; Vabø & Hansen, 2014).

A relevant example of determinants of food choice is in the shrimp industry in Kerala after the

1960’s. Kurien (2000), in his explanation on the socio-cultural implications of fishing to Keralan

communities, found that there were strong taboos against eating shrimp since it was associated with

producing stomach disorders, even though there was a large stock of it available along the coast of

Kerala. Next to shrimp, the population of fish is also vast. In Kerala, over three quarters of the animal

protein intake accounts for fish: the consumption ranges between 15-20 kg per capita per year. Even

though the consumption of shrimp was very little in the Keralan diet, this largely untouched stock of

cheap shrimp caused an export boom in both shrimp and fish, which led to overfishing. This changed

the availability, price levels and the quality of fish in the domestic market and eventually also the

composition of the diet of many Keralans. Especially the middle and upper-class’ animal protein

preferences were adapted to new the new status quo: more milk, chicken and eggs were consumed

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because of their better quality and availability compared to fish. A change in the availability, price

and quality of fish thus influenced their diet. Fish is, however, still consumed in abundance. Kerala’s

coastline of about 600 kilometers long and 100 kilometers wide heavily influenced or rather

determined the traditions, occupational technologies, architecture, (nuances in) language and food

habits (ibid.).

Can et al. (2015) have done research about the influence of determinants of fish consumption in

Antakya, Turkey and the characteristics of the socioeconomic status on food preferences. In their

survey of 127 randomly selected people they found significant differences in fish consumption

between the age, gender and marital status. Younger people seemed to consume two times as much

fish than the elderly. Also, single people apparently ate more fish than married people. And lastly,

women consume more fish than men do: over one kg per year more. With a 62% majority, the

primary reason for fish consumption was because of health reasons. The other reasons given were

either because of the tastiness of fish or economic reasons. Finally, there were no significant

differences in income groups and professions.

The main subject of this present research is the cultural determinant for food choice, or more

specifically, choice for fish. Why do people eat fish and what is the cultural influence? Cultural

influences are the underlying cause of habits in food consumption, traditions in preparation,

restrictions of certain foods and beliefs about the purpose and effects of food. These influences,

however, can change. If a person moves to a different culture, this local culture is often adapted to

by changing personal food habits and diet, because habits and attitudes develop through interaction

with other people. In the example about the Keralan fish consumption it was stated there was a

taboo on eating shrimp. This is because of a common cultural belief about foods in India, which will

be explained in the next section.

2.3 Beliefs in India This section will describe some of the cultural beliefs in Hindu and Muslim food consumption. It will

start off with the beliefs of Hindus, followed by those of the Muslims. In scientific literature about

India, it seems multiple beliefs about foods exist; beliefs on their effect and purpose. Next to the

well-known belief that in Hinduism cows are sacred and are therefore not to be eaten, two beliefs

are apparently also quite common. First is the hot and cold food belief. The second is auspiciousness.

2.3.1 Hot and cold qualities

The hot and cold belief originates from the ancient Hindu medical system of Ayurveda. The concept is

similar to the medical method of allopathy. Allopathy is the method of treating disease by the use of

agents, in this case food, that produce effects different from those of the disease treated: by

inducing a condition opposite to the cause of the disease, the disease is believed to be cured. Foods,

diseases and parts of the body are assigned various attributes, especially hot-cold qualities. It is when

the body is out of balance that diseases occur. The belief is that this disease is either hot or cold and

the way to restore balance to the body is by taking food that is opposite to the disease. In this way,

hot-cold is not only a quality ascribed to temperature or spiciness, but has a deeper meaning. One

that is more embedded in Indian culture. A hot disease is for instance a skin rash, diarrhea or a

stomach ulcer and a cold disease is for instance a cold, cough or and ear infection. Bodily

constitutions are also divided in either hot or cold. Apparently, when a person's constitution is hot,

the body is more likely to pick up a hot disease. This person has to be very careful in eating hot foods,

because that will only further bring the body out of balance. Consequently, cold foods can be eaten

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as much as desired. It is thus also believed that these diseases can occur, and therefore a disturbed

balance, from eating a certain hot or cold food in excess.

Hot and cold constitutions and diet do not just have consequences for occurring diseases. Research

by Pool (1987) showed that Indians from Gujarat believe that meat and alcohol are two very clear

examples of hot foods, because one of the effects of having a hot constitution is that this person is

more likely to become aggressive when eating these foods. Constitutions and diets therefore also

influence behavior. Furthermore, Choudhry (1997) wrote an article about the beliefs of Indians that

facilitate a good pregnancy and its outcome. According to her research hot foods are harmful and

cold foods beneficial during pregnancy. Carrying a child is supposed to make the body hot and to

balance this out it is recommended to eat cold foods.

Similar to Pool (1987), her research included a classification of hot and cold foods. Both found that

fish is one the foods that are considered hot. The beliefs about these classifications are however not

uniform: people assign various qualities to food in different regions. Food can have either hot or cold

properties, depending on the location in India. Generally, though, most foods with a salty or acidic

taste are considered hot and foods with a sweet, or bitter taste are cold (Storer, 1977). The hot and

cold belief is passed down by families and communities and has since its origins even spread to other

Asian countries.

2.3.2 Auspiciousness

The second belief discussed here is auspiciousness in the Hindu culture. Auspiciousness exists in

many aspects of daily life: in Pooja (prayer), other ceremonies, food consumption, calendars and

even in wearing colours. Daniels (1984) mentions multiple scenarios in which auspiciousness plays a

role. In the birth of a child for instance the child is believed to be of good health when the planets are

auspiciously positioned. Also, in everyday interaction with other people, one has to be careful not to

wrongfully cause inauspiciousness over someone else. In Tamil Nadu, one should supposedly not ask

someone else the direct question: ‘Where are you going?’ or their journey would become ominous.

Instead, the question should be phrased differently, so the syntax of the sentence is critical.

Furthermore, touching someone else’s body with feet is also believed to be inauspicious. Whenever

this happens, apologies are made by touching that part of the body that was unintentionally ‘cursed’

by the foot. It is evident that auspiciousness is thoroughly embedded in Hindu culture, but how it

influences fish consumption specifically and to what extent seems to remain unclear from literature.

2.3.3 Ramadan and Halal Foods in Islam

There are also multiple beliefs about food preparation and consumption in Islam. These beliefs have been spread through the Holy Book in Islam: The Quran, which is said to have been given to the prophet Mohammed by Allah. The writings in the Quran propose certain restrictions in the types of meat consumed. Foods that are permitted are called halal and foods that are forbidden are called haram. Since Islam is the second largest religion in the world, halal foods have the potential to become a global business for the large demand it can supply (Soelisowati, 2011). The most common restrictions are that no animal blood, no pork and no intoxicating liquor can be consumed by Muslims. These dietary regulations are the collection of what the prophet Mohammed ate, gave to others or said about food on various occasions during his life. On top of that, slaughter has to be done according to Islamic rites and rituals: in the Quran, specific directives are given concerning food practices. There is also a period of fasting, which happens in the month of Ramadhan. In this time of fasting, Muslims are remembered that food is a gift from Allah to them and it should not be wasted. This period which foods may not be eaten between sunrise and sunset. Muslims are encouraged to fast even during other periods of time, because fasting is believed to bring a Muslim closer to Allah and receiving His rewards. Fasting on Monday, Thursday and the 13th, 14th and 15th of every month

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are therefore done by many orthodox Muslims (Fieldhouse, 2013). With these beliefs and restrictions Islam there is bound to be an influence on fish consumption.

2.4 Food security The definition of food security of the FAO is that ''all people, at all times, should have physical and

economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food

preferences to maintain an active and healthy life (FAO, 1996).'' This definition consists of three

pillars or dimensions: food availability, food access and food use/utility. Food availability refers to the

quantities of food available on a consistent basis in a certain place. Food access refers to the

sufficiency of resources to purchase food in the market or any other food system. Food use refers to

the knowledge of basic nutrition and care, as well as adequate water and sanitation. Since 1996 a

fourth pillar was added: stability. Stability involves issues of price stability and securing incomes for

vulnerable populations and communities (Napoli et al., 2011). Not addressed in this declaration is an

important dimension of proper nourishment, which is the utilization of food once it has been

consumed (Pinstrup-Andersen, 2009).

