curbing fraud, corruption, and collusion in the roads...

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Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector The World Bank Integrity Vice Presidency THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20433 Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized closure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized closure Authorized

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Page 1: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector

The World BankIntegrity Vice Presidency

THE WORLD BANK

1818 H Street, N.W.Washington, DC 20433

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Page 2: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Curb

ing Fraud

, Co

rruptio

n, and

Co

llusion in the R

oad

s Sector

The Wo

rld B

ankInteg

rity Vice Presid

ency

June 2011

Page 3: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

2011 Th

e Intern

ational B

ank for R

econstru

ction an

d Developm

ent/T

he W

orld Ban

k

Integrity V

ice Presiden

cyT

he W

orld Ban

k Grou

pM

SN U

11-1100W

ashin

gton D

C 20433

http://w

ww

.worldban

k.org/integrity

All righ

ts reserved

Th

e fin

dings, in

terpretation an

d conclu

sions expressed h

ere are those of th

e auth

or (s) and do n

ot necessarily refl

ect th

e views of th

e Board of E

xecutive D

irectors of the W

orld Ban

k or the govern

men

ts they represen

t. Th

e World B

ank

cann

ot guaran

tee the accu

racy of the data in

cluded in

this w

ork.

Righ

ts and

Perm

issions

Th

e material in

this w

ork is copyrighted. C

opying an

d/or transm

itting portion

s or all of this w

ork with

out perm

is-sion

may be a violation

of applicable law. T

he W

orld Ban

k encou

rages dissemin

ation f its w

ork and w

ill norm

ally gran

t permission

promptly.

For permission

to photocopy or reprin

t any part of this w

ork, please send a requ

est with

complete in

formation

to the

Integrity V

ice Presiden

cy at the address stated above.

Page 4: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Co

ntents

AC

KN

OW

LE

DG

ME

NT

S

v

FO

RE

WO

RD

v

ii

EX

EC

UT

IVE

SU

MM

AR

Y

Ix

I. IN

TR

OD

UC

TIO

N

1

Developm

ent Im

pact of Roads

1

II. W

OR

LD

BA

NK

INV

ES

TIG

AT

IVE

FIN

DIN

GS

5

III. C

OL

LU

SIO

N IN

RO

AD

TE

ND

ER

S

11

A.

Evidence from

Non

-Ban

k Projects

12B

. C

artel Theory

12C

. D

eveloped Cou

ntry E

xperience

13D

. E

ffect of Collu

sion on

Tender P

rices 13

IV.

FR

AU

D A

ND

CO

RR

UP

TIO

N IN

CO

NT

RA

CT

IMP

LE

ME

NT

AT

ION

1

7

V.

CO

MB

AT

ING

CO

LL

US

ION

, FR

AU

D, A

ND

CO

RR

UP

TIO

N

19

A.

Measu

res to Redu

ce Collu

sion

19P

un

ish cartelization

severely 19

Create in

centives for th

e exposure of cartels

20

Revise ten

dering ru

les 20

Requ

ire indepen

dent bid certifi

cates 23

Retain

an in

dependen

t procurem

ent evalu

ator 23

B.

Measu

res to Redu

ce Fraud an

d Corru

ption

24Stren

gthen

the en

gineer

24

Hire a tech

nical au

ditor 25

En

gage civil society mon

itors 26

Develop accu

rate cost estimates

26

Ch

eck the w

ealth of key procu

remen

t agency offi

cials 26

C.

Longer-Term

Capacity-B

uildin

g Measu

res 27

Modern

ize the roads sector agen

cy 27

Strength

en com

petition law

enforcem

ent

27

Page 5: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

iv

D.

Experim

ental M

easures

27Im

pose ceiling on

bids 28

Use com

petitive negotiation

28

Con

tract out procu

remen

t 28

E.

Issues for C

onsideration

by Ban

k Operation

s Staff 29

Trade-offs between

Transparen

cy and C

ollusion

30

Subcon

tracting as a facilitator of capacity-bu

ilding an

d collusion

30

Cu

stomizin

g measu

res to address fraud an

d corruption

in civil w

orks contracts

30

Developin

g expertise on cost estim

ating an

d detecting collu

sive bidding

30

Reevalu

ate curren

t contract m

anagem

ent form

31

Target enforcem

ent on

engin

eering fi

rms

32

Increase con

tingen

t of professional W

orld Ban

k staff with

road engin

eering expertise

32

Spend m

ore on corru

ption preven

tion in

projects 32

VI.

CO

NC

LU

SIO

N

35

RE

FE

RE

NC

ES

3

7

AN

NE

X 1

: PR

OV

ING

BID

RIG

GIN

G O

N R

OA

DS

TE

ND

ER

S

45

AN

NE

X 2

: RE

FO

RM

S T

O P

UB

LIC

PR

OC

UR

EM

EN

T IN

OE

CD

CO

UN

TR

IES

4

7

TablesTable 1. Miscon

duct C

ases in W

orld Ban

k Roads P

rojects: Sanction

s Imposed

6

Table 2. Miscon

duct C

ases in W

orld Ban

k Roads P

rojects: Sanction

s Pendin

g or Not Sou

ght

7

Table 3. Estim

ated Cartel O

vercharges

14

Table 4. Resu

lts of Au

dit of Zam

bian R

oads Projects

17

BoxesB

ox 1. World B

ank D

efin

itions of M

iscondu

ct 2

Box 2. C

ollusion

and C

artels 8

Box 3. Ten

Indicators of C

ollusive B

idding

12

Box 4. P

ublish

ing C

ost Estim

ates: the Trade off B

etween

Transparen

cy & C

ollusion

21

Box 5. C

ombatin

g Collu

sion by C

han

ging th

e Procu

remen

t Process

22

Box 6. C

ertificate of In

dependen

t Price D

etermin

ation

24

Box 7. U

sing C

ompetitive N

egotiation to C

ircum

vent a C

artel: the U

S Experien

ce 29

Box 8. R

educin

g Fraud an

d Corru

ption in

Civil W

orks 31

Page 6: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Ackno

wled

gm

ents

Th

is report was au

thored by R

ichard M

essick (INT

) un

-der th

e direction of Leon

ard McC

arthy, Vice P

resident,

INT, an

d Galin

a Mikh

lin-O

liver, Director for Strategy

and C

ore Services, INT. V

aluable in

puts w

ere pro-vided by A

nders A

gerskov with

support from

Virgin

ia Fatou

rou-Papan

ikolaou, A

lba Struga, an

d Ath

ene A

. V

ila-Boteler of IN

T’s P

reventive Services U

nit.

Helpfu

l comm

ents an

d contribu

tions w

ere provided by colleagu

es across INT, in

cludin

g in particu

lar Stephen

Z

imm

erman

(INT

OP

), Jonath

an Sh

apiro (INT

OP

), Sim

on R

obertson (IN

TO

P), Leon

ard New

mark

(INT

OP

), Susan

Hu

me (IN

TSC

), An

nie Yau

(INT

SC),

and D

avid Bern

stein (IN

TSC

), and n

um

erous col-

leagues in

SDN

, OP

CS, th

e regions, LE

G, an

d GSD

,

inclu

ding M

arc Juh

el (TW

ITR

), Gou

tham

i Padam

(TW

ITR

), Hu

dayberdi Ah

medov (T

WIT

R), Pau

l B

ermin

gham

(OP

CO

S), Bern

ard Becq (O

PC

PR

), Maria

Van

nari (O

PC

PR

), Moses W

asike (OP

CFM

), Rich

ard A

. Calkin

s (Con

sultan

t), Jack Titsw

orth (O

PC

FM), Pat

Rogers (O

PC

CS), C

harles K

enny (C

enter for G

lobal D

evelopmen

t), Luc Lecu

it (EA

CT

F), Carolin

a Mon

salve (E

CSS5), B

ill Patterson (C

onsu

ltant), G

aël Raballan

d (A

FTP

R), D

onald M

phan

de (AFT

FM), T

ina Soreide

(U4), Steve B

urgess (E

AP

CO

), Joel Turkew

itz (EA

PV

P),

Ah

san A

li (EA

PP

R), C

ecilia D. V

ales (EA

PP

R), T

herese

Ballard (G

SDP

R), A

nton

io Capobian

co (OE

CD

), Ben

G

eiricke (EC

SSD), Fran

k Fariello (LEG

OP

), Row

ena M

. G

orospe (LE

GO

P), L

auren

ce Folliot Lalliot (L

EG

OP

), an

d An

eta K. W

ierzynska (C

onsu

ltant).

Page 7: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Simon Robertson/World Bank

Page 8: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Forew

ord

From earliest tim

es one of th

e strongest in

dicators of a society’s developm

ent h

as been its road in

frastructu

re, or lack th

ereof. At its h

eight, th

e Rom

an E

mpire repu

t-edly bu

ilt the best en

gineered an

d most com

plex road n

etwork w

orldwide. T

he O

ld Testamen

t also contain

s referen

ces to the an

cient K

ing’s H

ighway. C

orduroy

roads were bu

ilt in G

lastonbu

ry, En

gland in

3300 BC

w

ith street pavin

g going back to early hu

man

settlemen

t arou

nd 4000 B

C in

the In

dus V

alley on th

e Indian

sub-

contin

ent. O

ur h

istory speaks roads.

Well plan

ned, properly m

aintain

ed, and safe roads are

critical for econom

ic growth

and overcom

ing poverty

in developin

g coun

tries. Th

e roads sector has been

a m

ajor target for developmen

t fin

ancin

g over the en

tire h

istory of the W

orld Ban

k and rem

ains im

portant today.

Betw

een 2000 an

d 2010, the W

orld Ban

k comm

itted close to $56 billion

for road constru

ction an

d main

te-n

ance an

d expects to contin

ue its active su

pport for the

roads sector in its clien

t coun

tries for years to come.

Wh

ile roads projects supported by th

e World B

ank

Grou

p have h

ad consisten

tly positive developmen

t re-su

lts, dangers of frau

d, corruption

, and collu

sion plagu

e th

e sector worldw

ide. Th

ough

this is a problem

for both

developed and developin

g coun

tries it is mu

ch m

ore costly in

terms of opportu

nity costs an

d lost econom

ic grow

th for developin

g coun

tries. Given

the im

portance

of roads to the poor, th

is challen

ge is of special signifi

-can

ce to the W

orld Ban

k.

To help ou

r clients safegu

ard their roads projects from

frau

d, corruption

, and collu

sion, th

e World B

ank m

ust

be inn

ovative and learn

more system

atically from ou

r experien

ces and th

ose of our developm

ent partn

ers and

client cou

ntries. T

his report of th

e Preven

tive Services U

nit of th

e World B

ank’s In

tegrity Vice P

residency

(INT

) supports th

is effort by turn

ing both

the resu

lts of IN

T’s investigation

s and th

e experiences of developed

and developin

g coun

tries into practical advice abou

t a ran

ge of measu

res in order to stem

collusion

in ten

ders for roads con

tracts, and frau

d and corru

ption in

con-

tract execution

.

Ein

stein said, “W

e can’t solve problems by using the sam

e kind of thinking w

e used when w

e created them.” So w

e n

eed to revisit past practices, drawin

g on th

e know

ledge of th

ose on th

e groun

d in clien

t coun

tries.

Th

e report recognizes th

at condition

s across borrowin

g cou

ntries differ sign

ifican

tly, as they do in

developed cou

ntries, an

d that w

hat w

orks in on

e coun

try may n

ot in

anoth

er. Th

e measu

res we offer are n

ot panaceas, or

“cookbook” solution

s. Diagn

oses of the n

ature of th

e problem

s are importan

t in devisin

g possible solution

s. O

ur aim

is to spur dialogu

e amon

g all stakeholders on

h

ow to im

prove the w

ay the W

orld Ban

k and its clien

ts do bu

siness in

the roads sector.

Th

e bad new

s is that en

surin

g the in

tegrity of roads projects is a ch

allenge for m

any developed and devel-

oping cou

ntries sin

ce fraud, corru

ption an

d collusion

h

istorically prove resistant to easy treatm

ent or sim

ple solu

tions. T

he en

couragin

g new

s is that th

e coun

tries th

at are comm

itted to stampin

g out th

ese problems can

draw

upon

the learn

ing an

d successfu

l experiences of

Page 9: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

viii

many oth

ers. Th

e corrupt can

be bested. Fraud can

be thw

arted. Collu

ding n

etworks can

be coun

tered and

even broken

.

We w

ant th

is report to be a living docu

men

t, the breed-

ing grou

nd for n

ew solu

tions, as w

e seek to protect and

safeguard an

importan

t driver of growth

. Th

e World

Ban

k and oth

er developmen

t partners stan

d ready to h

elp.

Robert B

. Zoellick

May 2011

Page 10: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Executive Sum

mary

Becau

se an exten

sive, well m

aintain

ed netw

ork of roads is essen

tial for econom

ic developmen

t, road constru

c-tion

and m

ainten

ance projects h

ave been a m

ainstay of

the W

orld Ban

k’s lendin

g portfolio since its fou

ndin

g. T

his lon

g experience in

the roads sector is refl

ected in

favorable project evaluation

s. Th

e Ban

k’s Indepen

dent

Evaluation

Grou

p reports that roads an

d other tran

s-port projects con

sistently score h

igher on

measu

res of ou

tcomes, in

stitution

al developmen

t, and su

stainability

than

non

-transport projects an

d the B

ank’s Q

uality

Assu

rance G

roup h

as foun

d that roads projects are

well-su

pervised.

At th

e same tim

e, roads projects aroun

d the globe re-

main

plagued by frau

d, corruption

, and collu

sion. A

Tran

sparency In

ternation

al poll ranked con

struction

as th

e indu

stry most pron

e to corruption

and a su

rvey of in

ternation

al firm

s revealed that com

panies in

the

constru

ction in

dustry w

ere more likely th

an fi

rms in

any oth

er sector to have lost a con

tract because of bribery.

World B

ank-fi

nan

ced projects are not im

mu

ne. R

ough

ly on

e-fourth

of the 500 plu

s projects with

a Ban

k-fun

ded roads com

ponen

t approved over the past decade drew

on

e or more allegation

s of fraud, corru

ption, or collu

-sion

; to date, the B

ank’s In

tegrity Vice P

residency (IN

T)

has con

firm

ed allegations in

25 projects resultin

g in 29

cases of miscon

duct u

nder B

ank ru

les.

Th

e most com

mon

forms of w

rongdoin

g in th

ese 29 cases are collu

sion am

ong fi

rms biddin

g on a project

and frau

d and corru

ption in

the execu

tion of th

e re-su

lting con

tract. Th

e Ban

k has con

trols to reduce th

ese form

s of miscon

duct—

procurem

ent process review

s, fi

nan

cial audits, an

d field su

pervision—

and eviden

ce

suggests th

at losses in B

ank-fi

nan

ced programs are less

than

in th

ose not su

bject to Ban

k oversight. N

oneth

eless, for th

e developing cou

ntries of th

e world, any loss on

a road project, w

heth

er fun

ded by the W

orld Ban

k or not,

is un

acceptable.

Th

is report explores how

the W

orld Ban

k and develop-

ing n

ations can

reduce losses from

collusion

in procu

re-m

ent an

d fraud an

d corruption

in con

tract execution

, draw

ing on

wh

at INT

has learn

ed from its investiga-

tions of B

ank-fu

nded roads projects, investigation

s and

reports by borrowin

g coun

try governm

ents, an

d the

experience of developed cou

ntries. T

he aim

is twofold:

(a) to provide inpu

t into th

e World B

ank’s review

of its policies an

d processes as part of the on

going reform

of its bu

siness m

odel, and (b) to in

form a broader dialogu

e on

ways to preven

t collusion

in procu

remen

t, and frau

d an

d corruption

in con

tract execution

in all roads proj-

ects—n

o matter th

e fun

ding sou

rce.

Th

e report begins w

ith a review

of the fi

ndin

gs in 29

cases of miscon

duct in

World B

ank-fu

nded projects. It

follows w

ith an

analysis of th

e inciden

ce of collusion

in

procurem

ent in

non

-Ban

k projects and estim

ates of its im

pact on project price. It th

en exam

ines m

easures

developed coun

tries have taken

to attack collusion

and

suggests h

ow th

ey can be adapted to th

e environm

ent

in developin

g coun

tries. Some steps w

ill be the sam

e regard

less of the cou

ntry con

text. A cou

ntry sh

ould h

ave law

s penalizin

g bid rigging, m

arket division, an

d other

forms of collu

sive behavior alon

g with

the com

mitm

ent

and capacity to en

force them

. Oth

er steps will depen

d u

pon th

e market con

ditions an

d other cou

ntry-specifi

c circu

mstan

ces and risks.

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

x

Some cou

ntries m

ay wish

to limit su

bcontractin

g or revise th

e rules govern

ing h

ow fi

rms qu

alify to bid on

con

tracts. Oth

er coun

tries may d

ecide th

at more sign

if-ican

t chan

ges in p

rocurem

ent p

rocedu

res are required

. T

he rep

ort suggests th

at in con

siderin

g such

reforms,

trade-offs m

ay be required

to ensu

re that th

e values of

transp

arency, cap

acity-build

ing th

rough

subcon

tract-in

g, and

other goals are p

ursu

ed in

a man

ner th

at does

not in

advertently lim

it comp

etition by facilitatin

g collu

sion.

Wh

ile preventin

g fraud an

d corruption

durin

g the ex-

ecution

of a road contract sh

ould be everybody’s job,

the stan

dard road contract u

sed by the W

orld Ban

k and

most developin

g coun

tries assigns th

is responsibility

to the con

sultin

g engin

eer. Th

e engin

eer approves all paym

ent requ

ests and ch

ange orders, en

surin

g in every

instan

ce that th

e road is built accordin

g to specification

s an

d that valu

e for mon

ey is received. Th

e engin

eer is thu

s the gu

ardian of project in

tegrity. In W

orld Ban

k-su

pported projects, how

ever, INT

has fou

nd in

stances

wh

ere the en

gineer w

as asleep at the post an

d others

wh

ere the post w

as altogether deserted. Stren

gthen

ing

the en

gineer, ch

angin

g the in

centives faced on

the

job, or even retain

ing a secon

d guardian

to guard th

e fi

rst guardian

are some of th

e suggestion

s the report

advances.