There are two ways in which people can starve. Apart from the obvious undernourishment, the

insufficient intake of calories, there is also malnourishment, which is the lack of essential chemical

elements in food. The latter is not always lethal, while the first always is. Malnourishment can cause

physical and mental problems or failures in the growth and sustenance of the human body.

Starvation is a direct consequence of poverty. The problem for economically marginal people in rural

areas, like the problem for the smaller share of the urban population that is undernourished, is

incomes that are so low that an adequate diet is unaffordable. Also not emphasised in this definition

is the necessity of food safety. Food safety is about properly handling, storing and preparing food to

prevent infection and help to make sure that the nutrients in food do not deteriorate in order to

contribute to a healthy diet.

The catches of fish along the coasts of India have begun to diminish in the last years. The fish

population has been heavily pressured by current global problems such as population growth and

climate change, but also by overfishing. Dey et al. (2005) fear that because of export of fish to more

developed countries the consumption of fish may have declined, threatening the traditional source

of food of both local communities, but also the access and availability of fish for the urban and inland

people of India: their food security. This chapter has shown that there are more determinants to a

diet than the declared pillars of food security, all of which the cultural determinant is the subject of

this research. Food security is, however, the goal to why this research is relevant: to include fish in

the diet when, where and to whom it is absent. The cultural determinant is just another variable that

should be taken into account when tempting to optimise food consumption.

3. Methods

3.1 Research design and methods of data collection This research is a case-study that combines observations, a survey and semi-structured interviews.

The observations were mainly done on fishing markets and harbours to find out about the supply

lines and safety of the fishing industry. In the data collection about the cultural determinants of food

choice the ordering was that the survey was done after some days of semi-structured interviews in

the field. This was done to find out relevant cultural determinants, that could then later be included

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in the survey. For these semi-structured interviews, a guide addressing certain themes was

necessary. At the time the data collection started, some beliefs relevant to fish consumption were

already known, which were then processed in the topic list for the interviews. This list gave topical

trajectories in the conversation that, when strayed from relevant subjects, was a reliable list to fall

back on and provided that the interviews resulted in reliable and comparative qualitative data. The

semi structured interviews were not scripted, but rather took the form of a conversation. When the

data was required, these conversations often ended in topics that were not directly relevant to the

research but provided context of the respondent’s behaviour and habits. The survey was finally used

a means to gather lots of data about a fixed range of variables that could consequently be used to

confirm the qualitative data that had thus far been collected and to find other important

determinants to the food choice that were not apparent in qualitative data, such as for instance the

influence of income.

The approach of this research was inductive. The inductive approach holds that the development of

empirical generalisations and identification of relationships between concepts are done in the

progression of the research, rather than starting out with coming up with theories and testing

hypotheses to finally confirm or reject them: the deductive approach (Yin, 2015). Specifically, that

meant that, before data collection in India took place, there was hardly any knowledge about the

cultural determinants of food in India apart from some articles. After that, the findings were related

to theories and concepts. The theoretical framework takes up an odd role because of this design. It

tempts to explain all the concepts that are relevant to this research, but should do so without

resembling the final results too much: it is supposed to represent the knowledge of the researcher

before data collection.

3.2 Key persons and the research population This research is part of a Bachelor's thesis programme in which twenty-one students took part in a

lecture series in India, after which they went to collect data for their individual Bachelor's thesis for

one month. The lecture series took place in Chennai whereas the locations of the individual

researches were spread across South India. This research was done with the help of a translator and

student named Vysakh Shaji. In collaboration with another student named Mahit Tyagarajan it is part

of an exploratory research project about Bangalore’s supply lines, wholesale and retail markets and

functions as an introduction for the Fish4Food project in Bangalore. Vysakh has a rich understanding

of traditions and cultures in especially Hinduism and he has had some courses in Hindu mythology.

Consequently, many of the ‘leads’ for phenomena in Hindu culture that influence fish consumption

and explanations of them came from him. Next to the importance of survey respondents, there

were, next to Vysakh, some respondents explaining the background and deeper meaning of

especially cultural findings and others giving new information. These key figures were Taj, an imam;

Dr. Rama Venkataraman, a Brahmin acupuncturist and Dr. C.K. Murthy, the Joint Director of Marine

Fisheries of Karnataka.

The research population of survey in this research are Hindus and Muslims. This is of course a very

large population to choose from. The first idea was to do a survey at fish markets, since the research

is about fish consumption. However, this research focusses not only on the reasons people decide to

eat fish, but also on the reasons people decide not to eat fish, which is why a research area was

chosen to do the survey in. The reason for that was to control the variable of distance from the

respondent’s house to a location to buy fish: it needed to be constant to make sure that the (lack of)

availability of fish was the same for the whole sample. At the start of the research, this seemed like a

controllable variable, but in the results it turned out that respondents in Banashankari, the area of

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research, buy their fish from a number of places, not always with the same distance. However, this

did not seem to influence their fish consumption.

The survey serves as a means to compare the findings about the cultural beliefs influencing fish

consumption to that of a large range of respondents. It is also a way to find out other influences and

determinants to fish consumption. It is only a small survey of 51 people: 25 Muslims and 26 Hindus.

Most of these survey respondents were asked about their cultural beliefs about food, and more

specifically non-vegetarian food and fish consumption, aside from the standard survey questions. On

top of that around fifteen more people were asked about the structures and reasons for behaviour

regarding fish consumption in Muslim and Hindu cultures.

The respondents were sampled through a combination of snowball sampling and purposive

sampling. Snowball sampling was the initial method used to find respondents that were relevant to

the variety of the sample, through contacts that had already been made. Apart from the known

contact, this method is similar to purposive sampling. Purposive sampling is used to select the

specific study units that will yield the most relevant data to the research (Yin, 2015). In the first days

of data collection, the first few Muslim respondents were introduced and interviewed with the help

of Nyamat, a friend of Vysakh who happened to live in Banashankari. Among also other inhabitants

of Banashankari, he arranged a meeting with an Imam from a local Masjid. Because the respondents

were familiars to him, they were very helpful in answering questions. These respondents were,

however, often housewives. To acquire more variety in the sample, purposive sampling was used to

find people with varying occupations, ages, incomes, genders and origins. This could not have been

done without the help of Vysakh and his connections in Banashankari.

Since the respondents in this sample were often subjectively chosen, there might be discrepancy

between the sample and the population of the area. It is not sure whether the sample is

representative for the area in which the survey is done, thus it is not generalizable for this particular

area. However, that is not the goal of this survey. It rather aims to understand the motives for the

diet in different levels of the whole Hindu and Muslim population of Bangalore and to find out what

are deciding factors in their fish consumption. Generalizing the results for these religious groups in

Bangalore would also be too blunt and short-sighted. This survey was done in a moderate to rich area

in Bangalore and income is bound to have a larger influence on fish consumption in areas that are

poorer.

3.3 Limitations to the research This data collection has been done in a period of four weeks. In this period of time, in which also

accommodation and identification of research areas had to be taken care of, the data collection had

to be done efficiently and fast. The design of this research has, despite the efforts in the field, several

limitations. Next to this time-constraint the city of Bangalore was in a season of exhausting

circumstances. Even though Bangalore’s temperature is relatively cool compared to the humid heat

of other South Indian cities, most days it was over 40 degrees Celsius. Moreover, because of

congestion the transportation in Bangalore took a lot of time and energy.

Even though in the end the answers to many of the questions became repetitive and it felt that

theoretical saturation was reached, more survey results would have made the research more

externally valid. Either the sample could have been larger or, preferably, in more Hindu or Muslim

communities across Bangalore. There might be varying results between different communities of the

same religion. A probability sample would perhaps have been preferable over a non-probability

sample, because then the sample would be random, rather than selecting respondents in that area

on certain criteria. It could have for instance been done by approaching the household of every fifth

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house in a street. These results could have been generalizable for that particular area. However, this

would have meant that those households had to be questioned on different parts of the day,

because not every member of the household is home at all times, which would have been too time-

consuming to arrange in four weeks. Moreover, the translator was not enthused by the idea of

disturbing people in their homes and possibly annoying them with personal questions. There were

multiple instances in which the intentions of my collection of data were questioned. Even though it

might not seem intrusive to ask about a person’s diet, respondents were still sometimes reluctant to

cooperate.

A valid study is one that has properly collected its data, so that they accurately represent the reality

(Yin, 2015). During this research, much attention has been paid to my own views and stance in the

data collection. I did so, because the perceptions of data were probably highly influenced by my own

modern, western view on society. As is also hinted at in the introduction, the people in Bangalore, or

India for that matter, think in a different manner. Regarding the choice of food, that would mean

that food is for instance not always chosen because it is healthy, cheap or tasty, but it might be

because of the auspicious position of the planets. Even though all the effort is made to understand

such a point of view, I will still be clouded by own habits and convictions. In other words, in my

education I have been taught that objective, scientific knowledge is the most ‘reliable’ truth: it is

what constitutes my reality. Food security for that matter is scientifically the ultimate goal in diet; it

focusses on nutritional values. I had to keep in mind that this vision is not shared by everyone and

that there are multiple views on what is important in a diet, such as strictly vegetarian food. The time

constraint prevented me from strengthening the validity of this research, by not being able to

produce a more in depth and complete understanding of the data acquired in Banashankari. This

could have for instance been done respondent validation, which is getting feedback from the people

studied so the data have not been misinterpreted (ibid.).

Variables in education were not in the survey questionnaire. At the start of the research the

education variables were not included in the survey questions. At the time of development in India, it

did not seem relevant to include it, since no theoretical sources were found to indicate a relevance.

Sources that were then later on found (Can et al. (2015) found significant differences in the level of

education and the consumption of fish. This demonstrates a drawback to the inductive design of this

research: the limitations of theoretical knowledge at the start of data collection, causing this

research to possibly miss an important variable in the survey.

Finally, my inability to speak the several languages spoken in Bangalore compelled me to hire a

translator. Although the quality of the translation was excellent, because the translator knew the

relevant context and explained statements by respondents where necessary, the extra link in the

chain of communication can lead to misinterpretation and a loss of nuances and detail, which are

essential to the context of the story of the respondents. Possible misunderstanding would threaten

the validity of the research. On top of that, the translator was not available every day. This was quite

a constraint: even though the days he was available were very productive, more frequent visits to the

research area would have been desirable.

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4. The city of Bangalore and the district of Banashankari

4.1 Bangalore The location in which the data for this research is collected is Bangalore. Bangalore is the cultural,

industrial, administrative and knowledge capital of the state Karnataka. It is the home of many

(labour) migrants from other states: in the 2001 census of India only 53% of the population were

Kannadigas and the rest were immigrants. Of these immigrants, most were from Tamil Nadu (19%).

Of the total population, 79.4% of the population is Hindu, 13,4% Muslim, 5,8% Christian and 1,1%

Jain. In 2011 it had a literacy rate of 89% which is high compared to the state’s average of 67%

(Census India, 2011).

For its economic, demographic, technological, governmental Bangalore has been called two names.

The first one is ''the Silicon Valley of India'', which it is most known for. It acquired its name from the

IT-boom in the last century, which attracted this large amount of migrants from other Indian states

(Sudhira et al., 2007). The population has grown from around 400.000 people in 2001 to 11,5 million

in 2016, which it has almost tripled in 15 years (Indiaonlinepages, 2016). Because of its explosive

development, some of the city's amenities are not caught up with the population pressure. At some

junctions in the city the traffic is constantly congested for over 12 hours per day, leading to

suffocating amounts of exhaust fumes.

The second name that Bangalore is known for is ''the Garden City''. The older colonial centre is

indeed very green, with many trees and public parks like Cubbon Park and Lalbagh Botanical Garden.

It is a beautiful, bustling centre. However, further off from the centre the trees become more scarce

and concrete and asphalt take over. According to the Deccan Herald (2009) a report by an

environment group in Bangalore calculated that 50.000 trees have been cut down in the period of

2006-2009. For the new metro line 279 more are going to be removed. Some native Bangaloreans

that were interviewed for this research did not like how Bangalore has turned out over the years. It is

too polluted and crowded. When questioning their ideas on the improvement of Bangalore the first

response was mostly that it cannot be done, because of the corruption and nepotism in Bangalore

city politics, that eats away of many of the city project’s financing.

Another aspect in which Bangalore lags is its waste collection. The population of Bangalore produces

between 3000-4000 tons of garbage per day (Sachs, 2014). Yet, there is hardly any sign of a waste

disposal plan; often people still burn their trash on the side of the road. Side to side with some of the

other more developed planning in the city, this gives an odd contrast: only twenty meters from a

very modern shopping mall with a McDonalds, a smouldering fire is burning a collection of plastic

and organic wastes.

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4.2 Banashankari Banashankari is a very large district in the southeast of Bangalore. It is a moderate to rich area in

Bangalore and one of the oldest of Bangalore. As are all the larger districts in Bangalore, it is divided

into stages, which are divided into phases, which are divided into blocks. It has six stages in total. The

research was done on the border of Banashankari and the Kumaraswamy Layout, in the blocks

Bendre Nagar and Govinakahalli. In the image the Masjid where the Imam Taj was interviewed

(Masjid E Minaj) is highlighted. In this area there is both a Muslim and Hindu community. In a 10-15

minute radius from this area, there are around 15 more Masjids. The area is relatively quiet and

clean compared to blocks that are very close to main roads in the city, even though there is the

occasional cow eating garbage from the streets.

As is natural, people with the same cultural and religious background group together to form their

own community. This meant that, at the beginning of the fieldwork, the locations of these Hindu and

Muslim communities had to be identified. There were multiple options for a Muslim community: for

instance, Frasier Town, Shivaji Nagar or Banashankari. The areas with predominantly Hindus were

harder to find in the beginning. Frasier Town was a district that was in the north of Bangalore. Since

the base of operations, Amrita University, is in the southeast of Bangalore, Frasier Town was not

favoured. Shivaji Nagar is located in the centre of Bangalore and is a very crowded, and touristy

neighbourhood, which did not seem optimal for the research either. Banashankari is in south

Bangalore so for convenience purposes this area was chosen to research the Muslim community.

After some time in the field and with the help of a local contact, it became clear that there was

actually also a large Hindu community in Banashankari. In a few places in the area, the two religious

communities seemed mixed: there was a main street with many Muslim and Hindu shops alternately.

Figure 1: The border of Banashankari-Kumaraswamy Layout; Source: Google Maps, 2016

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5. Structures of fish consumption in Bangalore The results from Bangalore will be organized clearly, starting off with a description of the structures

of fish consumption in Bangalore: the supply lines to Bangalore, the distribution inside the city and

the division of labour in this distribution. Also the observed food safety of marine fish on fishing

harbours and fish markets is reported. Next chapter, the results about the belief systems and their

explanation are discussed in which all the phenomena found in the field that are relevant to meat

and especially fish consumption are divided into subjects. The survey results in the following chapter

will then point out their actual influence in the diet of the respondents. Finally, the conclusion

reflects on the results of the research and proposes some steps to optimise fish consumption in

Bangalore.

5.1 The supply lines Fish can be divided into two categories: marine fish and freshwater fish. Since the project Fish4food

concentrates on the consumption of marine fish, these supply lines have been mostly identified. The

joint director of the Directorate of Fisheries of Karnataka Dr. C.K. Murthy provided information about

Bangalore’s supply lines, prices and fish consumption and general statistics of fish production in

India. Most of the marine fish sold in Bangalore comes from Mangalore, Karnataka and Chennai,

Tamil Nadu. The remaining small amount is imported from the Middle-Eastern countries. As a rule of

thumb the Directorate holds that the total population of Indians on average eats 5 kg fish per person

per year. If you would take the non-vegetarian population then it would go up to 9 kg per person per

year. The international average is 16-17 kg. Last years’ production of fish was 10 million metric tons

in India of which 1 million was exported. This means 9 million was consumed in India. Of that 9

million metric tons 15-20% went to fish meal and fish oil plants.