A n

eed to appoint som

eone to gu

ard the gu

ardian is

a sign of a system

ic problem an

d INT

’s fin

dings ech

o earlier reports by govern

men

ts, NG

Os, academ

ics, and

donor agen

cies; collusion

and corru

ption are som

etimes

deeply ingrain

ed in th

e roads sector. Th

e schem

es may

involve not on

ly firm

s but roads agen

cy personn

el and

even sen

ior officials. In

these later cases, th

e system feeds

off itself. Th

e high

er the collu

ders raise the price, th

e m

ore they can

pay in bribes an

d kickbacks. Th

e more

they pay, th

e more th

ey have to ch

eat the govern

men

t to m

ake a profit. T

he m

ore corruption

, the m

ore all w

rongdoers stan

d to gain. T

hus all h

ave a shared in

terest in

busin

ess as usu

al.

Wh

en collu

sion or corru

ption is system

ic, chan

ge requ

ires breaking th

e cycle of abuse by brin

ging in

som

eone from

the ou

tside—a prosecu

tion service, an

ti-corru

ption agen

cy, competition

law au

thority, su

preme

audit in

stitution

, or, in th

e case of a local governm

ent,

the n

ational govern

men

t. If senior offi

cials are involved, in

troducin

g an ou

tsider can be particu

larly challen

ging.

Wh

en corru

ption is deeply in

grained, sh

ort-term pallia-

tives, such

as an in

dependen

t procurem

ent evalu

ator or tech

nical au

ditor, may be th

e answ

er. More drastic m

ea-su

res may also be requ

ired and th

e report reviews th

ree: th

e use of bid ceilin

gs, competitive n

egotiation, an

d tu

rnin

g procurem

ent over to an

indepen

dent agen

t.

Not all corru

ption is system

ic, and thu

s not all reform

s requ

ire such

signifi

cant steps. In

the W

orld Ban

k-su

pported Bali U

rban Infrastructure Project, th

e cir-cu

lation of ten

der notices to fi

rms in

other provin

ces defeated a local biddin

g ring. In

the P

hilippin

es, civil society m

onitors u

ncovered corru

pt schem

es in a variety

of governm

ent con

tracts, and in

the secon

d phase of th

e N

ational Road Im

provement and M

anagement P

roject, civil society grou

ps will m

onitor all ph

ases of the w

ork.

Th

e report suggests th

at, in addition

to expandin

g proj-ect-level preven

tive measu

res, more atten

tion sh

ould

be paid to project supervision

, especially in h

igh-risk

environm

ents, w

ith a particu

lar focus on

verification

of cost estim

ates and th

e identifi

cation of collu

sive bid-din

g. A review

of the W

orld Ban

k’s supervision

strategy for roads projects m

ay also be in order, som

ethin

g that

migh

t inclu

de ensu

ring th

at seasoned road en

gineers are

available to assist clients an

d enh

ance tech

nical su

pervi-sion

of the projects.

Non

e of the steps recom

men

ded are costless, but th

e losses from

collusion

, corruption

, and frau

d can be su

b-stan

tial. Th

is report seeks to spur a dialogu

e inside an

d ou

tside the W

orld Ban

k on h

ow to m

ore effectively com-

bat collusion

, fraud an

d corruption

and thu

s produce

better developmen

t outcom

es.

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Introd

uction

Th

e World B

ank’s In

tegrity Vice-P

residency investigates

miscon

duct in

Ban

k-fun

ded projects and advises W

orld B

ank staff an

d borrowin

g coun

try personn

el on corru

p-tion

prevention

measu

res. Wh

en IN

T fi

nds m

iscondu

ct in

a World B

ank-fu

nded project, th

e Ban

k can bar th

e fi

rms or in

dividuals involved from

bidding on

futu

re W

orld Ban

k-fin

anced con

tracts. It can also provide in

-form

ation to n

ational law

enforcem

ent au

thorities in

the

coun

try or coun

tries wh

ere the m

iscondu

ct occurred or

wh

ere the com

panies or in

dividuals reside for possible

crimin

al prosecution

. Its preventive u

nit distills investi-

gative fin

dings in

to them

atic reports like this an

d other

docum

ents th

at it shares w

ith W

orld Ban

k staff and bor-

rowin

g coun

try personn

el to help th

em redu

ce miscon

-du

ct in fu

ture projects.

Wh

ile docum

entin

g cases of miscon

duct, IN

T often

learn

s of corrupt sch

emes prevalen

t in a cou

ntry or

across an en

tire indu

stry. For example, IN

T’s investiga-

tion in

to the P

hilippin

e First National R

oad Improvem

ent and M

anagement P

roject revealed practices that in

flated

highw

ay constru

ction costs th

rough

out th

e nation

. INT

also fou

nd eviden

ce of schem

es involving bribery an

d siph

onin

g of fun

ds durin

g contract execu

tion in

roads projects in

Ban

gladesh, C

ambodia, In

dia, Indon

esia, the

Ph

ilippines, an

d Senegal.

Develo

pm

ent Imp

act of R

oad

s

In th

e period 2000–2010, the W

orld Ban

k lent close to

$56 billion for road con

struction

and m

ainten

ance—

sligh

tly less than

20 percent of th

e Ban

k’s total lendin

g over th

e past decade. Lendin

g for roads constitu

tes a

signifi

cant portion

of the W

orld Ban

k’s portfolio for good reason

: an exten

sive and w

ell-main

tained n

etwork

of primary, secon

dary, and feeder roads is critical for

econom

ic growth

and poverty alleviation

. As th

e Ban

k’s tran

sport strategy for 2008–2012 explains, “B

ecause of

their h

igh an

d diverse fun

ctionality an

d wide ran

ge of ben

eficiaries, roads h

ave become an

essential com

ponen

t of all n

ational tran

sport systems, u

sually con

sum

ing

the greatest proportion

of public an

d private invest-m

ent resou

rces in both

infrastru

cture an

d services” (W

orld Ban

k 2008a, 48). A cross-cou

ntry an

alysis done

for the 1994 W

orld Developm

ent R

eport confi

rms th

e im

portance of roads for developm

ent, fi

ndin

g a strong

and con

sistent lin

ear relationsh

ip between

the exten

t of a cou

ntry’s road n

etwork an

d its level of developmen

t (W

orld Ban

k 1994, 16).

Cou

ntry-level stu

dies also show

the developm

ent im

pact of road con

struction

. In ru

ral India, road investm

ent

sharply boosted agricu

ltural produ

ctivity and grow

th

(Fan, H

azell, and T

horat 1999). In

Ch

ina an

d Th

ailand,

road investmen

ts contribu

ted signifi

cantly to grow

th in

both

farm an

d non

-farm ou

tput (Fan

et al. 2000, 2002, 2004), a fi

ndin

g recently replicated in

Ugan

da (Gollin

an

d Rogerson

2010). In M

exico, increases in

investmen

t in

roads led to a strong an

d positive increase in

labor produ

ctivity (Deich

man

n et al. 2002). A

n an

alysis from

the U

nited States poin

ted to the steep declin

e in pu

blic spen

ding on

road infrastru

cture as th

e likely cause of a

fall-off in produ

ctivity in m

anu

facturin

g in th

e 1970s (Fern

ald 1999).

Road

s projects are an

imp

ortant p

art of the W

orld

Ban

k’s portfolio becau

se, as the B

ank’s In

dep

end

ent

I

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

2

Evaluation

Grou

p h

as observed, th

e poor are often

their

prim

e benefi

ciary (World

Ban

k 2007, 4). In E

thiop

ia, access to all-w

eather road

s redu

ced p

overty by almost

seven p

ercent an

d in

creased con

sum

ption

growth

by 16.3 p

ercent (D

ercon et al. 1998). A

hm

ed an

d H

ossain

(1990) foun

d th

at better road access by th

e rural p

oor in

Ban

gladesh

increased

hou

sehold

incom

e from both

w

ages and

micro-bu

siness earn

ings. In

rural V

ietnam

, th

e poor rep

orted th

at the greatest ben

efit th

ey real-ized

from im

proved

access to roads w

as edu

cational;

child

ren w

ere able to attend

school year-rou

nd

(Songco

2002). An

assessmen

t of a World

Ban

k-fun

ded

road

project in

Morocco fou

nd

that it n

ot only boosted

pro-

du

ctivity and

encou

raged th

e plan

ting of h

igher-valu

e crop

s but also im

proved

access to health

services and

in

creased sch

ool attend

ance levels (K

han

dker, L

avy, and

Film

er 1994).

Becau

se road

s projects are esp

ecially imp

ortant for

poverty red

uction

, the im

pact of frau

d, corru

ption

, and

collusion

in su

ch p

rojects is of special sign

ifican

ce to th

e World

Ban

k. Evid

ence gath

ered by IN

T sh

ows th

at th

is imp

act can be qu

ite substan

tial. In th

e Cam

bodia P

rovincial R

ural In

frastructu

re Project, collu

sion sh

arply

infl

ated con

struction

costs. In In

don

esia, the u

se of su

bstand

ard con

struction

materials red

uced

the u

se-fu

l life of a road

and

dam

aged th

e vehicles u

sing it.

Accord

ing to tru

cking association

represen

tatives in

Ban

gladesh

, poorly m

aintain

ed ro

ads h

alve the u

se-fu

l life of mem

bers’ vehicles. IN

T also saw

contractors

fraud

ulen

tly failing to com

ply w

ith su

ch essen

tial safety featu

res as lane m

arkings, resu

lting in

a sharp

ly in-

creased risk of accid

ents.

On

e of the ch

allenges in

preven

ting frau

d, corru

p-

tion, an

d collu

sion in

the road

s sector is that th

ere are so m

any ways th

ey can seep

into th

e process

of design

ing, ten

derin

g, and

man

aging con

struc-

tion con

tracts (Patterson an

d C

hau

dh

uri 2007). T

he

2006 Project A

pp

raisal Docu

men

t for the Paraguay

BOX 1

Wo

rld B

ank Defi

nitions o

f Misco

nduct

The Wo

rld B

ank deb

ars any contracto

r found

to have eng

aged

in one o

r mo

re of the fo

llow

ing fo

rms o

f m

iscond

uct on a B

ank-funded

contract:

Co

rrupt p

ractice: offering

, giving

, receiving o

r soliciting

, directly o

r indirectly, o

f anything o

f value to influence

imp

rop

erly the actions o

f another p

arty.

Fraudulent p

ractice: any act or o

missio

n, including

a misrep

resentation, that kno

wing

ly or recklessly m

isleads,

or attem

pts to

mislead

, a party to

ob

tain a financial or o

ther benefit o

r to avo

id an o

blig

ation.

Co

llusive practice: an arrang

ement b

etween tw

o o

r mo

re parties d

esigned

to achieve an im

pro

per p

urpo

se, includ

ing to

influence imp

rop

erly the actions o

f another p

arty.

Co

ercive practice: im

pairing

or harm

ing, o

r threatening to

imp

air or harm

, directly o

r indirectly, any p

arty or

the pro

perty o

f the party to

influence imp

rop

erly the actions o

f a party.

Ob

structive practice: d

eliberately d

estroying

, falsifying, altering

or co

ncealing o

f evidence m

aterial to the

investigatio

n or m

aking false statem

ents to investig

ators in o

rder to

materially im

ped

e a Bank investig

ation

into alleg

ations o

f a corrup

t, fraudulent, co

ercive or co

llusive practice; and

/or threatening

, harassing o

r intim

idating

any party to

prevent it fro

m d

isclosing

its know

ledg

e of m

atters relevant to the investig

ation o

r fro

m p

ursuing the investig

ation, o

r acts intended

to m

aterially imp

ede the exercise o

f the Bank’s insp

ection

and aud

it rights.

Source: W

orld

Bank (2006a).

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Intro

du

ction

3

Road M

aintenance Project id

entifi

ed 36 areas at risk

of corrup

tion in

the d

esign, p

lann

ing, aw

ard, an

d

man

agemen

t of a roads con

tract and

recomm

end

ed

mon

itoring 59 d

ifferent in

dicators (W

orld B

ank 2006b,

146–154). Wh

ile in an

ideal w

orld borrow

ing cou

n-

try person

nel overseein

g roads p

rojects wou

ld w

atch

everythin

g everywh

ere always, tim

e and

other resou

rces are lim

ited. T

he aim

of this rep

ort is to help

policym

ak-ers p

rioritize oversight resou

rces by iden

tifying recu

r-rin

g forms of m

iscond

uct in

roads p

rojects that cau

se sign

ifican

t harm

and

suggestin

g measu

res to redu

ce or elim

inate th

em.

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Wo

rld B

ank Investigative Find

ings

A review

of INT

cases in th

e last ten years provides criti-

cal insigh

ts into th

e natu

re of the problem

s that m

ay arise in

roads projects in term

s of the variou

s forms of

fraud, corru

ption an

d collusion

, and th

e World B

ank’s

ability to detect, investigate, and san

ction su

ch m

is-con

duct. T

his data can

inform

and gu

ide the reform

s u

nderw

ay in th

e Ban

k’s busin

ess model an

d the related

policies and processes. G

iven its lim

itations, h

owever,

this data can

not be u

sed to extrapolate the scale of th

e problem

. Moreover, m

any of the preven

tive measu

res bein

g introdu

ced in projects are relatively recen

t and

their im

pact and cost effectiven

ess require close observa-

tion an

d adaptation.

In th

e 10-year period July 1, 1999, to Ju

ne 30, 2009,

INT

foun

d miscon

duct in

25 World B

ank-fu

nded roads

projects. Sanction

s were im

posed in ten

cases and pro-

ceedings are pen

ding in

anoth

er five. San

ctions w

ere not

pursu

ed in th

e remain

der for one of several reason

s: the

governm

ent h

ad already imposed effective pen

alties, the

evidence w

as too dated or was in

suffi

cient, or th

e sever-ity of th

e violation did n

ot merit th

e comm

itmen

t of re-sou

rces required to see th

e matter th

rough

the san

ctions

process. Th

ere were also in

stances w

hen

the pu

rsuit of

sanction

s wou

ld have requ

ired revealing in

formation

th

at was obtain

ed in con

fiden

ce or that m

ight pu

t wit-

nesses in

jeopardy

All cases th

at result in

sanction

s are in th

e public do-

main

and su

mm

aries are posted on IN

T’s w

ebsite (w

ww

.worldbank.org/integrity). Table 1 lists th

e ten roads

cases by coun

try with

a brief description of th

e project, its dates of operation

, and th

e principal form

s of mis-

condu

ct foun

d. More th

an on

e case may arise from

a

single project or m

iscondu

ct on separate projects m

ay be treated as a sin

gle case. Thu

s, for ease of reference, cases

in th

e table are separated by high

lightin

g. Cases w

here

proceedings are pen

ding or w

here san

ctions w

ere not

sough

t remain

confi

dential. Table 2 provides a gen

eral description

of each of th

ese 19.

Th

e data in th

e two tables m

ust be in

terpreted with

care:

Th

e 29 cases arising from

the 25 projects w

ere open

ed on th

e basis of complain

ts INT

received, not

as the resu

lt of drawin

g a representative sam

ple of th

e 540 projects with

a road compon

ent approved

durin

g this period. T

herefore, n

o inferen

ce about

the in

cidence or degree of frau

d, corruption

, or col-lu

sion in

the W

orld Ban

k’s roads portfolio can be

drawn

from th

ese data alone.

Th

e fact that som

e coun

tries have m

ore cases than

oth

ers does not n

ecessarily mean

there is m

ore frau

d, corruption

, and collu

sion in

their roads sec-

tor than

in th

e roads sector in oth

er coun

tries. Cases

vary signifi

cantly in

scope and, as n

oted above, th

ere are instan

ces wh

ere miscon

duct on

separate projects w

as lum

ped together in

a single case an

d oth

ers wh

ere more th

an on

e case arose from a sin

gle project.T

he data do n

ot capture all attem

pts to corrupt th

e procu

remen

t process. Depen

ding u

pon risk levels

and n

ational procu

remen

t capacity, a certain per-

centage of con

tracts in every B

ank-fu

nded project is

reviewed. B

ecause roads projects are con

sidered high

risk for corru

ption, th

e World B

ank’s procu

remen

t specialists review

a large nu

mber of con

tracts in

these projects an

d have u

ncovered efforts to falsify

II

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

6

a bidder’s prior experience, fi

nan

cial strength

, and

other qu

alification

s; the su

bmission

of fraudu

lent

bid securities; an

d bidding pattern

s that su

ggest collu

sion. W

hen

miscon

duct is su

spected, remedial

action can

be taken on

the spot. IN

T is also n

oti-fi

ed and depen

ding on

its priorities, may open

an

investigation. IN

T data thu

s does not captu

re all

instan

ces of miscon

duct in

World B

ank-fu

nded

projects or remedies applied to address it.

Despite th

e caveats, these 29 cases do provide im

por-tan

t insigh

ts into m

iscondu

ct in W

orld Ban

k-fun

ded roads projects. T

hey sh

ow fi

rst the differen

t ways in

w

hich

World B

ank staff eith

er discover or learn of th

e

TABLE 1

Misco

nduct C

ases in Wo

rld B

ank Ro

ads P

rojects: Sanctio

ns Imp

osed

Co

untryP

roject

Pro

ject d

atesC

ollusio

nFraud

in im

plem

entation

False d

ocum

ents

Bang

ladesh

Third R

oad

Rehab

ilitation and

M

aintenance: One co

ntract for

supervisio

n of ro

ad reco

nstruction.

1997–2005

Third R

oad

Rehab

ilitation and

M

aintenance: One co

ntract for d

esign

and sup

ervision o

f feeder ro

ads.

1997–2005

Cam

bo

dia

Provincial R

ural Infrastructure: Seventeen ro

ad rehab

ilitation co

ntracts, total $8.9

millio

n.

2003–2010

India

And

hra Pradesh State H

ighw

ay: Two

co

ntracts for ro

ad w

idening

and

strengthening

of hig

hways, to

tal $91 m

illion.

1997–2004

Indo

nesiaSum

atra Reg

ion R

oad

s: Twenty-tw

o ro

ad

rehabilitatio

n contracts, rang

ing fro

m

$56,025 to $614,415.