Of all the fish that is consumed in Bangalore, 70% is marine fish and 30% is freshwater fish. In April-

May the east coast has less supply because of a 45-day ban on fishing. In June-July the west coast has

a 60-day ban. This ban is done so that the fish population is given the chance to reproduce, because

it is believed that this period in Summer is the breeding season. Especially the west coast ban has a

very high influence on the supply and price of marine fish, because it is the largest supplier. Low-

Figure 2: Banashankari ;source: Floris Wouters, 2016

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price fish of around 150-200 Rupees per kg can actually double during this monsoon period. Because

of this the demand for freshwater fish spikes. The price of fish is more expensive or equal to the price

of chicken and it is cheaper than mutton. That depends of course on the variety. Some fish, for

instance Seer Fish, can sell for 600-700 Rupees per kg. Some low-price fish are for instance sardines

and mackerel. According to Dr. Murthy this fish is still very tasty, but people just prefer meatier fish

opposed to smaller fish with bones.

The ban on fishing in general is a choice made for the long-term good of fish availability. It would

have been a serious problem for the consumption of fish in Bangalore, were it not for the freshwater

fish production to supply the demand of fish. However, some of the respondents in this research

have clearly stated their preference for marine fish over freshwater fish. Marine fish will during this

ban still be available, but in less places, because it has to be imported. Consequently, this also makes

the fish more expensive, threatening the economic accessibility of fish. The implications of these

bans on prices and availability of marine fish should be looked at in further research.

5.2 Distribution in Bangalore The fish is distributed in Bangalore through wholesale markets, retail shops and mobile vendors and

in the rare occasion through supermarkets. There are multiple wholesale markets throughout

Bangalore, but most of them are concentrated at Russell Market and KR Market, the two largest

markets for many goods, varying from vegetables and meats to kitchen utensils and clothing. These

are located around the centre of Bangalore. The wholesale shops auction their goods to consumers,

restaurants, retailers and mobile vendors. The retailers naturally sell these at their own shops, also to

consumers and restaurants, and the mobile vendors sell these from crates on the back of their bikes

in neighbourhoods with high demand or where fish is not easily available. This system ensures that

fish is to some extent distributed throughout Bangalore, but more research is needed to find out if

every neighbourhood has sufficient availability.

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5.3 Fishing and trading Observations at multiple markets have also shown that the multitude of fish salesmen are Muslim.

From interviews there seem to be two reasons for this. First of all, apparently many of the Muslim

traders in fish hail from the Beary community. The Beary (or Byari) community is one of the oldest

Muslim communities in India, so old that it even dates back to the early days of Islamic history. The

Bearys have settled all across the western coast of India and supposedly now still constitute most of

the Muslim community in Karnataka. Traditionally, many of the Bearys were traders. The word Byari

actually derives from Tulu, one of the local languages, and it simply means: ‘trade’. It seems that

many of the current trading connections and family businesses in Bangalore have been established

many years ago and that this majority of Muslim fish traders has been historically determined. The

second reason is that in Bangalore there is supposedly a general rule that animal products from

Muslims are safe to eat. This is because the Quran dictates clear rules about quality requirements

and safety in consumption of especially meats. The presumption consumers have is that Muslim

salesmen apply this knowledge in their occupation and therefore believe that Muslims salesmen

have fish of safe quality, even though that might seem conflicting with the statements from the

following section about food safety. Unfortunately, quantitative information about this belief is not

available, but there seems to be a preference towards Muslim fish salesmen, which explains why

there would relatively be so many. Similar to that much of the trade of fish is done by Bearys the

fishing is apparently done by mostly Hindu communities, such as for instance the ‘Mogaveera’

community that live around Mangalore on the west coast of India. There are countless of these

smaller communities. It cannot be stated with certainty that this division of Hindus generally being

fishermen and Muslims being traders exists across all of South India, but it is the case in Karnataka.

5.4 Safety of fish To address the food safety, the fishing harbours in

Chennai, Mangalore, Udupi and Malpe (the latter two

are located north of Mangalore) were visited and

observed, as well as multiple wholesale and retail

markets. The fishing harbours in Udupi, Mangalore

and Chennai have ice plants to store fish cooled for

transport. The fish is, after catch and arrival at the

harbour, directly stored covered in this ice in

Styrofoam boxes and transported. The emergence of

these ice plants at fishing harbours has greatly

improved the range of transportation of fish. While

the quality in transportation to fishing harbours seems

to have been well taken care off, the quality in retail

markets in Bangalore generally seems less sanitary.

Russell Market, Jayanagar 4th Block Market and

Yeshwanthpur Market, these are several of the larger

markets in Bangalore, where both wholesalers and

retailers concentrate. On the markets, the stacked fish

is uncooled and most of the time covered by flies and

the streets of the market are covered in what seems

to be dried up fish goo. The pungent, often rotting

smell takes only ten minutes for your clothes to be Figure 3: Rules of Malpe fishing harbour; source: Floris Wouters, 2016

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smelling like fish. The retailers use dirty, wooden chopping boards to prepare the fish for

consumption. The waste is collected in leaking crates (which would explain the fish goo) and dumped

elsewhere.

Even though these conditions are unsanitary, the fish that is delivered on the markets shows hardly

any sign of deterioration. In most cases the gills of the fish were red, the fish smelled fresh, the eyes

were clear and the fish felt firm to the touch: all signs of fresh fish. Also, the fish sells, so these

circumstances were apparently up to safety standards of the consumers. Compared to western

standards of handling food on fish markets, the Indian standards are not up to par. Even though

there is an authority in India that deals with food safety, 'The Food Safety and Standards Authority of

India', it does not seem to be regulated in any way. However, to combat diseases because a lack of

hygiene and food waste because of a lack of cooling, that should be done.

6. Results: the cultural beliefs Now that there is an idea of the context of fish consumption, the beliefs about food can be

introduced. There were also beliefs and restrictions in the type of fish that can be consumed, both in

Islam and Hinduism.

The results about beliefs are divided into three sections: the product related and structural beliefs in

fish consumption and the importance of geographical location in fish consumption. In the first

section the incentives and restrictions in beliefs of product related fish consumption are discussed.

These are the beliefs that revolve around the aforementioned qualities of hot and cold in food and

different types of fish. Also, one subsection is dedicated to the means and preference of slaughtering

animals in Hinduism and Islam. After that, the structural beliefs are described. These are the beliefs

that determine the consumption of fish on a structural basis. This section consists of dietary systems

in Hinduism and their significance to traditional occupations in caste. Furthermore, the relevant

dates and periods of time in the Hindu and Muslim calendar are discussed. Finally, the importance of

geographical origin was found to be a significant determinant in fish consumption, which is why it is

explained in its own section.

6.1 Product related fish consumption

6.1.1 Hot fish Since this hot and cold classification derived from Ayurveda, the expectation was that these beliefs

were to be only apparent in Hindu culture. However, the results have shown that they are embedded

in both Hindu and Muslim culture. Since literature has shown that the beliefs about the effects to the

body vary per location some initial results from Chennai are compared to those of Bangalore.

Whereas some people in Chennai believed fish would make your body both hot and cold, it had for

almost every respondent in Bangalore the effect of making the body hot. The exceptions believed

that fish does not heat up or cool down the body at all, but none of the respondents in Bangalore

believed fish has any heating qualities. For the people in Chennai the effect it has on the body varies

between cooking methods. Fried or dried fish is supposed to make the body hot and a fish curry is

supposed to make the body cold. Differences in preparation were not believed to have any effect in

Bangalore. In response to that question most of the people in Bangalore mentioned however that

the condiments used in a meal can be used to balance out the heat of the fish. Notable ingredients

that make the body cold are coconut milk, buttermilk, curd and certain fruits and spices like

watermelon and fenugreek. Beliefs about the effects of fish sometimes varied in Bangalore as well.

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According to Usha, one of the respondents, all seafood increases body heat, but freshwater fish does

not. It might be the case that the variation in beliefs about the effects of food to the body are

determined by the person’s cultural background, which are very specific per location. To Usha and

most of the rest of the respondents, hot foods are believed to be unhealthy for the body.

For the respondents in Bangalore, both the young and the old, the effects of food and fish in

particular seem general knowledge. It does not, however, influence the consumption of the

respondents in any way, according to the respondents themselves. This is opposite to what Taj, an

Imam in one of the many Masjids in Banashankari, stated. He claimed that Muslims in general will eat

more fish in the summer months of April, May and June, because other sources of protein such as

mutton and chicken will be eaten less. Mutton and chicken are also believed to make the body hot,

even more so than fish. Because of the hot month, people would be more prone to eating fish than

other types of meat. None of the respondents seemed to fit this profile however. Dr. C.K. Murthy,

the joint director of the Directorate of Fisheries actually stated that people generally eat less fish in

these summer months because of the reason that fish heats up the body, but this is also not

apparent from the results from the respondents.

Mohammed Shadal, one of the respondents, said that the heat from chicken gives his body

heartburns and digestion problems and it prevents him from sleeping at night if he eats it at a late

hour. Hot foods are supposed to activate the body and they should not be consumed when resting.

There were only a few people that believed the heat is bad for health: skin rashes and digestion

problems were often mentioned as consequences of these foods. Saleem, another respondent

mentioned that hot foods are an aphrodisiac. He believes that it will stimulate passion. Since any

subject regarding sex can be considered a taboo in South-India, other people might have this belief

but choose not to mention it. Saleem considered himself a very liberal man, however. He even

continued by saying that increasing passion is one of the most important reasons for eating non-veg.

For Brahmins, the reason not to eat hot foods is also to stay in control of their bodies. which is why

they avoid foods like garlic, onion and ginger (which are hot). This heat stimulates sexual urges,

which is why they do not eat it.

6.1.2 Beliefs about types of fish and seafood In this subsection about the differences in consumption of fish and seafood types the Muslim and

Hindu beliefs are separated, because there is a clear difference between the two results. Some

notice is also given to the traditions and preferences in slaughtering animals. Even though the

relevance to fish consumption is small, it is still an important aspect in especially Islam.

Muslims

Halal means ‘fit for consumption’ or ‘permissible’. It means that any food that is halal is allowed to be

eaten according to Islamic Sharia Law. The opposite of halal is haram, which means 'forbidden'.

There are some requirements to meat for it to be halal. First, the meat cannot be from a forbidden

animal. These forbidden animals are pigs and all carnivorous animals. Second, the animal has to be

slaughtered correctly in the name of Allah. And third, the meat has to be free from blood, which is

part of the halal slaughter. The halal slaughter is explained further on in the results.

Regarding seafood, the classification of what is halal is quite straightforward, with the exception that

there is a 'gray' area, called makru. Everything that resembles the biology of a fish, meaning both its

external and internal characteristics (gills and scales), is halal. According to Taj, all the seafood that is

decreed as ‘’fish’’ by doctors and officials. Aquatic carnivores are always haram, like shark. Makru is

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explained as ‘in between halal and haram’. With the current prescriptions by the Quran it is not clear

in what category a certain type of animal falls, so it is unknown whether it is fit for consumption or

not. Whenever the ‘makru’ types of fish came up in conversation all of the Muslim respondents

mentioned that it is just best to avoid eating them. Examples of makru types of seafood are prawns

and lobster. They do not resemble the biological characteristics of fish, but there is no reason to

believe they are haram either.

For Taj, ‘halal’ seems to be a pragmatic term. Not just the knowledge in the Quran is used to classify

foods, but also modern discoveries. For instance, nowadays chickens are bred in stifling living

conditions on fattening diets with antibiotics. Taj consequently declares this particular chicken as

haram to the Muslims in the Masjid, unfit for consumption. Similarly, Taj prefers eating marine fish

over freshwater fish. The living conditions in aquaculture are often not healthy for the fish (fish

eating their own faeces for instance), hence it is not healthy for people. He shares this knowledge

with the Muslims that come to the Masjid and tells them that freshwater fish can be ‘haram’. He

acquired this knowledge from a documentary on aquaculture and he states that often haram foods

are synonymous to what is scientifically proven as unhealthy.

Hindus

For Hindus the consumption of type of fish supposedly varies because of their resemblance to certain

deities. The two found restrictions regarding these types are based in beliefs about one of the

avatars of Vishnu, the second god in the Hindu triumvirate of Brahman, Vishnu and Shiva and Nāgas,

snake goddesses. The first of the ten avatars is called Mathsya, in which Vishnu takes the form of half

man/half fish. This information was acquired from Brahmins and from other respondents it seemed

that only Brahmins actually made this connection between Mathsya and fish used for consumption.

There is also a type of fish called Snakefish, which derives its name from a fish resembling a snake.

Snakes are in multiple portrayals of Hindu gods and are also deified as Nāgas. Vishnu is for instance

often depicted as resting on the Shesha, the king of all Nāgas. For this reason, some Hindus

emphatically do not eat fish or snakefish in particular. Of all the respondents, none however gave

this as a reason for not consuming fish.

Slaughter in Islam and Hinduism

The halal way of slaughtering animals in Islam is called Zabihah. In this, the neck of the animal is slit

so that the main blood vessels are cut and bleed out. During this process, which has to be done by a

Muslim, the butcher recites blessings for Allah. The belief is that when this is done, the meat is purer

and clean. Originating from the Sikhs, the way of slaughtering that is the norm for non-vegetarian

Hindus is called Jhatka. Jhatka is the slaughtering of animals in which the head is removed with a

single strike to minimise pain, as a consideration towards the slaughtered animal. Both these ways of

slaughtering are, however, not applicable to fish, because the biology of the fish is too different from

that of terrestrial animals such as goats, chickens and cows. Dr. Murthy actually explained that there

is no halal for fish, because that cut in the neck that is required for halal slaughter is already present:

the gills of the fish. None of the Muslims mentioned this however, not even the imam Taj or the

Muslim fish salesmen.

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6.2 Structural beliefs in fish consumption

6.2.1 The three Gunas in Hinduism This subsection explains a cultural belief rooted deeply in Hindu culture. This information is coming

from the translator Vysakh, who from education has a broad understanding of Hindu culture and

from Rama Venkataraman, who is Brahmin. Most of the explanations of deeper meanings of why

beliefs exist generally came from Brahmins. The likely explanation for them to possess this

knowledge is that Brahmins are traditionally priests and teachers.

In Hindu culture, the belief that food can heat up or cool down the body is connected to the beliefs

that diet types should fit the type of labour a person does. These types of labour are in turn

connected to different castes in India. The belief is that through food a person can control the quality

of his or her state of mind. There are three different Gunas, or qualities of food: Sattvic, Rajasic, and

Tamasic. The meanings of these Gunas have a much broader and more significant meaning in Hindu

culture, but only the aspect relevant to food consumption is explained here. Sattvic foods are plain,

simple foods without many spices or fats and are generally those which can be obtained without

harming either another organism or one's self. They mostly consist of vegetables, cooked or raw,

fruits and rice. They typically cool down the body. Sattvic foods are for people who want to stay in

control of their body. According to Rama Venkataraman, if someone eats Sattvic foods a long time

his or her intelligence will increase. Contrarily, decay at the mental and intelligence level is supposed

to be due to the predominance of Rajasic and Tamasic foods in a person’s diet. Rajasic foods are for

growing physical strength and heating up the body. This diet typically contains meat and eggs, but

also coffee, chilies and fried foods. They stimulate passion and movement. In Rajasic foods there is a

difference between good Rajasic and bad Rajasic. Both stimulate activity of the body, but the

difference is in the effect it has on the person’s behaviour. Eating beef and pork is bad Rajasic,

because it is believed to make someone more aggressive and more prone to violent acts. The good

Rajasic foods are for instance fish. Fish is believed not to influence behaviour in any way. Tamasic

foods are typically the luxurious, (non-vegetarian) fattening foods, such as sweets and cakes, but also

not fresh, processed foods. They have a grounding effect, stimulate laziness and have a numbing

effect on the body. Rama says that these beliefs are known to every Hindu, but not everyone

practises it and, unlike the beliefs about hot and cold food, this classification of diets is uniform in

Hindu culture.