1997–2005

Second

Sulawesi U

rban D

evelop

ment:

One co

ntract to refurb

ish road

s in villag

es, $18,300.

1997–2002

Second

Sulawesi U

rban D

evelop

ment:

One co

ntract to o

versee desig

n eng

ineering w

ork, $320,000.

Kenya

Urb

an Transpo

rt Infrastructure: A co

ntract to

build

a GIS d

atabase o

f urban ro

ad

inventory and

cond

ition survey, $2.7

millio

n.

1993–2005*

Philipp

inesFirst N

ational R

oad

Imp

rovem

ent and

Manag

ement: Tw

o co

ntracts to

rehabilitate and

upg

rade ro

ads and

b

ridg

es, $33.2 millio

n.

1999–2007

Senegal

Urb

an Develo

pm

ent and D

ecentralization

Prog

ram: Tw

o ro

ad rehab

ilitation

contracts, $99,270 and

$133,440.

1997–2004

Urb

an Mo

bility Im

pro

vement: Three

contracts fo

r road

constructio

n wo

rks.2000–2008

Key:

violatio

n substantiated

; * violatio

n reasonab

ly suspected

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Wo

rld B

an

k Inve

stiga

tive F

ind

ing

s

7

TABLE 2

Misco

nduct C

ases in Wo

rld B

ank Ro

ads P

rojects: Sanctio

ns Pend

ing o

r No

t Soug

ht

Reg

ion

Pro

ject descrip

tion

Pro

ject d

atesC

ollusio

nFraud

ulentIm

plem

entation

False d

ocum

entation

Africa,

Eastern

Euro

pe,

Central

Asia

Wo

rks and E

mp

loym

ent: One co

ntract fo

r prep

aration o

f tender d

ocum

ents for

paving

three streets, two

for technical

studies, and

one fo

r road

pavem

ent sup

ervision, to

tal $57,634.

2000–2007

Transpo

rt Develo

pm

ent: One ro

ad

rehabilitatio

n contract, $7.5 m

illion.

2005–2010

Ro

ads Im

pro

vement Pro

ject. Co

ntract to

imp

rove m

ajor hig

hway, U

S$24 m

illion.

2006–2013

Municip

al Develo

pm

ent: Co

ntract to

rehabilitate fo

ur city streets, $727,000.2002–2007

*

East &

So

uth Asia

Transpo

rt: Three contracts fo

r rehab

ilitating flo

od

-dam

aged

road

s, each $2.5 m

illion.

1998–2005

Transpo

rt: One co

ntract for sup

ply and

installatio

n of eq

uipm

ent, $128,700.1998–2005

Infrastructure Develo

pm

ent Fourteen

contracts fo

r repair o

f floo

d-d

amag

ed

road

s, $35 millio

n total.

1997–2007

Rehab

ilitation: Tw

o ro

ad rehab

ilitation

contracts, $83,524 and

$69,261.2001–2005

Ro

ad Im

pro

vement: Six co

ntracts for

wid

ening and

strengthening

highw

ays.2001–2008

Reg

ional R

oad

s: Three maintenance

contacts, rang

ing fro

m $83,853 to

$267,005.

Urb

an Develo

pm

ent: One co

ntract to

refurbish ro

ads in villag

es, $13,700.

Urb

an Develo

pm

ent: One co

ntract to

refurbish ro

ads in villag

es, $16,000.

Urb

an Develo

pm

ent: Co

ntract for

ped

estrian road

imp

rovem

ent, $120,000.

Ro

ads Infrastructure: A

contract

for co

nsulting services fo

r pro

ject p

reparatio

n, $2.89 millio

n.R

egio

nal Transpo

rt: One training

co

ntract and o

ne desig

n and

supervisio

n contract, $2.7 m

illion to

tal.

2001–20092001–2009

Reg

ional Transp

ort: Tw

o co

ntracts to

build

two

road

s, $14.5 millio

n total.

(continued

on next p

age)

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

8

miscon

duct. In

eight in

stances, th

e World B

ank w

as alerted by com

petitors of the fi

rms san

ctioned; in

an-

other seven

Ban

k staff discovered the m

iscondu

ct; in

five eviden

ce was u

ncovered in

the cou

rse of a fidu

ciary review

jointly con

ducted by IN

T an

d regional staff; bor-

rowin

g coun

try officials fl

agged suspiciou

s activity in

three an

d the su

pervising en

gineer in

two.

Th

ese data also show

the types of m

iscondu

ct most

often fou

nd in

World B

ank-fu

nded projects. In

the 29

cases the th

ree most com

mon

forms w

ere:

Collusion—

bidders agreed amon

g them

selves wh

o w

ould w

in th

e bid (see Box 2).

False documentation—

typically, the su

bmission

of false docu

men

ts to qualify to bid.

Fraud in the implem

entation of a contract—u

sually

overbilling or u

ndersu

pplying m

aterials durin

g con-

tract execution

, often w

ith th

e conn

ivance of project

overseers.

As th

e tables indicate, in

many cases m

ore than

one

type of miscon

duct w

as substan

tiated; for example, in

th

e Cam

bodian P

rovincial Rural Infrastructure P

roject, IN

T docu

men

ted all three. A

cross all 29 cases, INT

sub-

stantiated ten

instan

ces of collusion

and h

ad reasonable

groun

ds to believe it was presen

t in fou

r more projects.

It also substan

tiated 11 instan

ces of fraudu

lent docu

-m

ents an

d nin

e of fraud du

ring con

tract execution

.

Other form

s of miscon

duct w

ere less comm

on. In

a proj-ect in

Asia IN

T u

ncovered eviden

ce that officials of the

project overseeing the m

inistry had hidden

interests in

the w

inn

ing bidder; kickbacks to career govern

men

t em-

ployees, elected officials, political parties, or som

e combi-

nation

were alleged in

several projects in Sou

th and E

ast A

sia and Latin

Am

erica. Two W

orld Ban

k staff skimm

ed

(continued

)

BOX 2

Co

llusion and

Cartels

Co

llusion

refers to

any

com

binatio

n o

r ag

reement—

no m

atter how

inform

al—am

ong

sellers, to

raise or fix p

rices or rig

bid

s or to

red

uce o

utput

in o

rder

to

increase p

rofits.

Altho

ugh the term

cartel is often used

when the

collusive arrang

ement is a fo

rmal ag

reement,

the econo

mic effects o

f collusio

n and cartels

are the

same.

In line

with

usage

in m

any O

EC

D

countries,

this p

aper

uses the

terms

interchangeab

ly.

Source: O

EC

D (1990).

TABLE 2

Misco

nduct C

ases in Wo

rld B

ank Ro

ads P

rojects: Sanctio

ns Pend

ing o

r No

t Soug

ht

Reg

ion

Pro

ject descrip

tion

Pro

ject d

atesC

ollusio

nFraud

ulentIm

plem

entation

False d

ocum

entation

Hig

hways M

anagem

ent: One

consultancy co

ntract for the

develo

pm

ent and im

plem

entation o

f a C

entral Ro

ads D

atabase System

, a B

ridg

e Manag

ement System

and a

Ro

ad M

aintenance System, $2.5 m

illion.

2002–2013*

Latin A

merica

Rural Investm

ent: Eleven ro

ad and

one

brid

ge rehab

ilitation co

ntract, ranging

fro

m $30,000 to

$300,000.

1998–2006*

*

Ro

ad R

ehabilitatio

n and M

aintenance: Fifty-fo

ur contracts fo

r maintenance o

f ro

ads, rang

ing fro

m $6,200 to

$47,000.

1998–2005

Ro

ad R

ehabilitatio

n and M

aintenance: O

ne contract fo

r supp

ly and transp

ort

of co

bb

lestones, $2.7 m

illion.

2006–2011

Key:

violatio

n substantiated

; * violatio

n reasonab

ly suspected

.

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Wo

rld B

an

k Inve

stiga

tive F

ind

ing

s

9

fun

ds from a project in

Africa an

d were su

bsequen

tly dism

issed and then

prosecuted by n

ational au

thorities.

As th

e sections below

demon

strate, INT

’s fin

dings

are consisten

t with

the m

ost comm

on in

tegrity risks

affecting roads projects in

developing an

d developed cou

ntries. B

etter un

derstandin

g of these risks sh

ould

enable th

e World B

ank an

d its borrowers to detect an

d address th

em m

ore effectively.

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Page 22: Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sectordocuments.worldbank.org/curated/en/... · Curbing Fraud, Corruption, and Collusion in the Roads Sector x. Some countries

Co

llusion in R

oad

Tenders

Th

e World B

ank’s m

andate requ

ires that it give “du

e at-ten

tion to con

siderations of econ

omy an

d efficien

cy” w

hen

fun

ding a project; its P

rocurem

ent G

uidelin

es th

erefore require th

at, in all bu

t a few n

arrowly cir-

cum

scribed instan

ces, the con

tracts it fin

ances be let

competitively (W

orld Ban

k 2010a, 7). In roads projects,

competition

most com

mon

ly takes the form

of a one-

stage sealed-bid auction

. Th

e agency respon

sible for the

project prepares a description of th

e work requ

ired and

solicits bids from eligible fi

rms. B

ids are kept confi

den-

tial un

til a specified day, w

hen

they are open

ed in pu

blic an

d the bidder offerin

g the low

est price is declared the

win

ner. W

hen

bidders have equ

al access to inform

a-tion

about th

e proposed work an

d compete w

ith on

e an

other to w

in th

e tender, th

is meth

od of awardin

g con-

tracts produces econ

omy an

d efficien

cy (Milgrom

2004; M

cAfee an

d McM

illan 1987).

Evidence gath

ered by INT, h

owever, su

ggests that road

contract aw

ards are not alw

ays the resu

lt of competition

. For exam

ple, Ban

k-fun

ded roads contracts requ

ire a bid-der to su

bmit a bill of qu

antities, a docu

men

t show

ing

the m

aterials, equipm

ent, an

d labor it expects to use to

build th

e road along w

ith th

eir costs. In a com

petitive m

arket, a bidder calculates u

nit prices for each

item on

th

e basis of its cost structu

re, estimates th

e amou

nts

required, an

d arrives at its bid price. Bu

t in a series of

contracts in

an A

sian cou

ntry IN

T fou

nd an

omalies an

d in

consisten

cies in u

nit costs an

d totals for line item

s that

show

ed that bidders h

ad worked backw

ards from a pre-

determin

ed price.

In an

investigation in

Ban

gladesh, eviden

ce show

ed th

at compan

ies paid project officials u

p to 15 percent

of the con

tract value in

exchan

ge for contract aw

ards. A

Kenyan

inform

ant said th

at “collusion

was rife” in

the

nation’s roads sector, an

allegation later con

firm

ed by the

Kenyan

Roads A

uth

ority and th

e Kenyan

An

ticorruption

C

omm

ission (G

overnm

ent of K

enya 2007, 2004). After

interview

ing several fi

rms an

d governm

ent offi

cials in

Cam

bodia, INT

investigators conclu

ded that th

ere were

strong in

dications th

at “a well-establish

ed cartel,” aided an

d abetted by governm

ent offi

cials, controlled th

e aw

ard of roads contracts. In

the P

hilippin

es, “Nu

merou

s w

itnesses in

dependen

tly inform

ed INT

investigators th

at a well-organ

ized cartel, man

aged by contractors

with

support from

governm

ent offi

cials, improperly in

-fl

uen

ced [Departm

ent of P

ublic W

orks and H

ighways]

contract aw

ards and set in

flated prices on

projects fun

d-ed by th

e Ban

k and oth

ers.” (World B

ank n

.d., 3) On

e In

donesian

responden

t explained th

at “the In

donesian

collu

sive system h

ad been operatin

g for 32 years, and

many view

ed the ‘free m

arket’ system as cou

nter to th

e cu

ltural n

orm of con

sensu

s and cooperation

,” a state-m

ent con

sistent w

ith reports by In

donesia’s com

petition

law au

thority (Soem

ardi 2010) and sch

olarly research

(Van

Klin

ken an

d Aspin

al (2011).

Besides th

ese examples, som

e INT

cases labeled “false docu

men

tation” in th

e tables may be th

e result of col-

lusion

as well. In

a project in E

astern E

urope, a W

orld B

ank procu

remen

t specialist alerted INT

to a pattern in

th

e bids on a street reh

abilitation con

tract that su

ggested bid riggin

g. Th

e cost figu

res in th

e bids subm

itted by th

e only tw

o firm

s competin

g were virtu

ally identical—

down

to the sam

e typos in both

. Th

e only differen

ce in

the tw

o bids was th

e total price: one w

as 1 percent

below th

e engin

eering cost estim

ate, and th

e other w

as

III

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

12

1 percent h

igher. W

hile IN

T cou

ld not su

bstantiate col-

lusion

in th

is case, it did fin

d that th

e high

bidder had

provided a false bid security. W

hen

firm

s have agreed

in advan

ce wh

ich on

e will “w

in” the con

tract, the des-

ignated losers frequ

ently su

bmit h

igher “cover bids”

to camou

flage th

e agreemen

t (Khu

malo, N

qojela, and

Njsan

e 2009) Furth

er, because ban

ks charge for issu

ing

a bid security, cover bidders often

falsify the secu

rity to save m

oney. C

ollusion

was also likely in

a case in Latin

A

merica in

wh

ich th

ree firm

s that su

bmitted low

bids on

a contract w

ere disqualifi

ed for reasons th

at INT

su

spected were aim

ed at keeping n

ew en

trants ou

t, a com

mon

strategy for preserving a bid-riggin

g schem

e (Lam

bert-Mogilian

sky forthcom

ing).

How

comm

on is collu

sion in

roads projects? Neith

er the

data in IN

T fi

les nor in

formation

from any oth

er source

can provide a defi

nitive an

swer. B

ut th

e INT

fin

dings,

considered w

ith th

e results of oth

er case studies of th

e roads sector in

developing cou

ntries, th

e experience in

developed cou

ntries, an

d cartel theory, su

ggest that col-

lusion

in roads projects in

developed and developin

g cou

ntries is sign

ifican

t.

A. E

vidence fro

m N

on-B

ank Pro

jects

Staff of the O

verseas Develop

men

t Institu

te reported

evid

ence of an

ind

ustry-w

ide cartel to fi

x prices on

road

s contracts in

Ugan

da (B

ooth an

d G

olooba-Mu

teb

2009). In Tan

zania, a review

by a former P

rime M

inister

disclosed

an in

du

stry-wid

e cartel in th

e roads sec-

tor (Govern

men

t of Tanzan

ia 1996). In 2005 In

dian

D

epu

ty Govern

men

t Secretary Sanjeet Sin

gh told

p

articipan

ts at an in

ternation

al conferen

ce that car-

tels in th

e roads sector op

erated in

various In

dian

states (Sin

gh 2005). A

joint stu

dy by the G

overnm

ent

of Nep

al, the A

sian D

evelopm

ent B

ank, th

e U.K

.’s D

epartm

ent for In

ternation

al Develop

men

t, and

the

World

Ban

k conclu

ded

that in

recent years n

o tend

er in

the N

epalese con

struction

ind

ustry h

ad been

free of collu

sion (G

overnm

ent of N

epal 2009). A

statisti-cal an

alysis of bids in

road ten

ders by th

e Lith

uan

ian

comp

etition agen

cy strongly su

ggested collu

sion am

ong

firm

s there (G

overnm

ent of L

ithu

ania 2008); a 2009

World

Ban

k study of p

ublic p

rocurem

ent in

Arm

enia

noted

wid

espread

reports of collu

sion in

tend

ering

(World

Ban

k 2009b); and

in 2005 th

e Slovakia An

ti-M

onop

oly Offi

ce un

covered a cartel am

ong road

con-

struction

firm

s (Govern

men

t of Slovakia 2005). At th

e 9

th Global Foru

m on

Com

petition

in 2010, th

e govern-

men

ts of Colu

mbia, Peru

, Pakistan, an

d Tu

rkey all re-p

orted th

at cartels were op

erating in

their road

s sector (O

EC

D 2010a).

B. C

artel Theory

It is not su

rprising th

at cartels are comm

on in

the road

constru

ction in

dustry in

developing cou

ntries. R

oad

BOX 3

Ten Indicato

rs of C

ollusive B

idd

ing

1. N

umb

er of co

ntract award

s to a sp

ecific firm2.

Project b

id tab

ulations

3. Firm

s that subm

itted a b

id later b

ecame a sub

contracto

r on that p

roject

4. R

otatio

n of firm

s that are the low

bid

der

5. A

consistent p

ercentage d

ifferential betw

een the firms’ b

ids

6. A

specific p

ercentage o

f the available w

ork in a g

eog

raphic area g

oes to

one firm

or to

several firms o

ver a p

eriod

of tim

e7.

A co

nsistent percentag

e differential b

etween the lo

w b

id and

the engineer’s estim

ate8.

Locatio

n of the lo

w b

idd

er’s firm versus lo

cation o

f the second

and third

low

bid

ders’ firm

s9.

Variations in unit b

id p

rices subm

itted b

y a bid

der o

n different p

rojects in the sam

e setting10.

Num

ber o

f firms that req

uested b

id p

ackages versus the num

ber actually sub

mitting

a bid

Source: G

overnm

ent of the U

nited States (2004).

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Co

llusio

n in

Ro

ad

Ten

de

rs

13

constru

ction an

d repair markets ten

d to be domin

ated by th

e same few

firm

s; the “produ

ct,” a road, is standard-

ized; prices are relatively insen

sitive to deman

d; entry is

often diffi

cult, an

d market con

ditions are predictable. In

addition

, wou

ld-be competitors often

exchan

ge infor-

mation

about both

past and fu

ture opportu

nities an

d develop ties th

rough

subcon

tracting, join

t ventu

res, and

mem

bership in

trade associations. T

he presen

ce of any on

e of these factors in

creases the likelih

ood of collusion

. W

hen

all are present, th

e probability of collusive beh

av-ior is very h

igh (G

rout an

d Sonderegger 2005).

Th

e award

ing of con

tracts throu

gh p

ublic ten

ders ag-

gravates the ten

den

cy toward

cartelization in

the sector.