6.2.2 Vegetarianism in Hinduism As mentioned, Brahmins are traditionally priests and teachers. These are jobs that rely on intellect

and knowledge. For this reason, they do not need foods that stimulate physical activity such as

meats, but rather easily digestible foods such as rice and potatoes. Meat causes heat and heat causes

activity, which they do not need in their occupation. The Kshatriya caste (warrior caste) is supposed

to eat these hot foods, because they traditionally do a lot of physical activity. Presently, it is still

believed that people that perform physical labour should eat more hot foods.

In India vegetarianism is very common. Historically, because of Hindu culture, people in India were

never known for eating non-vegetarian food. This diet has, however, been changing in the last

decades, according to several respondents. People generally eat more meat but, in Hindu culture,

there are still some groups that remain vegetarian. From caste perspective the most common

vegetarians are Brahmins. Brahmins do not eat meat because they believe killing is a sin and that all

life is equal. As Rama explains it: ‘’If a Deva (god) would put some humans in a room and feed them

22

until they are ripe for slaughter, we wouldn’t like it either.’’ Brahmins try to live their life as Sattva as

they can so that they can move up the ladder, as it were, to a better vessel in the next life. There is

no place for killing in that way of life. She mentions that Hindus generally will eat more fish closer to

the coast, because it is more available, but the Brahmins will stay vegetarian. This conflicts with the

statement from three Brahmin lecturers (at the City College in Banashankari) that even Brahmins eat

fish in coastal regions. To the question on estimations how many of the Hindus that currently live in

Bangalore are Brahmin the responses varied from 3% to 20%. The three Brahmin women finally

talked about the exceptions to their vegetarianism regarding fish. They stated that if it is prescribed

by a doctor for health reasons these Brahmins would be prepared to take fish oil pills, but only in

severe life-threatening cases. Otherwise they avoid every other by-product of fish as much as they

can as well.

Another community that is generally known to be vegetarian are the Lingayats. The people in this

community are not Brahmin (which you are or are not by birth), but they do tend to live Sattvic lives.

Lingayats worship Shiva as the only deity, instead of the polytheistic beliefs of Brahmins. Three of the

Hindu respondents in the survey were actually Lingayat. They were shopkeepers that owned shops

right next to each other. Vysakh concluded that there was probably a small Lingayat community

living near those shops. The three of them were all vegetarians and they responded that it was

‘tradition’ for them not to eat non-vegetarian.

6.2.3 The Muslim and Hindu calendar

Muslims

In both the Hindu and Muslim calendar there are some periods of time in a year in which the usual

diet or pattern of food consumption is interrupted. For Hindus this calendar is much more

complicated and diverse than for Muslims. For all Muslims, the only period of time in which the

regular diet is interrupted is during Ramadan. Ramadan is the time of fasting during daylight hours

starting in the ninth month of the Islamic calendar (somewhere in June and lasting one month). It is

done to commemorate the first time the Quran was revealed to the prophet Muhammed. In this

month, Muslims are required to be more diligent in their faith and not partake in any sinful

behaviour such as smoking or drinking alcohol. The meal before sunrise is called suhoor and after

sunrise iftar. During the day food is cooked to be eaten after the sun sets and it is enjoyed in the

company of the whole family. Ramadan ends with the festival of Eid-Ul-Fitr. This festival is known for

the sweet foods that are eaten to break the fast. For iftar, Muslims even abstain from eating makru

seafood, but just eat halal fish. Since iftar is a special occasion, Muslims might consume fish more

often during Ramadan, for many respondents consider fish a delicacy that is eaten on Sundays or on

celebrations. From the data from the respondents there is, however, no particular indication that this

is the case.

Hindus

The Hindu calendar is more complicated however. As is discussed, vegetarianism is for many Hindus

considered the most desired method of eating, because it contributes to self-control and physical

well-being. It seems that non-vegetarians are in some periods of time persuaded to eat only

vegetarian meals: on auspicious or religious occasions. In South India many people follow the

tradition of worshipping Ayappa. Similar to Ramadan, this time of worship also concerns a period of

fasting. This mandala is a period of 40, 41 or even 48 days (respondents mentioned various amounts

of days) in which Hindus eat only vegetarian food and as simple (Sattvic) as possible to cleanse

23

themselves. Ayappa the virgin god is the son of Vishnu and Shiva and it is the goal during this festival

to become as pure as Ayappa. The worshipping of this god is most popular in South-India because

the temple Sabarimala is located in Kerala. During this fasting time people have to live ‘like a hermit’:

they can’t consume non-vegetarian food or alcohol and they have to sleep on the floor, wash

themselves with cold water twice per day and walk barefoot. Also, people wear black, orange or blue

clothes. Supposedly they get ‘promoted’ from black to orange to blue after 8 years consecutively.

People who have done this period of fasting during the whole mandala are not required to do so

every year (only for three days), but some still do it.

Shrawana is a month in the Hindu calendar that starts in July and ends in August. Since many

ceremonies and celebrations for multiple deities fall in this period, it is considered the holiest month

of the Hindu calendar and every day is considered prosperous. It is dedicated especially to the

worshipping of Lord Shiva, but there are also ceremonies for other deities. Devotees bring more or

offerings of flowers and prayers this month because that is considered auspicious for a long and

healthy life. Additionally, there are some other days in this month which carry a certain importance.

Every Monday during this month, it is considered auspicious to fast from sunrise to sunset. Generally,

the Hindus that participate in the activities during this month are devoted to Shiva and are all

vegetarian. In Hinduism the consumption of non-vegetarian food often depends of the gods that are

worshipped. Generally, the Brahman Shivites (worshippers of Shiva) do not eat non-vegetarian, but

the rest of the Shivites do. Of the Vaishnavites (worshippers of Vishnu) people generally do not eat

non-vegetarian, even people who are not Brahmin. Vysakh said that generally, Hindus will not know

this classification, but Brahmins will, as will people who study Hinduism. The most influential

structural abstinence of non-vegetarian food is on a weekly basis. It depends on the gods that are

worshipped, but generally Monday, Thursday and/or Saturday (or a combination of two days) no

non-vegetarian food is eaten, because it is considered inauspicious. Some of the Hindu respondents

mentioned that for them, they still abstain from eating non-vegetarian food on some of these days

because it is a tradition, more so than because of religion. Puneeth, an assistant lecturer at City

College, abstains from eating non-vegetarian for two days in the week like many Hindus do.

However, he does not do this out of consideration for his religion. Rather, he does it because it is a

tradition; he does not mind it and has in rare cases even eaten non-vegetarian food on these days.

6.3 The significance of geographical location This section explains some of the influences of geographical location on the daily fish consumption

and the general beliefs people have in Bangalore. People have migrated to Bangalore from various

Indian states, bringing with them their traditions, beliefs and habits, which are heavily influenced by

the state's location: whether the state has a large coastline or not. What is recorded about these

states other than Karnataka during the research is discussed here, but there are probably many more

beliefs and habits from various states.

After some exploratory research before the actually data collection for this research began, it already

turned out that one of the largest determinants of fish consumption for individuals is their

geographical origin. When asking about fish consumption, many (vegetarian) respondents referred to

certain communities in Bangalore, because those people would consume much more fish than they

do. The respondents mostly referred to communities from Kerala and Bengal: coastal regions.