To ensu

re that con

tracts are fairly award

ed an

d corru

p-

tion risks m

inim

ized, both

borrowin

g coun

try govern-

men

ts and

Ban

k procu

remen

t rules requ

ire that ten

ders

be cond

ucted

transp

arently. Yet, as exp

lained

below,

disclosu

re of some kin

ds of in

formation

facilitates collu

sion.

C. D

evelop

ed C

ountry E

xperience

Collu

sion in

the biddin

g for road contracts is a problem

for developed cou

ntries as w

ell. Th

e U.S. D

epartmen

t of Ju

stice laun

ched a vigorou

s effort in th

e late 1970s to stam

p out bid riggin

g in au

ctions for state h

ighway

contracts, brin

ging cases in

20 states that resu

lted in 400

crimin

al convictions, fi

nes of $50 m

illion, an

d 141 jail sen

tences betw

een 1979 an

d 1983 (Flax 1983). Despite

these efforts, on

e-third of all Ju

stice Departm

ent cartel

prosecution

s in th

e followin

g four years w

ere for bid riggin

g on state h

ighway con

struction

contracts (Joyce

1989). On

ly in th

e 1990s did cartel prosecution

s begin

to decline, a tren

d officials attribu

te to both th

e imposi-

tion of stiff pen

alties for collusion

and ch

anges in

state procu

remen

t laws to abolish

publication

of contract es-

timates, pu

blic openin

g of bids, and conven

ing of m

eet-in

gs wh

ere all bidders can atten

d (Govern

men

t of the

Un

ited States 2008).

Th

e Un

ited States is not th

e only in

dustrialized n

a-tion

wh

ere cartels are active in th

e roads sector. R

epresentatives of D

enm

ark, France, G

ermany, Japan

, Sw

eden, an

d the U

nited K

ingdom

told a 2008 OE

CD

forum

that cartels operated in

their roads an

d constru

c-tion

indu

stries (OE

CD

2008b). In 1992, th

e Du

tch par-

liamen

t conclu

ded that th

e entire con

struction

indu

stry in

the N

etherlan

ds was cartelized (V

an den

Hu

evel 2006); in

2000 the Sw

iss Com

petition C

omm

ission con

-clu

ded that th

e market for road su

rfacing in

the n

orth-

eastern part of th

e coun

try was con

trolled by a cartel (H

üsch

elrath, Leh

eyda, and B

eschorn

er 2009), and in

2010 th

e Konkurransetilsynet, N

orway’s com

petition au

-th

ority, fin

ed two com

panies for collu

ding on

highw

ay bridge m

ainten

ance ten

ders (Govern

men

t of Norw

ay 2011). A

noth

er indication

that collu

sion con

tinu

es to be a problem

in developed cou

ntries is th

e work of th

e O

EC

D. O

ver the past decade it h

as held fi

ve conferen

ces an

d issued h

alf-dozen papers on

how

to combat bid rig-

ging an

d cartelization in

the con

struction

sector.

D. E

ffect of C

ollusio

n on Tend

er Prices

Th

e effect of a cartel is to raise prices above wh

at they

wou

ld be in a com

petitive market. A

n an

alysis of bids from

the A

merican

state of Florida show

ed that collu

-sion

on h

ighway con

tracts increased prices by 8 percen

t (G

upta 2001) an

d a similar stu

dy foun

d prices in Sou

th

Korean

highw

ay constru

ction m

arkets to be 15 percent

high

er than

they w

ould h

ave been w

ithou

t collusion

(Lee an

d Hah

n 2002). T

he D

utch

parliamen

t estimated

that cartelization

added as mu

ch as 20 percen

t to the

price the govern

men

t of the N

etherlan

ds paid on con

-stru

ction con

tracts (Van

den H

euvel 2006), and col-

lusion

on con

struction

contracts in

Japan is th

ough

t to h

ave raised prices anywh

ere from 30–50 percen

t (W

oodall 1996: 48). Surveyin

g econom

ic studies an

d ju

dicial decisions con

tainin

g 1,040 estimates of cartel

overcharges, C

onn

or (2009) foun

d the m

edian cartel

overcharge w

as 25 percent.

Th

ese estimates are alm

ost all drawn

from cartels op-

erating in

developed nation

s. Wh

at evidence th

ere is from

developing cou

ntries su

ggests the im

pact is even

greater there. U

sing in

formation

from don

or-fun

ded roads projects in

29 coun

tries, Estach

e and Iim

i (2008) estim

ated that collu

sion can

increase th

e per-kilometer

cost for buildin

g a road by as mu

ch as 40 percen

t—from

$0.5 m

illion to $0.7 m

illion. IN

T com

pared the w

inn

ing

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

14

bids on don

or-fin

anced roads projects in

the P

hilippin

es again

st engin

eering costs estim

ates and fou

nd a 30 per-

cent varian

ce; earlier estimates ran

ge from 20–60 per-

cent (B

atalla 2000). Prices in

Tanzan

ia in th

e 1990s were

foun

d to be 15–60 percent above com

petitive prices (G

overnm

ent of Tan

zania 1996); a 2003 investigation

in

Rom

ania revealed th

at contractors con

spired to mark

up th

e price of concrete u

sed in road con

struction

by 30 percen

t (Oxford B

usin

ess Grou

p 2004); and a Tu

rkish

governm

ent stu

dy show

ed that, th

anks in

part to cartel-ization

, road constru

ction costs in

Turkey w

ere 2.5 times

high

er than

in th

e Un

ited States (Gön

enç, Leibfritz, an

d Y

ilmaz 2005).

Cartel-set prices in

developing cou

ntries are h

igher th

an

those fi

xed by cartels in developed cou

ntries for tw

o reason

s.

Fear of prosecution

moderates cartel overch

arges in

developed coun

tries. Mem

bers of a New

York State h

ighway bid-riggin

g ring cou

nseled each

other to

limit excess profi

ts on ten

ders to 20–25 percent rath

-er th

an 40–50 percen

t. As on

e conspirator explain

ed du

ring a trial, “gettin

g too greedy” migh

t trigger an

investigation (State of N

ew York v. H

endrickson B

rothers Inc., 840 F.2d 1065 (2n

d Cir. 1988)). B

y con

trast, cartels in m

any developing cou

ntries often

have little reason

to fear law en

forcemen

t auth

ori-ties. B

angladesh

, Cam

bodia, and th

e Ph

ilippines,

three cou

ntries w

here roads sector cartels h

ave oper-ated, h

ave no com

prehen

sive anti-cartel legislation

(D

abbah 2010). Even

wh

ere an effective law

is on th

e books, m

any developing cou

ntries h

ave yet to create in

stitution

s that can

enforce it (Stew

art, Clarke, an

d Joekes 2007; Z

oghbi 2009).

As staff in

the B

ank’s tran

sport sector h

ave ob-served

, “governm

ent offi

cials are often involved

” in

the cartel (W

orld B

ank 2009a, 42). IN

T investiga-

tors were told

that foreign

firm

s wan

ting to bid

on

roads con

tracts in B

anglad

esh w

ere warn

ed by

a senior road

s agency offi

cial that th

ey wou

ld be

disqu

alified

if they u

nd

ercut th

e price local fi

rms

had

agreed on

. In In

dia, a sen

ior official rep

orted

that “road

mafi

as” of contractors, en

gineers, th

e local p

olice, civil servants, “an

d last bu

t not least

local politician

s” all consp

ire to keep p

rices on road

con

tracts above market rates (Sin

gh 2005); an

d in

exp

lainin

g roads sector corru

ption

in th

e state of Jh

arkhan

d, a civil society activist told

the N

ew York

Tim

es that “th

e nexu

s of politician

s, contractors

and

bureau

crats is very strong” (Polgreen

2010). In

Ugan

da, “th

e tend

ering p

rocess has been

turn

ed

into a bu

siness by p

oliticians at th

e district to settle

their econ

omic p

roblems. . . . [T

hey] p

ressure evalu

-ation

teams” to select certain

contractors (O

luka

and

Ssenn

oga 2008).

For a cartel to “succeed,” its m

embers m

ust (a) agree on

w

ho w

ill “win” th

e tender an

d at wh

at price, (b) curb

“cheatin

g” or un

dercuttin

g the agreed price by in

dividu-

al mem

bers, and (c) preven

t non

mem

bers from disru

pt-in

g the agreem

ent by su

bmittin

g a lower bid (Leven

stein

and Su

slow 2006). C

artels rarely fin

d perman

ent fi

xes to th

ese problems. Som

e mem

bers cheat to boost sh

ort-term

profits or n

ew en

trants su

cceed in su

bmittin

g a w

inn

ing bid. Even

wh

en th

e cartel is able to dictate w

ho can

bid and h

ow m

uch

, there are often

periods of in

stability durin

g wh

ich th

e price to some cu

stomers is

at or near th

e market price. B

ut w

hen

governm

ent of-

ficials participate in

the cartel, its du

rability is virtually

assured. T

hey can

dictate wh

ich m

ember w

ill “win” th

e bid an

d at wh

at price, rejecting bids th

at un

dercut th

e agreed price an

d refusin

g to permit n

on-cartel m

embers

TABLE 3

Estim

ated C

artel Overcharg

es

Ro

ad co

ntracts

State of Flo

rida

8%

Rep

ublic o

f Ko

rea15%

Tanzania15–60%

Philipp

ines20–60%

Samp

le 29 develo

ping

countries

40%

All co

nstruction co

ntracts –

Netherland

sU

p to

20%

Japan

30–50%

All cartels

25

%

See text for so

urces.

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Co

llusio

n in

Ro

ad

Ten

de

rs

15

to bid. Gam

betta and R

euter (1995) reported th

at or-gan

ized crime fam

ilies perform th

e same fu

nction

s for cartels in

Sicily and N

ew York: w

here fam

ily mem

bers police com

pliance w

ith th

e cartel agreemen

t throu

gh

intim

idation an

d violence an

d take a share of th

e cartel’s profi

ts in retu

rn. T

he effect is th

e same as w

hen

govern-

men

t officials en

force a cartel agreemen

t: the lon

g-term

stability of the cartel.

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Fraud and

Co

rruptio

n in C

ontract Im

plem

entation

Th

e risk of miscon

duct in

roads projects does not en

d w

ith con

tract award. A

win

nin

g bidder may frau

du-

lently bill for w

ork not don

e, materials n

ot supplied,

or both. Eviden

ce INT

gathered in

a project in A

frica sh

ows frau

dulen

t claims am

oun

ting to 15–20 percen

t of th

e bid price. An

INT

analysis of tw

o contracts let

un

der a road project in A

sia foun

d that frau

d may h

ave in

flated th

e fin

al price on each

contract by as m

uch

as 25 percen

t. INT

substan

tiated miscon

duct du

ring con

tract perform

ance in

nin

e of the 29 cases sh

own

in Tables 1

and 2 an

d suspected, alth

ough

was u

nable to su

bstanti-

ate, its presence in

several more.

Reports from

Zam

bia suggest th

e scope of one form

of frau

d—fu

rnish

ing su

bstandard m

aterials durin

g con-

tract implem

entation

. Zam

bian con

tractors, engin

eers, an

d governm

ent offi

cials surveyed in

2008 reported that

providing m

aterials of lower qu

ality than

the con

tract called for w

as the sin

gle most “u

neth

ical” practice in th

e in

dustry (Sich

ombo et al. 2009) an

d a 2010 audit of 18

Zam

bian roads projects join

tly fin

anced by th

e govern-

men

t and don

ors, show

n in

Table 4, confi

rmed th

eir view

(Govern

men

t of Zam

bia 2010). As th

e data there

reveals, substan

dard cemen

t was su

pplied in all projects

wh

ile in h

alf the projects th

e concrete w

as weaker th

an

required. IN

T fou

nd sim

ilar levels of fraud in

a contract

in In

donesia: th

e road was 40 percen

t thin

ner th

an th

e con

tract specified an

d the con

tractor used 13 percen

t less asph

alt than

required.

For the con

struction

of roads and oth

er civil works,

the W

orld Ban

k requires borrow

ers to use a variation

of a form con

tract for constru

ction developed by th

e In

ternation

al Federation of C

onsu

lting E

ngin

eers, kn

own

by its French

acronym “FID

IC” (Jaeger an

d Hök

2010). Th

e FIDIC

contract provides th

at the govern

-m

ent agen

cy issuin

g the con

tract will h

ire an en

gineer—

an in

dividual, or, for large projects, a fi

rm—

to oversee con

tract performan

ce (World B

ank 2010b, ¶3.1). T

he

engin

eer mu

st be expert in th

e design an

d constru

ction

of roads, for the FID

IC con

tract requires th

at he observe

the w

ork as it progresses, testing com

pleted sections to

ensu

re they m

eet specification

s, certifying th

e contrac-

tor’s invoices, evaluatin

g and passin

g on its requ

ests to

IV

TABLE 4R

esults of A

udit o

f Zam

bian R

oad

s Pro

jects

Defect fo

und in p

roject

Percentag

e o

f contracts

affected

Imp

rop

erly sized ag

greg

ate p

articles44%

Too

much clay

75%

Ag

greg

ates did

not m

eet crushing

strength

67%

Base thinner than req

uired81%

Surface dressing

layers thinner than req

uired82%

Cem

ent content less than

specified

100%

Co

ncrete samp

les weaker than

required

50%

Source: G

overnm

ent of Zam

bia (2010).

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

18

vary from th

e original plan

s, and resolvin

g confl

icts betw

een th

e borrower an

d the con

tractor (Ndeku

gri, Sm

ith, an

d Hu

ghes 2007). If th

e engin

eer fin

ds that

the bu

ilder is supplyin

g substan

dard materials or less

material th

an requ

ired, infl

ating invoices, or oth

erwise

trying to m

ilk the con

tract, he m

ust refu

se to certify the

contractor’s paym

ent requ

ests. Th

e engin

eer is explicitly respon

sible for the qu

ality of the project an

d thus be-

comes th

e implicit gu

ardian of its in

tegrity.

Despite th

e engin

eer’s responsibility for project in

teg-rity, th

ere is evidence th

at engin

eers have eith

er failed to spot frau

d or corruption

in project execu

tion or becom

e w

illing participan

ts. In a project in

Latin

Am

erica, INT

investigators un

covered evidence th

at the en

gineer cer-

tified invoices for ch

arges not covered by th

e contract.

In In

donesia, en

gineers adm

itted they w

ere bribed to ign

ore fraud, explain

ing th

at if they did n

ot go along, lo-

cal officials “in

on” the frau

d wou

ld refuse to h

ire them

on

futu

re governm

ent projects. In

a project in A

frica, IN

T received in

formation

that in

return

for approving

infl

ated invoices the en

gineer received 15 percen

t of the

amou

nt overbilled. T

he practice is apparen

tly wide-

spread in th

at coun

try; durin

g the investigation

INT

learn

ed that th

e builder h

ad instru

cted its local affiliate

to “develop partnersh

ips with

local consu

ltants,” so th

at if th

ey were appoin

ted engin

eers on fu

ture projects, th

ey w

ould be su

re to cooperate with

similar sch

emes.

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Co

mb

ating C

ollusio

n, Fraud,

and C

orrup

tion

Th

is section d

escribes a range of m

easures p

olicymak-

ers shou

ld con

sider to m

itigate the risks of collu

sion,

corrup

tion an

d frau

d in

road

contract p

rocurem

ent

and

project execu

tion. “O

ne size d

oes not fi

t all” is a stap

le of the d

evelopm

ent literatu

re and

one th

at hold

s for both

procu

remen

t rules an

d m

itigation m

easures

(Mariel 2003). A

ccordin

gly, in d

iscussin

g the variou

s recom

men

dation

s, the rep

ort iden

tifies th

e risk profi

les an

d cou

ntry con

texts wh

ere they are m

ost likely to be ap

prop

riate.

Th

e recomm

end

ation

s advan

ced ran

ge from

mo

dest

chan

ges in p

rocu

remen

t pro

cedu

res to m

ore fu

nd

a-m

ental, exp

erimen

tal measu

res that m

ay be required

w

here corru

ptio

n is p

articularly en

trench

ed. So

me

cou

ntry-level refo

rms, su

ch as law

s severely pen

alizing

bid riggin

g or ch

anges to

pu

blic pro

curem

ent ru

les, can

be pu

t in p

lace relatively quickly. So

me p

roject-

level preven

tive measu

res, such

as retentio

n o

f ind

e-p

end

ent w

atchd

ogs o

r strict scrutin

y of p

rocu

remen

t o

fficials’ fi

nan

ces, may take m

ore tim

e. Over th

e lon

ger term

the go

al sho

uld

be to bu

ild effective in

stitutio

ns

to en

force an

ti-cartel laws an

d m

anage th

e natio

n’s ro

ad n

etwo

rk. Bu

t again, n

on

e of th

e measu

res de-

scribed are m

eant to

be ado

pted

with

ou

t close an

alysis o

f market con

ditio

ns, th

e strength

of n

ation

al institu

-tio

ns, th

e degree o

f po

litical comm

itmen

t to refo

rm,

and

oth

er cou

ntry-level facto

rs.

A. M

easures to R

educe C

ollusio

n

Punish cartelization severely

To combat collu

sion an

d cartelization, cou

ntries sh

ould

enact law

s that m

ake bid rigging, m

arket division, an

d oth

er cartel-related behavior illegal. T

hese law

s need to

contain

“effective sanction

s of a kind an

d at a level ad-equ

ate to deter firm

s and in

dividuals from

participating

in cartels.” (O

EC

D 1998) D

eterring collu

sion can

require

more th

an crim

inal pen

alties; a Eu

ropean C

omm

ission

Wh

ite Paper argues th

at to effectively deter cartels, sanc-

tions m

ust give th

ose harm

ed by cartel pricing, su

ch

as road users, th

e right to su

e for damages (E

uropean

C

omm

ission 2008).

To enable effective en

forcemen

t, the an

ti-cartel laws

may n

eed to be supplem

ented w

ith reform

s to the law

s of eviden

ce. Un

til recently, m

ost developed coun

try cou

rts required direct eviden

ce of an agreem

ent to prove

the existen

ce of a cartel, a deman

ding stan

dard often

interpreted to requ

ire testimony from

one of th

e partici-pan

ts. Con

trary to that th

inkin

g, as An

nex 1 explain

s, on

ce Am

erican an

d Eu

ropean cou

rts had h

eard more

cartel cases, they becam

e more com

fortable relying on

in

direct or circum

stantial eviden

ce. With

wh

at is now

kn

own

about th

e harm

cartels cause (Tran

sparency

Intern

ational 2009), developin

g coun

try courts sh

ould

V

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

20

ensu

re that th

ey do not m

ake it too difficu

lt for their

enforcem

ent agen

cies to prove the existen

ce of a cartel.

Create incentives for the exp

osure of cartels

Even if cou

rts accept circum

stantial eviden

ce, noth

ing

provides surer proof of a cartel th

an th

e testimony of a

participant or w

itness to a bid-riggin

g schem

e. Th

ose w

ith in

formation

about a bid-riggin

g ring sh

ould be

encou

raged to come forw

ard. To do so, governm

ents

shou

ld consider gran

ting im

mu

nity to w

itnesses w

illing

to provide credible evidence of a cartel. C

onsideration

also m

ay be given to offerin

g wh

istleblowers rew

ards com

men

surate w

ith th

e savings realized from

the break-

up of a cartel. A

llowin

g wh

istleblowers to sh

are in th

e recovery can

provide a powerfu

l incen

tive for comin

g forw

ard (Depoorter an

d De M

ot 2005).

Mem

bers of cartels shou

ld also be given

an in

centive

to disclose th

e nam

es of the oth

er particip

ants. T

he

OE

CD

(2003) recomm

end

s grantin

g imm

un

ity to the

first fi

rm or in

divid

ual to reveal th

e cartel’s existence

and

the W

orld B

ank itself en

courages con

tractors to reveal p

revious m

iscond

uct on

World

Ban

k-fin

anced

con

tracts. Recen

t research sh

ows th

at such

lenien

cy p

rograms n

ot only are effective in

revealing th

e exis-ten

ce of cartels but can

also discou

rage their form

ation

(Miller 2009).

Revise tend

ering rules

To ensu

re fairness an

d reduce corru

ption in

the pro-

curem

ent process open

, transparen

t procedures for

the aw

ard of public con

tracts are recomm

ended

(Transparen

cy Intern

ational 2006). T

he m

ore transpar-

ency, th

e more likely th

e contractor is fairly ch

osen an

d th

e less likely corruption

will seep in

to the process. B

ut

disclosure of certain

kinds of in

formation

may also

increase th

e risk that fi

rms w

ill fix prices (A

nderson

, K

ovacic, and M

üller 2010; O

EC

D 2008b; G

overnm

ent of

the U

nited K

ingdom

2004). Th

e data in B

ox 4 provides an

illustration

; cost estimates on

46 separate contracts

were pu

blicly disclosed prior to tenderin

g, and in

every

case the w

inn

ing bid w

as virtually iden

tical to the esti-

mate—

an alm

ost certain sign

of collusion

.

Becau

se transparen

cy in pu

blic procurem

ent can

fa-cilitate collu

sion, agen

cies that en

force the com

peti-tion

laws in

both developed an

d developing cou

ntries

caution

procurem

ent staff to con

sider carefully w

hat

inform

ation abou

t a tender to release (G

overnm

ent of

the N

etherlan

ds 2010; Govern

men

t of El Salvador 2010;

Govern

men

t of Brazil 2008; G

overnm

ent of th

e Un

ited K

ingdom

2004, Govern

men

t of France 2003, 2000). T

he

dilemm

a for policymakers is th

at the m

ore they try to

reduce th

e risk of corruption

throu

gh greater tran

spar-en

cy, the greater th

e risk of collusion

. Becau

se carteliza-tion

is so prevalent in

public ten

ders of all kinds, m

any O

EC

D cou

ntries h

ave revised their pu

blic tender ru

les to redu

ce transparen

cy in several respects. A

list of the

reforms differen

t OE

CD

coun

tries have in

troduced is

contain

ed in A

nn

ex 2.

Policymakers in developing countries m

ay wish to consid-

er such revisions as well to ensure rules governing public

tenders strike the right balance between transparency on

the one hand and the risk of collusion on the other. While

different economic conditions and different institutional

settings make it unlikely that any w

ill adopt the OE

CD

re-form

list wholesale, the accum

ulating evidence shows that

some changes are effective in a w

ide array of institutional and econom

ic settings. Following are som

e examples of

procurement process changes to consider in appropriate

situations. (Box 5 illustrates how

changes to the procure-m

ent process helped combat collusion).

a. Bid

der p

re- and p

ost-q

ualification

Road agen

cies un

derstandably w

ant to en

sure th

at firm

s biddin

g on a ten

der will h

ave the fi

nan

cial strength

an

d techn

ical capacity to perform th

e work if th

ey win

th

e tender. Poten

tial contractors are thu

s comm

only

required to “prequ

alify,” that is, to docu

men

t their fi

-n

ancial an

d techn

ical ability to execute th

e contract in

th

e event th

ey win

the bid. In

deed, for all major civil

works con

tracts, the W

orld Ban

k’s Standard B

idding

Docu

men

ts provide that on

ly “exceptionally” an

d “with

previou

s approval of the W

orld Ban

k” can a post-aw

ard

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21

review of th

e win

ner’s capabilities be su

bstituted for

prequalifi

cation (W

orld Ban

k 2010b, v). At th

e same

time, prequ

alification

requirem

ents can

discourage

some fi

rms from

bidding, an

d the few

er firm

s that bid,

the h

igher th

e win

nin

g bid (Estach

e and Iim

i 2008; Froeb an

d Shor 2005; B

rann

man

and K

lein 1992). T

he

OE

CD

(2008a) thus recom

men

ds that prequ

alification

con

ditions be carefu

lly drawn

to ensu

re that qu

alified

firm

s are not exclu

ded from th

e competition

.

Policymakers m

ay wan

t to consider in

at least some

cases elimin

ating prequ

alification

all together in

fa-vor of a post-qu

alification

review of th

e win

ner’s

qualifi

cations. T

he W

orld Ban

k recomm

ended th

at In

donesian

officials con

sider scrapping prequ

alification

requirem

ents on

simple goods an

d small w

orks in its

2001 report on In

donesia’s procu

remen

t policies (World

Ban

k 2001, 20). A m

ore recent review

of World B

ank-

fun

ded roads projects in A

frica recomm

ended expan

d-in

g post-qualifi

cation to larger con

tracts (Alexeeva,

Padam, an

d Qu

eiroz 2008, 41). Post-qualifi

cation w

as in

troduced in

to the B

ali Urban Infrastructure P

roject in

Indon

esia and is bein

g used in

the secon

d phase of th

e N

ational Roads Im

provement and M

anagement P

roject in

the P

hilippin

es and th

e Northern C

orridor Transport Im

provement P

roject in K

enya. Post-qualifi

cation in

-creased th

e nu

mber of bidders on

contracts in

the B

ali project, an

d the early resu

lts from K

enya are promisin

g. O

n all th

ree Kenya ten

ders for wh

ich post-qu

alification

w

as used, th

e tenders attracted th

ree or four qu

alified

BOX 4

Pub

lishing C

ost E

stimates: the Trad

e off B

etween Transp

arency & C

ollusio

n

In the name o

f transparency, m

any countries p

ublish their eng

ineers’ estimates o

f the cost o

f build

ing a ro

ad

and in its lo

an agreem

ents the Wo

rld B

ank som

etimes req

uires pub

lication. W

hen the market is co

mp

etitive, p

ublishing

the estimates can p

rod

uce low

er bid

s (De Silva et al. 2008). Pub

lishing the estim

ates also ensures

that all bid

ders are o

n an equal fo

oting

, for co

mp

anies with clo

se ties to the ro

ads autho

rity often o

btain the

estimates “und

er the table.”

Set against these b

enefits is the risk that pub

lication o

f the estimate w

ill facilitate collusio

n. When firm

s are neg

otiating

an agreem

ent on a co

llusive price, co

st estimate p

rovid

es a target o

r focal p

oint fo

r their ag

reement (K

nittel and Stang

o 2003). This effect is illustrated

in an INT co

mp

arison o

f the estimated

price

against the w

inning b

id o

n 46 contracts fo

r road

constructio

n and rep

air let during

2009 and 2010 und

er a B

ank-financed p

roject in an E

astern Euro

pean co

untry. The chart belo

w p

lots the d

ifferences in millio

ns of U

.S. d

ollars b

etween the tw

o. The red

line is the estimate; the b

lue line, almo

st invisible b

ecause it tracks the red

one so

closely, is the w

inning b

id. This d

egree o

f corresp

ond

ence is unimag

inable in the ab

sence of co

llusion.

Co

st Estim

ates v. Winning

Bid

s

0 1 2 3 4 5

14

710

1316

1922

2528

3134

3740

4346

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the

Ro

ad

s Se

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22

bids, more th

an th

e average wh

en prequ

alification

was

required. M

ore tellingly, th

e win

nin

g bids were below

th

e engin

eer’s estimates, rare in

Kenyan

road tenders.

b. B

id p

ackage d

esign

Procu

remen

t officials often

have sign

ifican

t discretion

wh

en decidin

g how

to let a road constru

ction project.

A project to bu

ild a 500 km road m

ight be ten

dered as a sin

gle contract or divided in

to two con

tracts of 250 km

each or ten

contracts of 50 km

each. D

ifferent packages

have differen

t competitive effects. W

hile larger pack-

ages encou

rage interest from

intern

ational fi

rms an

d are su

bject to the m

ore rigorous in

ternation

al competitive

bidding procedu

re, they also can

reduce com

petition

by discouragin

g participation from

small fi

rms th

at can

build on

e or two 50 km

segmen

ts, but lack th

e experi-en

ce or fin

ancial stren

gth to bu

ild a 500 km road. O

ne

way to balan

ce the com

peting in

terests is to tender th

e larger 500 km

project as ten 50 km

contracts, bu

t allow

larger firm

s to combin

e segmen

ts in th

eir bids and even

su

bmit a sin

gle bid for the en

tire road. Kn

owin

g that

smaller com

panies are com

peting on

shorter segm

ents,

the large fi

rm w

ill have an

incen

tive to “sharpen

its pen-

cil”— th

at is, cut its price —

to win

the con

tract. At th

e sam

e time, kn

owin

g that large in

ternation

al firm

s can

bid on a package can

deter local firm

s from riggin

g bids am

ong th

emselves.

Besides allow

ing fi

rms to bid on

one or m

ore prede-term

ined segm

ents, th

e tender m

ight also allow

them

BOX 5

Co

mb

ating C

ollusio

n by C

hanging

the Pro

curement P

rocess: The B

ank’s Exp

erience with

the Bali U

rban Infrastructure P

roject

Wo

rld B

ank staff becam

e suspicio

us when o

nly three bid

s were sub

mitted

for o

ne of the first co

ntracts on

the Bali U

rban Infrastructure Pro

ject. Suspicio

ns were heig

htened w

hen, desp

ite wid

e variations in lab

or and

m

aterials prices o

n the bid

ders’ b

ills of q

uantity, the prices sub

mitted

by all three w

ere within 0.02 p

ercent of

the engineer’s estim

ate. When ad

ditio

nal investigatio

n confirm

ed the existence o

f a bid

-rigg

ing cartel, the

Bank m

ade a num

ber o

f changes to

the pro

curement p

rocess to

increase com

petitio

n:

Procurem

ent notices w

ere wid

ely pub

licized in b

oth natio

nal and p

rovincial p

apers in p

rom

inent place and

in larg

e typefaces.

Local autho

rities’ attemp

ts to lim

it eligib

le bid

ders to

local firm

s were reb

uffed.

Bid

ders’ q

ualifications w

ere evaluated after, rather than b

efore, the tend

er.M

andato

ry particip

ation in p

re-bid

meeting

s, which had

given co

lluders an o

pp

ortunity to

agree o

n prices

and intim

idate firm

s not p

art of the ring

, was end

ed.

A co

mp

laint handling

mechanism

was intro

duced

that allow

ed co

ntractors and

com

munity m

emb

ers to

anonym

ously rep

ort fraud

, collusio

n, corrup

tion, and

intimid

ation.

The imp

act of the chang

es was d

ramatic. A

s the table b

elow

show

s, bid

s dro

pp

ed fro

m am

ounts virtually

identical to

the engineer’s estim

ate to am

ounts 35–40 p

ercent less. Overall, the p

roject team

estimated

saving

s of 15–30 p

ercent on co

ntracts let po

st-changes.

Bid

s for $50,000 C

ontract: B

est Three Bid

s as Percentag

e of E

ngineer’s E

stimate

Orig

inalP

ost-chang

es

98.9%58.0%

99.7%67.6%

100.0%68.0%

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23

to offer to build segm

ents of th

eir choosin

g. As is

sometim

es done in

World B

ank-fu

nded projects, bid-

ders could su

bmit a bid on

the con

dition th

at the total

award w

ill not exceed a specifi

ed amou

nt. T

he bids on

th

e various com

ponen

ts of the project w

ould be open

ed sequ

entially. O

nce a fi

rm’s specifi

ed limit is reach

ed, its bids w

ould n

ot be considered on

the rem

ainin

g compo-

nen

ts. Sequen

tial bidding provides in

centives for fi

rms

to bid on m

ore projects with

out w

orrying abou

t taking

on m

ore work th

an th

ey can h

andle (A

llen, C

ulkin

s, and

Mills 1988). M

ixing u

p the “m

enu” of con

tract offers in

these w

ays makes it h

arder for firm

s to agree beforehan

d on

wh

o will w

in w

hat.

c. Pre-bid

meeting

s and sub

contracting

Pre-ten

der meetin

gs should, w

henever practical, be

limited to on

e firm

at a time. A

s the author of the fi

rst econ

omics textbook w

arned, “People of the sam

e trade seldom

meet together, even

for merrim

ent an

d diver-sion

, but the conversation

ends in

a conspiracy again

st the pu

blic or in som

e contrivan

ce to raise prices” (Smith

1937 [1776], 128). While on

e-on-on

e meetin

gs increase

the risk that a procurem

ent offi

cial will provide a favored

firm

with con

fiden

tial inform

ation or otherw

ise tilt the procu

remen

t process, safeguards can

be introdu

ced to m

inim

ize this risk. An

outsider can

attend, or video re-

cordings or tran

scripts can be m

ade and circu

lated.

Subcontracting can also facilitate collusion, for it can be a w

ay of dividing the profits realized from bid rig-

ging. Testimony in a crim

inal prosecution of collusion in roads contracting in O

klahoma revealed such a schem

e. C

ompetitors of the B

oce Com

pany allowed it to w

in a tender “w

ithout having to fight,” and in exchange Boce

agreed to subcontract all the work in one region to a com

-petitor (U

nited States v. Metropolitan Enterprises, Inc., 728

F.2d 444 (10th C

ir. 1984)). Countries w

ith a large number

of capable firms should consider banning subcontract-

ing among com

petitors altogether or, as the January 2011 European C

omm

ission Green Paper on procurem

ent reform

suggests, barring subcontracting by firms w

hich participated in the tender (E

C 2011). If subcontracting is

permitted, data should be kept and analyzed periodically

for any signs that suggest collusive arrangements.

Req

uire indep

endent b

id certificates

Successfu

l prosecution

of a road constru

ction cartel re-

quires sh

owin

g that m

embers actu

ally agreed to rig bids on

a tender. A

lthou

gh, as A

nn

ex 1 explains, m

any courts

now

accept circum

stantial eviden

ce of collusion

, prov-in

g collusion

can still be diffi

cult an

d time-con

sum

ing.

By con

trast, it is relatively easy to show

that fi

rms traded

price lists, shared cost data, or exch

anged in

formation

abou

t the bids th

ey inten

ded to subm

it, practices that

the U

.S. Suprem

e Cou

rt has h

eld are anticom

peti-tive (U

nited States v. Container C

orporation, 393 U.S.

333, 337 (1969)) and th

at the E

uropean

Com

mission

h

as recently said sh

ould be con

sidered a restriction

of competition

(Eu

ropean C

omm

ission 2010). T

hus,

one approach

to easing a prosecu

tor’s burden

is to (a) requ

ire firm

s to subm

it a certificate th

at they did n

ot com

mu

nicate w

ith on

e anoth

er and (b) m

ake falsifica-

tion of th

e certificate a seriou

s crime. To prove a viola-

tion, all th

e prosecution

wou

ld then

have to do is sh

ow

that fi

rms com

mu

nicated. B

ox 6 describes the elem

ents

of such

a certificate; m

odel certificates are available

in E

nglish

(Govern

men

t of the U

nited States 2007),

French

(Govern

men

t of Can

ada 2010), and Span

ish

(Govern

men

t of El Salvador 2010).

Retain an ind

epend

ent procurem

ent evaluator

INT

has fou

nd eviden

ce in som

e cases that th

ose re-spon

sible for policing th

e tenderin

g process condon

ed, or even

encou

raged, collusion

. Wh

ere this risk is presen

t, in

troduction

of an ou

tsider into th

e tender evalu

ation

process can redu

ce that risk. For exam

ple, in th

e second

phase of th

e Ph

ilippine N

ational Roads Im

provement and

Managem

ent Project an

indepen

dent procu

remen

t eval-u

ator has been

hired to w

ork alongside th

e Departm

ent

of Pu

blic Works an

d Highw

ays procurem

ent offi

cials. T

he term

s of reference provide th

at the evalu

ator mu

st develop “specifi

c systems to iden

tify or detect indica-

tors of corrupt practices in

the bids, in

cludin

g collu-

sion, price-riggin

g, fraud, obstru

ction or coercion

.” (G

overnm

ent of th

e Ph

ilippines 2007a) A

lthou

gh th

e evalu

ator cann

ot veto the h

ighway departm

ent’s deci-

sions, h

e mu

st regularly report h

is fin

dings to th

e World

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the

Ro

ad

s Se

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r

24

Ban

k and oth

er partner organ

izations. Lesson

s from

the P

hilippin

e experience w

ill be used to gu

ide futu

re arran

gemen

ts.