Coastal areas are more prone to having fish available then inland areas and for a community with a

high availability of fish, the consumption of fish is logically high. Fish seems more integrated into the

lifestyle of these communities: in their diet, source of income and even religion. Where generally in

temples in India only Sattvic foods are offered to the gods, there are places in Kerala where that is

24

done with fish. The Brahmin lecturers from City College, located in Banashankari, stated that even

Brahmins from Mangalore, Kashmir and Bengal eat fish every day. The states that were most

renowned for their fish consumption habits were Kerala, Bihar and Bengal. According to Renuka, a

college professor from Kerala, a specific Keralan tradition is that they eat the heads of fish because

they believe it makes them more intelligent. Also, after the birth of their child, mothers in Kerala

supposedly eat more shark, because it produces milk. Renuka is Hindu, but she mentioned both

Hindus and Muslims do this. Finally, when questioning a Muslim fish retailer at Russell Market, he

said that generally even Keralan Muslims eat shark, even though it is haram. Also people from Bihar

are supposed to all prefer freshwater fish over marine fish. This is not just an urban myth among

Indians, because Prashant, a labour migrant from Bihar, confirmed this. According to him Bihari

people do not eat marine fish at all, for they do not like its strong, salty flavour. Also, a retailer of

freshwater fish in Banashankari mentioned that most of his customers are actually Bihari. Finally, in

Bengal fish is actually regarded as the vegetable of the sea instead of a non-vegetarian food, so

vegetarians can also eat it.

7. Survey results This chapter of the survey results is divided into three sections. The first gives an introduction about

the sample: their composition, origins and protein consumption. After that some of the other

variables in the results are enumerated, such as gender, availability of fish and income. Then, the

stated reason for fish consumption of the respondents is discussed and finally, some differences in

consumption between Hindus and Muslims are pointed out.

7.1 The sample Of this sample of 51 Bangaloreans, 26 are Hindu and 25 are Muslim and 14 are female, where 37 are

male. 34 out of 51 people (66,7%) eat fish. On an average non-vegetarian food is eaten 12 times per

month. Out of these 12 times, 3,5 times (29,2%) this non-vegetarian food is fish. Other non-

vegetarian foods, which from results was limited to mutton and especially chicken or eggs, were

often preferred for their taste (Appendix A, figure 8).

Married Hindu Muslim Fish-eater

Female 9 8 6 10

Male 21 18 19 24

Total 30 26 25 34

Table 1: Characteristics of the sample in marital status, religion and fish consumption

28 out of 51 respondents (54,9%) were native Bangaloreans, meaning they did not have any direct

ties to other regions, for instance through parents. 9 (17,6%) more hail from Karnataka (but not from

Bangalore city) and the rest 27,5% is from other states in India (figure 4). There are no significant

results from crossing the origins of the respondents with their religion. For example: of 28 native

Bangaloreans, 15 are Hindu (54%) and the rest are Muslim. Many of the respondents seemed to be

content with eating fish only a few times per month: 49% of the respondents eat fish one to five

times per month. The most striking outliers were two respondents that eat fish six or seven days per

week. They both turned out to come from the state of Kerala which, as discussed is a very important

determinant. 4 out of 4 Keralans eat fish and the respondent that eats it least, does so at least twelve

25

times per month. Respondents from only one region had a majority of non-fish consumers: Rajasthan

in North-India. The two respondents were actually both

vegetarian, which North Indians generally are.

Admittedly though, stating that North Indians

are indeed more often vegetarian than South

Indians from these results is an invalid

argument, but it confirms the findings by The

Hindu CNN-IBN State of the Nation Survey in

2006. Out of these survey results, no further

significant differences were found regarding

the origins of the respondents.

For the respondents in Banashankari the

availability of fish is not a restraint in eating

(more) fish. 63,6% of the respondents buys

their fish at places that are a maximum of 10

minutes from their house. Actually, only one

respondent bought their fish at a place further

away than 20 minutes. On top of that, none of

the respondents mentioned a lack of availability. This distance did not seem to matter to the

respondents for the amount of fish they consumed. However, by far most of the respondents

preferred marine fish over freshwater fish. From research at the fish markets, it seems that marine

fish is generally more available than freshwater fish. Since none of the respondents really preferred

freshwater fish, which people from Bihar for instance generally do, this has not been a problem for

them. The incomes range from zero (the housewives in the sample) to 1,5 million Rupees per month.

The respondent with an income that is the least of the sample earns 8500 Rupees per month. There

is, however, no notable difference in whether respondents eat fish to their income. This was to be

expected, since only one out of 51 respondents mentioned that the price of fish is a reason not to eat

it. Similarly, the occupation of the respondents and their marital statuses do not have any effect on

fish consumption as is also the case in gender differences. There is a difference, however, in the

reasons for consumption between men and women, which announces the next section.

7.2 Stated reasons for fish consumption In the survey, respondents often gave multiple

reasons for (not) eating fish. In some cases, this

meant that a person eats fish because it is both

tasty and part of their tradition. It is important

to know that in these results, all of the answers

are included, so there is no prioritization in what

answer is most determinative. Now, for the

variable of gender: it seems only 14% of the

women eat fish because of their traditional

reasons, whereas 38% of the men do. The first

explanation that comes to mind for this is that

there might be skewness in the distribution of

Hindu and Muslim women, but it seems there

were very little differences in the ratio of female

Figure 4: Geographical origins of respondents in Banashankari

Figure 5: Added amount of times various reasons used for fish consumption; note: multiple reasons by respondents were included

26

to men respondents between Hindus and Muslims. Men, however, choose fish in their diet less so

because of health reasons compared to women.

For the respondents there were not many

different reasons that influenced the fish

consumption. Of 34 people who eat fish 22 do

it because they think it is tasty, whereas 13 do

because it is healthy. Especially Muslims are

very fond of the taste. Health benefits and taste

were reasons for people to eat fish. The last

often mentioned reason, tradition, which

encapsulates all the cultural, religious and

community (and for Hindus caste) reasons for

eating fish, is both a reason to both eat and not

eat fish. To the question why they eat fish 16

out of 51 respondents gave an answer that is

related to their tradition. Most of these

answers were because of community traditions, both influenced by geographical location and caste.

When respondents said that they did not eat fish out of tradition, it was mostly because they were

either Brahmin or Lingayat. Out of 34 respondents that eat fish 7 eat it because of their tradition

(figure 5), whereas of the 17 respondents that do not eat fish 9 do it for traditional reasons (figure 6).

Out of these data it seems that cultural traditions are more of a restriction on the consumption of

fish then it is an encouragement.

Finally, when asking people why they do not want to eat more fish than they already do, most

responses were that their current diet is healthy enough regarding fish intake or that they do not like

the smell it gives in their house.

7.3 Differences between Hindus and Muslims In the results there were some notable differences between Hindu and Muslim fish consumption and

their reasons for it. 9 out of 15 fish-eating Hindus eat it because of how fish tastes and 8 out of 15 eat

it because they feel it is healthy. 4 out of 26 (15,4%) Hindu respondents were vegetarian and the

multitude (50%) eats non-vegetarian food only 0-5 times per month. 14 out of 19 fish-eating Muslims

mentioned the tastiness of fish in their fish consumption and 5 out of 19 because it is healthy. 48% of

Muslims eats non-vegetarian food at least 16 times per month. It seems that about double the ratio

of fish-eaters mention they eat fish because of health benefits of the Hindus compared to the

Muslims.

When comparing the significance of traditions between Hindus and Muslims, the results are quite

clear. 11 of 26 Hindu respondents hold traditional reasons in their fish consumption, whereas only 5

out of 25 do for the Muslim respondents. The cultural traditions of Hindus seem therefore much

more influential than those of Muslims in fish consumption. Also, the health benefits seem to be a

more important reason for Hindus, whereas the tastiness is for the Muslims.

Figure 6: Added amount of times various reasons are used for not consuming fish

27

8. Conclusions This chapter contains some concluding remarks about the dimensions of food security and notable

results about determinants of food choice, after which some recommendations are given to improve

the food security of citizens of Bangalore.