B. M

easures to R

educe Fraud

and

Co

rruptio

n

Strengthen the eng

ineer

As th

e discussion

above show

ed, the en

gineer in

a FIDIC

w

orks contract is th

e first lin

e of defense again

st fraud

and corru

ption. W

hen

ever a roads agency u

ses this or

any contract th

at grants sim

ilar powers to th

e engin

eer, th

e engin

eer’s role in com

bating corru

ption sh

ould be

made explicit an

d measu

res taken to h

elp him

discharge

his respon

sibility. Thu

s, for example, th

e comm

on prac-

tice of hirin

g the en

gineer after th

e contractor h

as begun

w

ork, wh

ich im

mediately pu

ts the en

gineer in

a “catch-

up” m

ode, shou

ld be discouraged.

Road con

struction

contracts sh

ould expressly requ

ire th

e engin

eer to imm

ediately report any activity that

suggests frau

d or corruption

. Becau

se line m

anagers in

roads au

thorities are som

etimes participan

ts in corru

pt sch

emes, th

e engin

eer shou

ld send th

e report to others

as well, or in

lieu of, its roads agen

cy coun

terpart: the

head of th

e agency, th

e transport m

inister, or th

e chief

prosecutor or h

ead of an an

ticorruption

agency. W

ith

World B

ank-su

pported contracts, it sh

ould in

clude th

e W

orld Ban

k itself. A su

spicion of corru

pt or fraudu

lent

activities shou

ld be high

lighted in

a covering n

ote or execu

tive sum

mary.

Po

licymakers sh

ou

ld also

examin

e the u

tility of (a)

creating in

centives fo

r the en

gineer to

expo

se fraud

an

d corru

ptio

n, (b) p

enalizin

g engin

eers that fail

to d

etect either, an

d (c) severely san

ction

ing th

ose

wh

o p

articipate in

fraud

ulen

t or corru

pt sch

emes.

Sanctio

ns co

uld

range fro

m rep

aymen

t of fees to

fin

es an

d stiff p

rison

terms. B

ecause th

e engin

eer enters in

to

a relation

ship

of tru

st with

the bo

rrower, w

hich

he

betrays if he p

articipates in

corrup

tion

, harsh

er pen

al-ties th

an th

ose levied

on

oth

er particip

ants m

ay be w

arranted

.

How

engin

eering services are procu

red may also m

erit review

. Shou

ld price be the on

ly factor as it is often so

now

? Or sh

ould selection

follow a tw

o-step process that

focuses on

“quality” fi

rst (inclu

ding past gen

eral per-form

ance, an

d success in

deterring or rootin

g out frau

d an

d corruption

in particu

lar), and price secon

d, for

BOX 6

Certifi

cate of Ind

epend

ent Price D

eterminatio

n

A C

ertificate of Ind

epend

ent Price Determ

ination req

uires the bid

der to

warrant that:

The prices in the b

id have b

een arrived at ind

epend

ently, witho

ut any consultatio

n, com

municatio

n, or

agreem

ent with any o

ther bid

der o

r com

petito

r relating to

(a) prices, (b

) the intention to

subm

it a bid

, or

(c) the metho

ds o

r factors used

to calculate the p

rices offered

.The p

rices in the bid

have not b

een and w

ill not b

e disclo

sed b

y the bid

der, d

irectly or ind

irectly, to any

other b

idd

er or co

mp

etitor b

efore b

id o

pening

(in the case of a sealed

solicitatio

n) or co

ntract award

(in the case o

f a nego

tiated so

licitation), unless o

therwise req

uired b

y law.

No

attemp

t has been m

ade o

r will b

e mad

e by the b

idd

er to ind

uce any other firm

to sub

mit o

r not to

sub

mit an o

ffer for the p

urpo

se of restricting

com

petitio

n.

The statement is m

ade und

er the pro

visions o

f a law that im

po

ses stiff penalties fo

r lying in the statem

ent filed

. The bid

der can b

e pro

secuted, if the o

nly evidence is that it d

isclosed

bid

prices to

its com

petito

rs or

attemp

ted to

convince its co

mp

etitors to

rig b

ids. The evid

ence needed

to p

rove a vio

lation o

f the Certificate

of Ind

epend

ent Price Determ

ination is sig

nificantly less than that needed

to p

rove an illeg

al agreem

ent.

Source: G

overnm

ent of the U

nited States (2007).

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atin

g C

ollu

sion

, Fra

ud

, an

d C

orru

ptio

n

25

those w

ho h

ave met th

e quality requ

iremen

ts. Wou

ld it m

ake sense to adopt a poin

t system th

at factors in qu

al-ity an

d price? Wh

at criteria could h

elp ensu

re an objec-

tive evaluation

of the en

gineer’s qu

ality?

Differen

t ways of d

etermin

ing th

e engin

eer’s fees sh

ould

also be explored

to ensu

re that all in

centives,

inclu

din

g the fee stru

cture, are con

sistent w

ith th

e en

gineer’s qu

asi-fid

uciary role. For exam

ple, w

here

the risk of corru

ption

du

ring con

tract perform

ance

is particu

larly high

, wou

ld it m

ake sense to agree to a

combin

ation of a fi

xed fee for basic w

ork and

an h

ourly

rate for certain kin

ds of tests an

d in

spection

s relating

to integrity risks? W

hat safegu

ards cou

ld be in

trodu

ced

into su

ch arran

gemen

ts to avoid u

nn

ecessary testing

and

verification

proced

ures to sim

ply in

crease the fee?

Th

ese and

similar issu

es shou

ld be exam

ined

with

a view

of strength

enin

g the en

gineer’s role in

help

ing d

e-tect an

d ad

dress frau

d an

d corru

ption

du

ring con

tract im

plem

entation

.

Hire a technical aud

itor

Wh

ere there is a risk th

at the en

gineer w

ill be drawn

in

to a circle of corrupt actors, it can

be min

imized or

elimin

ated by retainin

g anoth

er overseer to “guard th

e gu

ardian” (Hu

rwicz 2007). T

he classic gu

ardian of th

e gu

ardian in

a roads project is a techn

ical auditor. U

nlike

a fin

ancial au

ditor, wh

ose review is con

fin

ed to the

fin

ancial statem

ents an

d supportin

g docum

entation

, a tech

nical au

ditor periodically inspects th

e project to ascertain

that th

e materials an

d labor provided “were

appropriate to their in

tended pu

rpose and w

ere deliv-ered in

the qu

antity, qu

ality, and location

or disposi-tion

specified” (Patterson

and C

hau

dhuri 2007, 181).

A tech

nical au

ditor will be h

ired for the secon

d phase

of the P

hilippin

e National R

oads Improvem

ent and M

anagement P

roject. Th

e terms of referen

ce provide, am

ong oth

er thin

gs, that th

e auditor w

ill (a) investi-gate th

e quan

tity and qu

ality of site surveys at com

-pleted w

orks, (b) review th

e audit su

pport provided to th

e project, (c) review all su

pervision reports on

the

contracts carried ou

t un

der the B

ank’s in

ternation

al com

petitive bidding ru

les, (d) test on-site th

e quality of

contractors’ m

aterials, (e) audit all ch

ange orders th

at

wou

ld increase th

e contract price by 15 percen

t or more,

and (f) con

duct a com

prehen

sive completion

review of

all civil works an

d of the h

ighway departm

ent’s su

pervi-sion

of each con

tract (Govern

men

t of the P

hilippin

es 2007b).

Even th

e threat of a tech

nical au

dit can redu

ce corrup-

tion. In

a field experim

ent con

ducted as part of th

e B

ank’s K

ecamatan D

evelopment P

rogram in

Indon

esia, on

e group of villages participatin

g in a n

ationwide road

constru

ction program

was told beforeh

and th

at their

projects wou

ld be audited an

d all projects were su

bse-qu

ently au

dited. In a secon

d group, au

dits were n

either

threaten

ed nor con

ducted. T

he differen

ce between

am

oun

ts claimed on

the con

tractors’ invoices and th

e am

oun

ts actually spen

t was on

average 8 percent less in

th

ose villages that w

ere subject to au

dit than

in th

ose villages th

at were n

ot (Olken

2007).

Th

e challen

ge wh

en h

iring a tech

nical au

ditor is ensu

r-in

g that th

is second gu

ardian rem

ains a faith

ful gu

ard-ian

, serving th

e interests of th

e borrower rath

er than

bein

g drawn

into a sch

eme to ch

eat it. Wh

ile profes-sion

al norm

s and th

e auditor’s ch

aracter provide one

guaran

tee of faithfu

lness, creatin

g a powerfu

l econom

ic in

centive for th

e auditor to rem

ain h

onest provides

more assu

rance. T

his can

be accomplish

ed by fostering

econom

ic condition

s that h

andsom

ely reward h

onesty

and severely pu

nish

its absence. A

uditors w

ho perform

a job w

ell shou

ld be paid well an

d those w

ho su

ccum

b to corru

ption fi

ned an

d imprison

ed.

More im

portan

t than

chan

ging th

e cost-benefi

t cal-cu

lus for a sin

gle job is creating a m

arket in w

hich

th

ose wh

o perform

well w

ill enjoy a stead

y stream of

remu

nerative w

ork and

those w

ho d

on’t, won’t—

in

short, a m

arket wh

ere the d

iscoun

ted p

resent valu

e of fu

ture reven

ues exceed

s the im

med

iate profi

t real-ized

from th

e one-tim

e acceptan

ce of a bribe. In m

any

markets, from

the lon

g-distan

ce trade in

comm

odities

in th

e Mid

dle A

ges to the sale of con

sum

er app

liances

in m

odern

times, th

e benefi

ts of a good rep

utation

an

d th

e harm

from a p

oor one h

ave deterred

brib-ery an

d oth

er types of sh

ort-term, op

portu

nistic

behavior (G

reif 2006; Klein

1997). Th

e key in every

instan

ce is seeing th

at inform

ation abou

t an au

ditor’s

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

26

perform

ance is w

idely circu

lated to fu

ture em

ployers, a

role the W

orld B

ank cou

ld assu

me as p

art of its know

l-ed

ge-sharin

g work. It is also im

portan

t that em

ployers

consid

er repu

tation w

hen

hirin

g an au

ditor—

an ap

-p

roach th

at may, as it d

id in

the U

.S., require revision

s to p

ublic ten

der ru

les (Kellm

an 2002).

Eng

age civil society m

onitors

Non

governm

ental organ

izations (N

GO

s) or comm

un

ity advocacy grou

ps can be w

atchdogs, too. For civil society

groups th

e challen

ge is less remain

ing in

dependen

t of th

e corrupt sch

eme th

an h

aving th

e resources an

d ex-pertise to effectively m

onitor a roads project. A

lthou

gh

the In

donesian

research fou

nd th

at comm

un

ity-level m

onitorin

g did not preven

t corruption

in roads projects

(Olken

2007), Ph

ilippine N

GO

s have en

joyed a good deal of su

ccess in m

onitorin

g procurem

ents an

d un

-coverin

g corruption

in th

e health

and edu

cation sectors

(Ram

kum

ar 2008, 52–61). Indeed, in

one case a local

group, albeit on

e wh

ose mem

bership in

cluded a civil

engin

eer, discovered the u

se of substan

dard cemen

t in a

provincial road con

struction

project (Cadapan

-An

tonio

2006–07, 656–657).

An

imp

ortan

t com

plem

ent to

engagin

g civil society

mo

nito

rs is requ

iring th

e pu

blicatio

n o

f the co

ntract

and

related d

ocu

men

tation

such

as aud

it repo

rts, fu

nd

disb

ursem

ent sch

edu

les, and

pro

ject perfo

r-m

ance rep

orts. A

s Ken

ny (2010) argu

es, pu

blicatio

n

of su

ch in

form

ation

raises the th

reat of scru

tiny by

the m

edia an

d civil so

ciety, thu

s redu

cing th

e likeli-h

oo

d o

f brib

ery and

oth

er corru

pt p

aymen

ts. Th

e C

on

structio

n Secto

r Transp

arency In

itiative, a join

t D

FID

-Wo

rld B

ank in

itiative, fin

anced

a wo

rking p

a-p

er that item

izes the in

form

ation

that sh

ou

ld b

e dis-

closed

(Co

ST 2009).

A n

um

ber of well-resou

rced NG

Os are m

onitorin

g th

e second ph

ase of the P

hilippin

e National R

oads Im

provement and M

anagement P

roject and on

e, the

Transparen

cy and A

ccoun

tability Netw

ork, has pro-

duced a soph

isticated guide to m

onitorin

g procurem

ent

contracts for roads an

d other civil w

orks (Cern

a 2009). Fu

nds to su

pport this m

onitorin

g arrangem

ent are

provided by the A

ustralian

Aid A

gency. It is co-fi

nan

cing

the project w

ith a $1.1 m

illion gran

t supportin

g the

Netw

ork and oth

er civil society mon

itors (World B

ank

2008b, 68).

Develop

accurate cost estimates

Critical to evalu

ating bids are reliable, in

dependen

t, cu

rrent estim

ates of the projected cost of th

e contract.

Cost estim

ates shou

ld be prepared usin

g the sam

e level of detail th

e indu

stry uses, an

d shou

ld reflect w

hat th

e procu

ring au

thority is w

illing to pay for perform

ance

of the con

templated w

ork. Th

e U.S. D

epartmen

t of Tran

sportation advises th

at estimates sh

ould be w

ithin

10 percen

t of the low

bid for at least half of th

e projects. “If th

is degree of accuracy is n

ot being ach

ieved over . . . on

e year, confi

dence in

the en

gineer’s estim

ates may

decline” (G

overnm

ent of th

e Un

ited States 2004). Wh

ere th

ere is a history of cartelization

in th

e roads sector, care m

ust be taken

to ensu

re that cu

rrent estim

ates do not

reflect past in

stances of overpricin

g (Feinstein

, Block,

and N

old 1985).

Check the w

ealth of key procurem

ent ag

ency officials

More th

an 100 W

orld B

ank clien

t coun

tries require

design

ated civil servan

ts and

elected offi

cials to peri-

odically su

bmit statem

ents sh

owin

g their in

come an

d

assets (Messick 2009). T

hese statem

ents can

be used

by en

forcemen

t agency p

ersonn

el or civil society to com

pare w

hat is rep

orted abou

t the valu

es of hom

es, th

e nu

mber of cars ow

ned

, and

so forth, w

ith w

hat

real estate and

autom

obile registries show

and

wh

at visu

al insp

ections an

d in

terviews w

ith n

eighbors an

d

friend

s reveal. Th

e Ph

ilipp

ine C

enter for In

vestigative Jou

rnalism

cond

ucted

such

“lifestyle checks” on

mid

-level offi

cials of the cou

ntry’s tax service, fi

nd

ing th

at m

any h

ad sign

ifican

tly un

derstated

the valu

e of their

hom

es or lied abou

t the n

um

ber of cars they ow

ned

(B

atino 2003), an

d an

Ind

onesian

magazin

e recently

reported

that th

e coun

try’s Au

ditor G

eneral h

ad accu

-m

ulated

enorm

ous u

nd

eclared w

ealth d

urin

g a career in

the tax agen

cy (Temp

o 2010). Cou

ntries w

ithou

t

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Co

mb

atin

g C

ollu

sion

, Fra

ud

, an

d C

orru

ptio

n

27

incom

e and

asset declaration

laws sh

ould

enact th

em;

those w

ith su

ch law

s shou

ld en

sure th

at key procu

re-m

ent agen

cy person

nel are covered

and

the law

s vigor-ou

sly enforced

.

C. Lo

nger-Term

Cap

acity-Build

ing

Measures

Mod

ernize the roads sector ag

ency

Wh

ile ind

epen

den

t watch

dogs, civil society m

onitor-

ing, an

d th

e other sh

ort-term m

easures d

iscussed

in th

is rep

ort offer ways to d

efeat the collu

sion an

d frau

du

lent

schem

es INT

foun

d m

ost prevalen

t in B

ank-fu

nd

ed

roads p

rojects, no solu

tion w

ill succeed

in th

e long ru

n

with

out a m

odern

, profession

al, and

capable en

tity to m

anage a n

ation’s road n

etwork. To be effective, th

e road

agency m

ust h

ave app

ropriate p

owers, skills an

d

resources, an

d op

erate with

in an

effective framew

ork of accou

ntability, in

ternal con

trols, and

perform

ance

measu

remen

t. It mu

st have th

e auth

ority and

capacity

to carry out its regu

latory, plan

nin

g, fin

ance an

d invest-

men

t, coordin

ation, an

d m

anagem

ent resp

onsibilities;

it also mu

st have th

e techn

ologies, equip

men

t and

ef-fi

cient an

d tran

sparen

t processes an

d p

rocedu

res to en

able efficien

t use of resou

rces allocated to th

e roads

sector, inclu

din

g effective man

agemen

t of risks. Help

ing

a coun

try build

such

an en

tity begins w

ith a can

did

assessm

ent of th

e auth

ority’s weakn

esses and

iden

tifica-

tion of m

easures n

eeded

to add

ress them

. Th

e second

p

hase of th

e Ph

ilipp

ine N

ational Road Im

provement

and Managem

ent Project is a good

examp

le of such

ef-forts. A

s reflected

in th

e Project A

pp

raisal Docu

men

t, th

e loan bu

dgets $6 m

illion to su

pp

ort strength

enin

g m

easures for th

e Dep

artmen

t of Pu

blic Works an

d

Highw

ays, inclu

din

g the in

trodu

ction of n

ew bu

si-n

ess processes, a m

ore robust in

ternal au

dit staff, an

d

imp

roved fi

nan

cial man

agemen

t (World

Ban

k 2008b, 52–56). To ach

ieve sustain

ability and

move to scale in

h

elpin

g client cou

ntries bu

ild an

d m

aintain

sustain

-able road

netw

orks with

min

imu

m losses to frau

d,

corrup

tion an

d collu

sion, it is essen

tial that th

e World

B

ank an

d its p

artners su

pp

ort the cou

ntries’ efforts in

bu

ildin

g strong, effective an

d accou

ntable road

s sector in

stitution

s.

Strengthen com

petition law

enforcement

Road con

struction

and m

ainten

ance is ju

st one of m

any in

dustries in

wh

ich law

enforcem

ent au

thorities h

ave discovered cartels. O

ver 300 cartels in in

dustries as

diverse as ready-mix con

crete, vitamin

s, fin

e art, snow

rem

oval, and in

travenou

s solution

s have been

un

earthed

in developed cou

ntries (O

EC

D 2003). L

ike roads sector cartels, th

ese others h

ave also caused en

ormou

s damage

by raising prices, fu

rnish

ing sh

oddy goods, and corru

pt-in

g governm

ent offi

cials. To detect and prosecu

te cartels, th

e OE

CD

(2003) recomm

ends th

at law en

forcemen

t au

thorities h

ave in place th

e followin

g powers:

Th

e power to gran

t lenien

cy to cartel participants

willin

g to give evidence again

st other m

embers

Th

e ability to condu

ct un

ann

oun

ced visits to mem

-bers’ offi

ces to review docu

men

ts and electron

ic eviden

ceT

he au

thority to take oral testim

ony from m

embers’

employees for u

se in crim

inal an

d civil proceedings

Th

e right to u

se listenin

g devices and oth

er special investigative m

easures to collect in

formation

and

evidence

Bu

ilding an

institu

tion th

at can w

ield these pow

ers re-spon

sibly and effectively takes tim

e, but th

e damage car-

tels in any sector do to th

e econom

y and polity of devel-

oping n

ations argu

es for giving priority to stren

gthen

ing

the en

tities that en

force competition

law. A

nu

mber of

organization

s provide techn

ical assistance to com

peti-tion

law au

thorities; th

e Un

ited Nation

s Con

ference

on Trade an

d Developm

ent spon

sors peer reviews of

enforcem

ent efforts an

d hosts an

ann

ual m

eeting of

competition

law agen

cies from developin

g nation

s (U

NC

TAD

2010) and th

e OE

CD

, the W

orld Ban

k, and

other m

ultilateral an

d bilateral agencies also fu

rnish

variou

s forms of tech

nical assistan

ce.

D. E

xperim

ental Measures

Wh

ere the risks of frau

d, corruption

and collu

sion are

particularly h

igh, tradition

al reform m

easures, su

ch

as trainin

g staff, modern

izing facilities, an

d upgradin

g in

formation

and com

mu

nication

s techn

ology, will n

ot

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

28

by them

selves be effective (World B

ank 2008c, 32). To

address the issu

es, inn

ovative, creative, and less con

-ven

tional steps m

ay be required. T

his section

describes th

ree such

measu

res for consideration

in h

igh-risk

situation

s.

Imp

ose ceiling on b

ids

Th

e Ph

ilippines is experim

entin

g with

a cap on bids; for

each con

tract the procu

ring agen

cy calculates a m

axi-m

um

price. With

roads and oth

er infrastru

cture con

-tracts, im

plemen

ting regu

lations specify in

detail how

th

e maxim

um

price is to be calculated (G

overnm

ent of

the P

hilippin

es 2003). Bids over th

e budget are rejected

and if, after tw

o roun

ds of bidding, n

o company h

as su

bmitted a price equ

al to or less than

the m

aximu

m,

the agen

cy then

“directly negotiates a con

tract with

a tech

nically, legally an

d fin

ancially capable su

pplier, con

tractor or consu

ltant.” (G

overnm

ent P

rocurem

ent

Reform

Act, R

epublic A

ct 9184, § 43(e))

Th

ere are risks to this approach

. Absen

t genu

ine com

pe-tition

, the ceilin

g price almost certain

ly puts a fl

oor on

the bid price, som

ethin

g that appears to h

ave happen

ed in

Japan w

hen

road cartels were in

existence (M

cMillan

1991). In

addition, cost estim

ates on road con

tracts can

be un

reliable because m

arket condition

s chan

ge, engi-

neers can

make errors in

the estim

ation process, an

d th

ere is always th

e possibility that corru

ption w

ill creep in

to the process. M

oreover, if no com

pany bids at or below

the ceilin

g price and th

e procurin

g agency decides

to go forward w

ith th

e procurem

ent, it w

ill have to en

ter in

to direct negotiation

s with

a firm

, an action

wh

ich, as

explained below

, creates its own

set of problems.

An

analysis of the early experien

ce with the P

hilippines’

use of bid ceilings is expected to appear in

2011. While

in the m

eantim

e the World B

ank is n

ot permittin

g the P

hilippines to use ceilin

g prices on B

ank-fun

ded con-

tracts let under its in

ternation

al competitive biddin

g procedures, the B

ank has agreed to perm

it the practice on

contracts usin

g nation

al competitive biddin

g procedures so lon

g as four condition

s are met: (a) the bid docum

ents

are freely and easily accessible, (b) the ceilin

g price is based on

the engin

eering cost estim

ate, (c) the procuring

agency staff is train

ed on price estim

ation techn

iques an

d bid variance an

alysis, and (d) a system

is in place to

mon

itor and com

pare bid prices against the estim

ate.

Use com

petitive neg

otiation

Wh

ere roads cartels are particularly en

trench

ed, poli-cym

akers migh

t experimen

t with

a form of com

peti-tive n

egotiation. T

he procu

ring agen

cy chooses a fi

rm

it believes qualifi

ed to build th

e road in qu

estion an

d n

egotiates a price. It could be lu

mp su

m, cost-plu

s, or som

e combin

ation. If th

e firm

is not in

terested or is un

-w

illing to accept th

e price offered, the agen

cy goes on to

anoth

er firm

. Th

ere is a risk of corruption

in th

e form

of favoring on

e contractor over an

other or n

egotiating

too high

a price. To help address su

ch risks, com

petitive n

egotiation sh

ould: (a) be lim

ited to clearly defin

ed situ-

ations, (b) su

bject to appropriate safeguards, su

ch as a

prior short-listin

g of firm

s based on specifi

c criteria and

(c) adopt clear and tran

sparent objectives again

st wh

ich

to condu

ct negotiation

s with

each sh

ort-listed firm

to obtain

the best proposal.

Contract out p

rocurement

Wh

en state capacity is especially w

eak and th

e involve-m

ent of h

igh-level political offi

cials in procu

remen

t w

idespread, a foreign com

pany can be retain

ed to ad-m

inister th

e entire procu

remen

t process from project

identifi

cation to design

, tenderin

g, and con

tract man

-agem

ent. T

his is a broader application

of the in

depen-

dent w

atchdog approach

described above, and th

e same

concern

s about en

surin

g that th

e procurem

ent agen

t is gen

uin

ely indepen

dent an

d that repu

tation m

echan

isms

are in place apply—

only on

a mu

ch larger scale.

Hirin

g an in

dependen

t procurem

ent agen

t is not w

ith-

out its problem

s, how

ever. New

ly hired agen

ts face steep learn

ing cu

rves that often

delay procurem

ents an

d na-

tional agen

cies displaced by the agen

ts can lose in

terest in

, and ow

nersh

ip of, the projects h

andled by th

e agents

(Ali an

d Moss 2010). T

he biggest draw

back with

inde-

penden

t procurem

ent agen

ts is that th

ey can u

ndercu

t efforts to bu

ild local procurem

ent capacity.

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Co

mb

atin

g C

ollu

sion

, Fra

ud

, an

d C

orru

ptio

n

29

World

Ban

k experien

ce with

ind

epen

den

t agents in

Sou

thern

Sud

an an

d C

ambod

ia show

s two p

itfalls to avoid

wh

en retain

ing an

ind

epen

den

t agent. In

Sou

thern

Sud

an th

e agent d

id n

ot field

suffi

cient staff

to provid

e the train

ing requ

ired (P

rice Waterh

ouse

Coop

ers 2008) wh

ile in C

ambod

ia the agen

t’s terms

of reference om

itted cap

acity build

ing (A

li and

Moss

2010). Ban

k experien

ce with

ind

epen

den

t agents in

cu

stoms in

An

gola and

Mozam

bique, h

owever, illu

s-trate th

e advantages w

hen

these p

roblems are avoid

ed.

In both

coun

tries the cu

stoms fu

nction

was con

tracted

out, w

ith a d

eadlin

e for turn

ing resp

onsibility back

over to the govern

men

t. Corru

ption

was sh

arply

redu

ced in

the sh

ort run

and

over the lon

g term n

a-tion

al capacity w

as built (M

itchen

er and

Mau

rer 2010; M

wan

gi 2004). Com

mon

to both efforts w

as not on

ly a clear u

nd

erstand

ing on

the d

eadlin

e for han

din

g back resp

onsibility, bu

t also suffi

cient resou

rces for the

ind

epen

den

t agent to ru

n th

e custom

s agency an

d to

train n

ational staff.

E. Issues fo

r Co

nsideratio

n by B

ank O

peratio

ns Staff

Th

e four objectives u

nderlyin

g the W

orld Ban

k procure-

men

t policy—tran

sparency, fair treatm

ent, capacity

buildin

g, and com

petition—

are sometim

es in ten

sion.

Policies that advan

ce transparen

cy, fair treatmen

t, or capacity bu

ilding can

un

dercut com

petition; on

the

other h

and, th

ose that fu

rther com

petition m

ay inad-

vertently com

promise on

e or more of th

e other th

ree. As

the W

orld Ban

k reviews its procu

remen

t policy, it wou

ld be im

portant to con

sider trade-offs between

these

objectives, adapted to the specifi

c coun

try’s risks and

circum

stances, in

cludin

g the state of com

petition, th

e

BOX 7

Using

Co

mp

etitive Neg

otiatio

n to C

ircumvent a C

artel: the US exp

erience

The Am

erican military used

com

petitive neg

otiatio

n to circum

vent a cartel in the Rep

ublic o

f Ko

rea in the 1970s.

The military reg

ularly tendered

for g

oo

ds and

services from

Ko

rean firms and

its rules required

that all but

the very smallest co

ntracts be let co

mp

etitively. Procurem

ent officers enco

untered the sam

e pro

blem

s evid

ent in the road

s sector to

day, co

llusion co

upled

with co

rruptio

n underp

inned b

y a culture that eschewed

co

mp

etition.

At first p

rocurem

ent officials so

ught to

overco

me these p

rob

lems thro

ugh stricter enfo

rcement o

f the R

epub

lic’s com

petitio

n laws. C

artels were infiltrated

and evid

ence of co

llusion w

as turned o

ver to So

uth K

orean p

rosecuto

rs. Local p

rocurem

ent staff caught furthering

cartel activities were p

rosecuted

. Altho

ugh

a few cartels w

ere bro

ken up, the results w

ere disap

po

inting; cartels reg

roup

ed and

wo

rse, in several cases, info

rmants w

ere murd

ered.

Frustrated w

ith the lack of p

rog

ress, senior p

rocurem

ent staff turned to

nego

tiated p

rocurem

ents, similar to

the tw

o-stag

e tendering

often used

in tight co

nstruction m

arkets (Davis and

Do

rnan 2008). The pro

curement

officer cho

se a firm he b

elieved cap

able o

f do

ing the w

ork and

invited it in to

nego

tiate a deal. A

fixed p

rice m

ight b

e nego

tiated o

r som

etimes, as in the case o

f two

-stage tend

ering, the firm

wo

uld w

ork o

n a cost- p

lus b

asis. The results exceeded

expectatio

ns; prices w

ere 10–15 percent less than tho

se under “co

mp

etitive” b

ids, and

the kickbacks and

violence asso

ciated w

ith “com

petitive” tend

ers disap

peared

.

The key to the m

ilitary’s success was its “clean,” ind

epend

ent pro

curement p

ersonnel. Pro

curement staff

stoo

d o

utside the netw

ork o

f collusio

n and co

rruptio

n that authorities so

ught to

defeat, ad

ministering

the rules evenhand

edly and

with integ

rity, thus acting as a d

e facto ind

epend

ent pro

curement ag

ent.

Source: M

artin (1983).

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

30

capacity and perform

ance of th

e responsible agen

cies, su

ch as h

ighway au

thorities, th

e effectiveness of an

ticor-ru

ption an

d competition

laws, an

d the track record of

the preven

tion an

d enforcem

ent au

thorities. T

he follow

-in

g discussion

covers some issu

es that em

erged in th

e con

text of this review

that m

ay merit con

sideration as

part of the reform

.

Trade-offs b

etween Transp

arency and

Collusion

As discu

ssed above, wh

ile open an

d transparen

t pro-cedu

res for the aw

ard of public con

tracts help en

sure

fairness an

d reduce corru

ption in

the procu

remen

t process, disclosu

re of certain kin

ds of inform

ation m

ay also facilitate cartelization

and price-fi

xing. (A

nderson

, K

ovacic, and M

üller 2010; O

EC

D 2008b). T

he m

ost clear-cu

t example is th

e requirem

ent th

at the n

ame of

each bidder an

d the am

oun

t of the bid be pu

blicly dis-closed. P

ublish

ing all bids received both

elimin

ates the

risk that a corru

pt official w

ill accept a high

-priced or n

oncon

formin

g bid and reassu

res firm

s subm

itting bids

they are bein

g treating equ

ally. Bu

t as Stigler (1964) ex-plain

s in a classic article on

collusion

, cartels are un

der con

stant th

reat of breakdown

from secret price cu

ts by a m

ember seekin

g to expand bu

siness at th

e expense of

the oth

er mem

bers. How

can collu

ders protect against

an ou

tbreak of competitive pricin

g?

“Th

e system of sealed bids, pu

blicly opened

with

full iden

tification

of each bidder’s price

and specifi

cations, is th

e ideal instru

men

t for th

e detection of price-cu

tting. T

here ex-

ists no altern

ative meth

od of secretly cuttin

g prices (bribery of pu

rchasin

g agents aside).

Ou

r . . . prediction, th

en, is th

at collusion

will

always be m

ore effective against buyers w

ho

report correctly and fu

lly the prices ten

dered to th

em” (48).

Wh

ere the risk of collu

sion is particu

larly high

, thou

ght

shou

ld be given to ach

ieving th

e goals of transparen

cy in

alternative w

ays. Such

alternatives sh

ould be design

ed in

a man

ner th

at main

tains pu

blic confi

dence in

gov-ern

men

t institu

tions an

d processes and addresses th

e

risk of corruption

. Limitin

g the pre-bid con

ferences to

one fi

rm at a tim

e, wh

ile requirin

g that each

meetin

g be atten

ded by an in

dependen

t party and in

clude a video-

recording or a m

eeting tran

script, is a good example of

an altern

ative that can

be considered in

high

-collusion

environ

men

ts. Havin

g an in

dependen

t evaluator certify

that th

e lowest price w

as chosen

is anoth

er.

Subcontracting

as a facilitator of cap

acity-build

ing and

collusion

Allow

ing less experien

ced local compan

ies to subcon-

tract with experien

ced intern

ational fi

rms gives them

the chan

ce to learn n

ew techn

iques and build dom

estic ca-pacity. H

owever, w

hen losin

g bidders are permitted to be-

come subcon

tractors to the win

nin

g firm

, subcontractin

g can

be a way colluders pay on

e another off for stickin

g together. A

s suggested above, where the risks of collusion

are high, con

sideration should be given

to prohibiting

subcontractin

g with losin

g bidders or at least mon

itoring

subcontractin

g patterns to iden

tify collusion risks.

Custom

izing m

easures to add

ress fraud

and corrup

tion in civil works contracts

Faced with

the risk of frau

d and corru

ption in

World

Ban

k-fun

ded civil works con

tracts, the B

ank’s procu

re-m

ent specialists h

ave developed various m

itigation

measu

res, sum

marized in

Box 8. T

he effectiven

ess and

replicability of these m

easures m

erit furth

er evaluation

an

d discussion

by the W

orld Ban

k’s transport sector an

d procu

remen

t specialists as part of the reform

process.

Develop

ing exp

ertise on cost estimating

and

detecting

collusive bid

ding

To prevent collu

sion an

d corruption

in roads projects,

accurate cost estim

ates and th

e ability to spot collusion

are essen

tial. Th

e World B

ank sh

ould con

sider becom-

ing a cen

ter of excellence for both

, creating a cadre of

experts on each

topic wh

o can follow

developmen

ts in

the fi

eld, train cou

ntry cou

nterparts, an

d step in

wh

en cou

ntry capacity is w

eak. With

its Road C

osts

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Co

mb

atin

g C

ollu

sion

, Fra

ud

, an

d C

orru

ptio

n

31

Kn

owledge System

, a database of historical in

formation

on

roadwork costs per kilom

eter, the W

orld Ban

k has

taken th

e first step w

ith cost estim

ating. A

n easy fi

rst step for iden

tifying collu

sive bidding w

ould be to begin

an

alyzing bids su

bmitted on

projects. A n

um

ber of tests h

ave been developed to determ

ine w

heth

er bids were

arrived at indepen

dently an

d they can

be programm

ed u

sing stan

dard statistical packages (Bajari an

d Ye 2003; Porter an

d Zon

a 1993). Th

e World B

ank sh

ould en

sure

that fi

rms biddin

g on B

ank-fu

nded projects su

bmit th

e data n

ecessary to condu

ct these tests in

mach

ine-read-

able form. T

he investm

ent requ

ired to build on

these

first steps w

ould be m

inim

al and th

e potential payoffs—

with

a projected lendin

g program of $7–8 billion

for FY

11—en

ormou

s.

Reevaluate current contract m

anagem

ent form

Like th

e FIDIC

mod

el on w

hich

it is mod

eled, th

e W

orld B

ank’s w

orks contract form

makes th

e engin

eer th

e central fi

gure in

contract ad

min

istration. T

his form

of contract m

anagem

ent origin

ated in

19th cen

tury

En

gland

and

in th

e 1950s spread

to develop

ing cou

n-

tries wh

ere it seemed

well su

ited to th

eir need

s (Lyon

1995). Th

e un

certainties in

build

ing p

ublic w

orks in

the th

en largely u

nkn

own

settings in

develop

ing

coun

tries created sign

ifican

t risks, ones th

at could

not

be specifi

ed, let alon

e allocated

by detailed

contract

langu

age. Mu

ch h

ad to be left to w

ork throu

gh on

the

groun

d as th

e project p

rogressed, creatin

g the p

ossibil-ity th

at the con

struction

of road

s and

other critically

need

ed in

frastructu

re wou

ld be stalled

as the con

trac-tor an

d th

e governm

ent squ

abbled over w

ho w

as re-sp

onsible for w

hat u

nforeseeable even

t. Exacerbatin

g th

e tension

, the bu

ilder w

as inevitably from

a devel-

oped

coun

try and

possessed

a high

degree of tech

nical

know

ledge, w

hile th

e develop

ing cou

ntry clien

t had

little. A

strong, tech

nically com

peten

t engin

eer, ind

e-p

end

ent of both

(and

, imp

ortantly, w

ith th

e pow

er to m

ediate th

eir disp

utes an

d so keep

the p

roject on

track) provid

ed a w

orkable solution

.