From this research the availability of fish in Bangalore seems to be well taken care of. Next to the

wholesalers and retailers, the system of mobile vending seems flexible and widespread enough to

supply the demand of people in even the furthest corners of Bangalore. Also the economic

accessibility of fish does not seem a constraint in fish consumption in results of the survey and

interviews. However, these conclusions are from results of a four-week research in one area and for

those reasons should not be generalized to Bangalore. In the handling and preservations of fish on

markets safety is an issue that needs governmental attention. Even though the fish seems to meet

the safety demands of consumers, deterioration and disease are bound to happen in such careless

conditions, which is why the safety standards should be regulated.

Regarding the beliefs in Hindu culture, hot and cold quality beliefs in food were widespread, but it

did not seem to influence the consumption of fish. The phenomenon was known to everyone, but it

was not a significant determinant of a diet at all. What was striking from the start though was that

the beliefs about hot and cold food were not only existent among Hindus, because it originates in

Ayurveda, but also among Muslims. Also, opposed to what is written in scientific literature, none of

the respondents mentioned anything about food being a manner of balancing constitutions in the

body or diseases. The statements of the respondents rather referred to the functionality of a certain

diet: when doing physical labour, hot foods are required. However, even these cases were rare. The

auspiciousness in Hindu food consumption affected the diet through the Hindu calendar: it restricted

Hindus to eat fish on some days in the week and by fasting periods throughout the year. The latter

was not a common practice for the respondents in this research. Rather, only the people who were

already vegetarian, the Brahmin respondents, took part in this.

The most often mentioned determinants of food choice from the survey were palatability, perceived

health benefits and tradition. Most of these reasons of tradition seem to be of religious origin,

whether seafood is halal for the Muslims or the consumption of non-vegetarian food is restricted on

some days in the week for Hindus. Most notable is that religion only seems to restrict the diet of

Hindus and Muslims and not encourage it in the way that palatability (taste) or believed health

benefits do. Other restrictions that were not related to religion or culture were the smell fish gives

indoors when cooked and in only one occasion the price of fish.

Between both religions, Muslims seem much more uniform in their religious restrictions than Hindus.

With some exceptions regarding seafood types and Ramadan, they can eat fish whenever they want

to. The frequency depends mostly on whether it is nutritionally needed in the diet. Fish consumption

of Hindus is more complex and multidimensional than that of Muslims because of variations in

worshipping deities, caste traditions and community origins. This is apparent in the bulk of results

about Hindus compared to Muslims: dietary systems, vegetarianism and multiple fasting periods in

the calendar compared to a single fasting period and the exclusion of haram seafood. Between

religions, it is clear now that Muslims are hardly restricted in their fish consumption by religion

compared to Hindus.

It seems that the culture of a community is a deciding factor in fish consumption of Indian Muslims

and Hindus. This culture is heavily influenced by the location of the community and whether it is

close to the coastline or not. Coastal communities are much more embedded with livelihoods,

traditions, technologies, diets and beliefs that revolve around fish so that they are more prone to

28

eating fish compared to landlocked communities, in which fish is simply much less available. Survey

results showed that people from Rajasthan were indeed vegetarian and all Keralans eat non-

vegetarian foods. Moreover, the Keralan’s fish consumption is very frequent.

8.1 Recommendations in improving food security Finally, after this research there are some recommendations to improve the food security of the

citizens of Bangalore. To do this, the areas in which most improvement in the current fish

consumption can be made have to be identified. These recommendations can either take place in the

way Hindus and Muslims view the consumption of fish, the personal determinants of fish, or in the

structures of fish supply and its pricing in Bangalore. The improvements involve the intervention of

the government in Bangalore.

In the personal determinants of food choice for fish, a good way to increase fish consumption is by

promoting its health benefits. In the survey results the reasons to eat fish were for 38,2% because of

perceived health benefits. This number could be increased through advertising campaigns and

education. The education plan should mainly take place in primary schools to reach children, their

parents and school staff. Second, the stability and price of fish supply and its safety can be improved.

The stability of the supply of marine fish is threatened by the ban on fish in the east and west of

Bangalore. This sudden drop in availability could be covered by subsidizing import of marine fish

from other regions in India or other countries. Also, other subsidized price reductions could a means

to encourage consumers to choose fish over other non-vegetarian food. Finally, to avoid disease

because of buying fish from a bacteria ridden fish market, the government has to intervene with

safety standards in the retail of fish. Cleaning up the fish market might actually also attract more

customers instead of repelling them with the smell.

In the final words of this research, some notice is given to the coexistence of cultural beliefs and food

security. Both Hindu and Muslim religions have their restrictions in food consumption. These

restrictions can sometimes conflict with the idealist view of food security. However, both religions

are found to be very conscious in the food that is consumed and, like food security, have their own

values, such as that the killing of all life is a sin in Hinduism or that the slaughter of animals for

consumption should be done according to strict rules in Islam. Food security is a noble aspiration.

However, it cannot change the cultural traditions and habits of so many people. Therefore, the

challenge in the future is to find their compatibility.

29

9. Discussion This final chapter will discuss some recommendations for further research in Bangalore and will close

off with a relevant proposed addition to the dimensions of food security.

The first subject for further research in the future should be the accessibility of fish consumption to

the citizens of Bangalore. This survey was done in a moderate to rich area and the interviews that

were not done with survey respondents were done with people with a similar socioeconomic status.

Even though there were no significant difference of fish consumption between income groups it

should still be researched for the income groups in Bangalore, because it is not known whether the

poor in Bangalore consume enough fish.

Second, and this has already been mentioned in the section about the limitations to the research in

the Methods chapter, but for the next research in fish consumption, it is recommended to include

other variables in the survey, for instance education. If these results would show that income

positively correlates with fish consumption it would justify the development of an education plan to

increase fish consumption.

In her conceptualisation of food security for Aboriginal people in Canada, Power (2008) proposes

that, given the centrality of traditional food practices to cultural health and survival of those people,

cultural food security should be an additional level of food security aside the dimensions of

availability, stability, use and accessibility. She found in her research that Aboriginals have their own

considerations related to the sharing, consuming and harvesting of food, but in the current definition

of food security, there is no place for these traditions. Although this addition would probably make

food security even more of an idealistic goal, it might be the compatibility between cultural traditions

and food security that is needed.

30

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Appendix A: Data survey results in graphs

Figure 7: Categorized per month income of respondents in Indian Rupees

Figure 8: Consumption of non-vegetarian food respondents per month

33

Appendix B: Survey questions and questions of semi-structured

interviews

Survey questions

What is your name?__________________________________________________________________

Gender? M/F

What is your age? _____________

What is your marital status? _________________________________

What is your employment? What do you do?______________________________________________

(What is your income per week/month?)_________________________________________________

What is your religion? __________________________________________

Where are you from? (Region, community) ____________________________________________

Do you eat fish? Yes/No

How many times a week? ____________________________________________

Where do you buy your fish?___________________________________________________________

How far is that (in minutes)?___________________________________________________________

How many times do you eat nonveg or dairy products per week?______________________________

Why do you (not) eat fish? ____________________________________________________________

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Figure 9: Fish consumption respondents per month

34

Semi-structured interview questions

Place and fish markets

Where do you buy your fish? How far is that from your home? How do you get there?

How often do you go to fish markets?

Protein consumption

What type of fish do you eat? (Freshwater/saltwater and the type)

How do you prepare your fish?

Why do you eat fish?

How many times do you eat meat/egg/dairy products per week?

Cultural Influences

Which days are you (not) allowed to eat fish by your religion? Of maanden? Why not?

For muslims: Can fish be halal? Is all the fish halal? (supposedly only fish with scales is halal, lobster

would be haram) - Zabihah (slaughtered according to Islamic Rites). What do they do during

Ramadan?

Hot/Cold

Does fish make your body warm or cold?

If cold: Do you decide to eat more fish during warm seasons?

How much more do you eat fish in warm seasons in contrast to cold seasons?

Is it better for your health when food makes your body hot or cold?