As d

evelopin

g coun

tries gained

experien

ce and

exper-

tise with

infrastru

cture con

struction

, how

ever, they

BOX 8

Red

ucing Fraud

and C

orrup

tion in C

ivil Wo

rks

1. E

nsure accurate cost estim

ates (quantities and

, mo

re imp

ortantly, unit rates) to

exclude the up

-front

inflated p

add

ing that serves as a reference co

ver to hid

e the high b

id p

rices do

wnstream

.2.

Be sure the b

ill of q

uantity is correct to

minim

ize variations in the d

ow

nstream im

plem

entation o

f unit rate/ad

-measurem

ent contracts.

3. E

ncourag

e, where feasib

le, a lump

sum o

utput-b

ased ap

pro

ach for tend

ering and

contract im

plem

entation

to red

uce the po

ssibility o

f do

wnstream

quantity variatio

ns during

contract im

plem

entation. Pro

vide

concurrent training

of b

orro

wer staff and

private secto

r contracto

rs in the app

lication o

f the lump

-sum

outp

ut-based

app

roach in the p

rocurem

ent and im

plem

entation o

f civil wo

rks contracts.

4. Includ

e contract p

rovisio

ns that pro

vide an incentive fo

r contracto

rs to d

eliver cost saving

s at the end o

f the co

mp

leted co

ntract (final com

pleted

contract p

rice vs. initial contract aw

ard p

rice) — fo

r examp

le, b

onuses o

r a percentag

e of the co

st savings.

5. C

losely sup

ervise constructio

n supervisio

n, preferab

ly throug

h external international eng

ineering firm

s, alo

ng w

ith indep

endent technical aud

its and a hig

her level of q

uality checks by the B

ank during

pro

ject sup

ervision.

6. D

uring p

roject sup

ervision, the B

ank or its ap

po

inted aud

itors sho

uld rand

om

ly check the contracto

r’s and

superviso

ry consultant’s financial reco

rds, ap

plying

in practice the p

rovisio

n in the Bank’s Pro

curement

Guid

elines, standard

bid

ding

do

cuments, and

standard

form

s of co

ntract, which allo

ws the B

ank to

undertake such aud

its.

Source: W

orld

Bank p

rocurem

ent staff.

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

32

saw less n

eed for a p

owerfu

l engin

eer; in resp

onse, th

e W

orld B

ank an

d oth

er intern

ational fi

nan

cial institu

-tion

s have p

rogressively mod

ified

the FID

IC con

tract to stren

gthen

the govern

men

t’s control of th

e engin

eer. W

hereas th

e engin

eer once in

dep

end

ently d

etermin

ed

wh

ether a con

tractor’s invoice was in

order an

d th

ere-fore sh

ould

be paid

, that is n

o longer th

e case. Likew

ise, th

e curren

t version of th

e FIDIC

contract u

sed by th

e W

orld B

ank gives th

e governm

ent th

e pow

er to replace

the en

gineer at any tim

e with

no real in

pu

t from th

e con

tractor.

Wh

ile the m

ove away from

a powerfu

l, indepen

dent en

-gin

eer was prom

pted by many factors, project in

tegrity does n

ot appear to have been

one. W

ith th

e growin

g recogn

ition of th

e harm

from frau

d and corru

ption

in road w

orks, the developm

ent com

mu

nity sh

ould

reevaluate th

e way roads con

tracts are man

aged. Is a w

eakened en

gineer overseen

by a sometim

es-corrupt

agency th

e best guaran

tor of project integrity? A

re those

forms of project m

anagem

ent th

at assign th

e engin

eer’s respon

sibilities to different en

tities more likely to redu

ce corru

ption? Sh

ould th

e engin

eer be more in

dependen

t of govern

men

t? Advan

ces in th

e econom

ic study of con

-stru

ction con

tracts (Ch

akravarty and M

acLeod 2006) an

d the accu

mu

lated experience from

different form

s of con

struction

contract m

anagem

ent (e.g., K

luen

ker 2001) provide a w

ealth of in

formation

for considerin

g su

ch issu

es.

Target enforcem

ent on engineering

firms

If the en

gineer’s role in

project integrity is to be

strength

ened, th

en corru

pt engin

eers mu

st be severely san

ctioned. IN

T w

ill do its part by targeting en

gineers

in its investigation

s of miscon

duct in

Ban

k-fun

ded road an

d infrastru

cture projects. W

hen

ever it is determin

ed th

at an en

gineer h

as been involved in

corruption

, that

engin

eer shou

ld be debarred for a lengthy period an

d borrow

er coun

tries shou

ld be urged to cease h

iring h

im

on n

on-B

ank-fi

nan

ced projects. Tanzan

ia already does so. Its procu

remen

t law provides th

at any firm

that h

as been

debarred “by a foreign cou

ntry, in

ternation

al or-gan

ization or oth

er foreign in

stitution

s on grou

nds of

fraud or corru

ption” cann

ot compete for a govern

men

t

contract for th

e same len

gth of tim

e (Govern

men

t of Tan

zania 2004). T

hese steps w

ill help to create a m

arket w

here on

ly hon

est engin

eers prosper.

Increase contingent of p

rofessional W

orld B

ank staff with road

engineering

exp

ertise

Wh

ile World B

ank su

pervision efforts n

ow stress fi

nan

-cial an

d fidu

ciary controls, despite th

eir usefu

lness th

ese efforts do little to detect m

alpractice and th

e practical im

pacts of corruption

in th

e realization of th

e works.

Since th

ird party techn

ical audit solu

tion w

ill remain

expen

sive and im

practical in m

any projects, a simpler

remedy to start tacklin

g this issu

e is to strength

en th

e profession

al techn

ical capacity of the B

ank’s project

teams. T

his m

eans m

aintain

ing a su

fficien

t nu

mber of

seasoned road an

d highw

ay engin

eers. At th

e design

stage these profession

als can detect poten

tial weakn

esses or om

issions an

d help m

ake bidding docu

men

ts more

reliable with

less room for in

terpretation or deliber-

ate miscon

ception. A

t the con

struction

stage they w

ill kn

ow w

here to look an

d wh

at to probe wh

en su

pervis-in

g road constru

ction or reh

abilitation. C

ombin

ed with

th

e fidu

ciary controls, th

is approach w

ould provide a

mu

ch-im

proved protection again

st corruption

in proj-

ect implem

entation

.

Spend

more on corrup

tion prevention in

projects

Com

bating corru

ption requ

ires not on

ly techn

ical skills, com

petence, an

d comm

itmen

t, but also re-

sources. A

n exam

ple of good practice is the secon

d ph

ase of the P

hilippin

e National R

oads Improvem

ent and M

anagement P

roject, wh

ich earm

arks $7.54 million

for an

ticorruption

activities, of wh

ich $1.14 m

illion is

part of the B

ank loan

and $6.40 m

illion a gran

t from

the A

ustralian

Aid A

gency. A

lthou

gh th

ese amou

nts

may seem

high

, between

the loan

and its ow

n fu

nds,

the G

overnm

ent w

ill spend $240 m

illion for roads

throu

gh th

e project. Given

the im

portance of corru

p-tion

prevention

to the u

ltimate su

ccess and su

stain-

ability of the roads projects an

d programs, th

e World

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Co

mb

atin

g C

ollu

sion

, Fra

ud

, an

d C

orru

ptio

n

33

Ban

k shou

ld review its su

pervision strategy for th

e roads sector th

at looks at various factors, in

cludin

g budget

and skills. In

condu

cting su

ch review

, options to be con

-sidered m

ay inclu

de: (a) reallocating resou

rces towards

implem

entation

support; (b) establish

ing a tru

st fun

d to fi

nan

ce indepen

dent procu

remen

t oversight; an

d (c) grou

ping au

dits, review, an

d supervision

work for m

ul-

tiple projects to achieve econ

omies of scale.

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Co

nclusion

As th

is report has sh

own

, fraud, collu

sion, an

d cor-ru

ption in

roads projects wreak en

ormou

s damage on

developin

g coun

tries. Roads cost m

ore to build th

an

they sh

ould, do n

ot last as long as th

ey ough

t to, and

the corru

ption proceeds can

pollute a n

ation’s political system

. Th

e aim of th

is report has been

to help redu

ce th

ese losses by sparking a dialogu

e amon

g policymakers

and stakeh

olders inside an

d outside th

e World B

ank on

developin

g solution

s to these problem

s. Th

is dialogue

shou

ld inclu

de the follow

ing elem

ents:

A robu

st assessmen

t of the im

pact an

d cost-

effectiveness of d

ifferent m

itigation m

easures

app

lied in

differen

t coun

tries (inclu

din

g un

der

World

Ban

k-fun

ded

projects in

Ken

ya, Ind

onesia,

Ph

ilipp

ines an

d oth

ers that in

clud

e robust m

itiga-tion

measu

res)

A review

of procurem

ent policies to address areas

that m

ay constrain

borrower au

thorities, th

e World

Ban

k, and its staff from

taking appropriate action

An

assessmen

t of wh

ether ch

anges are n

eeded in th

e cu

rrent m

odel for preparation an

d supervision

of roads projects an

d the relative roles of govern

men

t au

thorities, th

e engin

eering profession

, World B

ank

staff, and civil society represen

tativesA

n evalu

ation of experien

ce to date with

buildin

g effective pu

blic works in

stitution

s in borrow

ing

coun

tries.

INT

is ready to work w

ith its operation

al colleagues in

th

e Sustain

able Developm

ent N

etwork, th

e regions, an

d O

perations Policy an

d Cou

ntry Services an

d with

gov-ern

men

t coun

terparts, the private sector an

d civil soci-ety to advan

ce this dialogu

e.

VI

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ractices. Wash

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., July 28. A

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ainten

ance P

roject. Wash

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k, July 24. A

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rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

44

World B

ank. 2001. In

donesia C

oun

try Procu

remen

t A

ssessmen

t Report: R

eformin

g the P

ublic

Procu

remen

t System. W

ashin

gton, D

.C.: W

orld B

ank. A

vailable at: http://imagebank.w

orldbank.org/servlet/W

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ontentServer/IW3P

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multi0page.pdf

World B

ank. 1994. W

orld Developm

ent Report 1994:

Infrastructure for Developm

ent. New

York: Oxford

Un

iversity Press.

Zogh

bi, Valen

tina. 2009. “Strategic P

riorities of C

ompetition

and R

egulatory A

gencies in

D

eveloping C

oun

tries,” chapter 3 in

Meh

ta, P

radeep S., and Sim

on J. Even

ett, eds., Politics Trium

phs Econom

ics? Political Econom

y and the Im

plementation of C

ompetition Law

and Econom

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egulation in Developing C

ountries. New

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Proving

Bid

Rig

ging

o

n Ro

ads Tend

ers

It does not have to be made in w

riting; no form

alities are necessary, and no contractual sanctions or enforcem

ent measures are re-

quired. The fact of agreem

ent may be express

or implicit in the behavior of the parties.

Eu

ropean C

omm

un

ities v. F. Hoffm

an-la

Roch

e AG

, 4 C.M

.L.R. 22, 37 (2003).

As th

e Eu

ropean C

ourt of First In

stance observed in

th

e above excerpt from th

e Vitam

in Cartel case, collu

-sive agreem

ents com

e in m

any forms—

written

or oral, in

formal or form

al, express or implied. Parties to su

ch

agreemen

ts generally go to great len

gths to con

ceal their

existence, an

d so, particularly w

hen

an agreem

ent is

inform

al or implied, establish

ing its presen

ce in a legal

proceeding can

be a challen

ge. With

courts an

d competi-

tion agen

cies hearin

g an ever larger n

um

ber of allega-tion

s of collusive agreem

ents, h

owever, som

e comm

on

principles h

ave emerged for provin

g collusion

, a conver-gen

ce furth

ered by a rich cross-n

ational dialogu

e and an

expan

ding body of com

parative law sch

olarship.

All ju

risdictions distin

guish

between

direct and in

direct eviden

ce of collusion

. Direct eviden

ce is testimony de-

scribing, or docu

men

ts show

ing, a collu

sive agreemen

t. In

direct, or circum

stantial, eviden

ce consists of facts

and circu

mstan

ces from w

hich

an adm

inistrative body

or a court of law

can in

fer the existen

ce of a collusive

agreemen

t.

In cases of bid riggin

g, direct evidence w

ould in

clude th

e testim

ony of one or m

ore individu

als wh

o participated

in riggin

g by, for example, su

bmittin

g a cover bid or agreein

g not to bid. O

ther form

s of direct evidence

wou

ld inclu

de the testim

ony of those w

ho w

itnessed th

e riggin

g, such

as clerical or support staff of th

e compa-

nies involved, or fi

rms th

at were invited to rig th

e tender

but declin

ed. Docu

men

ts disclosing som

e or all of the

details of the bid riggin

g wou

ld be anoth

er form of di-

rect evidence.

Indirect eviden

ce is generally broken

down

into tw

o categories. T

here is fi

rst econom

ic evidence sh

owin

g th

e market is n

ot competitive. In

the case of road con

-tracts, it w

ould con

sist of evidence dem

onstratin

g that

condition

s make it likely th

at bidders do not com

pete for ten

ders. As th

e discussion

in th

is report show

ed, in

the roads sector in

most cou

ntries a pleth

ora of this

type of evidence w

ill likely be available: the produ

ct is h

ighly stan

dardized; prices are inelastic, th

at is, insen

si-tive to ch

anges in

costs; and a few

firm

s domin

ate the

market. W

hen

coupled w

ith a system

of open pu

blic ten

dering, th

e econom

ic case for collusion

is very strong.

Addition

al econom

ic evidence of collu

sion in

particular

cases wou

ld inclu

de (a) bids signifi

cantly in

excess of costs, (b) fi

rms w

ith excess capacity, or oth

er econom

ic in

centives to bid, declin

ing to do so, (c) th

e market

shares of th

e large firm

s remain

ing stable over tim

e, and

(d) a pattern of w

inn

ing bids sh

owin

g firm

s taking tu

rns

“win

nin

g” over time.

No m

atter how

strong th

e econom

ic evidence, cou

rts an

d competition

law agen

cies almost alw

ays require

some addition

al evidence to fi

nd collu

sion. T

he reason

is

An

nex 1

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Cu

rbin

g F

rau

d, C

orru

ptio

n, a

nd

Co

llusio

n in

the

Ro

ad

s Se

cto

r

46

that th

e structu

re of some in

dustries alon

e can produ

ce n

oncom

petitive condition

s, wh

at is termed “oligopolistic

interdepen

dence,” even

with

out a collu

sive agreemen

t. T

his in

terdependen

ce is typically foun

d in m

arkets w

here a few

firm

s man

ufactu

re a hom

ogeneou

s prod-u

ct and prices are in

elastic and pu

blicly posted or an-

nou

nced. In

these m

arkets, it is in each

firm

’s long-ru

n

self-interest to m

aintain

supra-com

petitive prices, and

if all firm

s recognize th

is, an agreem

ent n

ot to compete

may n

ot be necessary. T

he u

se of a first-price, sealed-bid

auction

to award road con

struction

and m

ainten

ance

contracts m

akes oligopolistic interdepen

dence in

the

roads sector un

likely. On

the oth

er han

d, there can

be circu

mstan

ces—su

ch as w

hen

engin

eering costs esti-

mates are dissem

inated or th

e nam

es of all bidders and

the am

oun

ts each bid are revealed—

un

der wh

ich fi

rms

in th

e roads sector migh

t be able avoid competin

g with

-ou

t a collusive agreem

ent.

For this reaso

n, so

me evid

ence o

f an agreem

ent w

ill be u

seful to

assure th

e fact-fin

der th

at collu

sion

is p

resent. Su

ch ad

ditio

nal evid

ence is com

mo

nly

termed

a “plu

s factor,” an

d co

urts an

d com

men

tators

have id

entifi

ed vario

us typ

es, dep

end

ing u

po

n th

e

characteristics o

f the p

articular m

arket and

the typ

e o

f collu

sive arrangem

ent alleged

. On

e fairly exhau

stive list is in

OE

CD

2006. Exam

ples o

f plu

s factors in

the

road

s sector w

ou

ld in

clud

e (a) bids th

at are iden

ti-cal in

all or alm

ost every resp

ect except p

rice, (b) an

econ

om

etric or statistical an

alysis show

ing th

at the

bids w

ere no

t prep

ared in

dep

end

ently, (c) th

e subm

is-sio

n o

f fraud

ulen

t bid secu

rities by well-establish

ed

firm

s, (d) o

ral or w

ritten com

mu

nicatio

ns abo

ut p

lans

to bid

or th

e amo

un

t of a bid

, (e) agreemen

ts on

sub-

contractin

g, (f) the p

urch

ase of bid

din

g do

cum

ents by

firm

s that d

id n

ot bid

, and

(g) comm

un

ication

s and

m

eetings ju

st before a ten

der is d

ue.

As in

any factual determ

ination

, the eviden

ce mu

st be con

sidered as a wh

ole. Credible direct eviden

ce of bid riggin

g is often su

fficien

t to show

collusion

. In its ab-

sence, th

e econom

ic and n

onecon

omic eviden

ce will

be weigh

ed together. In

the roads sector, w

here th

e eco-n

omic eviden

ce of the absen

ce of competition

is likely to be stron

g, the plu

s factor or factors presented m

ay not

need to be as probative as th

ey wou

ld have to be w

hen

th

e econom

ic evidence is m

ore problematic (O

EC

D

2006, Posner 2001).

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Refo

rms to

Public Pro

curement

in OE

CD

Co

untries

Ban

nin

g pre-bid meetin

gs with

more th

an on

e po-ten

tial supplier.

Limitin

g comm

un

ications betw

een bidders du

ring

the ten

der process.U

sing n

egotiated tenders an

d framew

ork agreemen

ts w

hen

collusive beh

avior persists.U

sing a ceilin

g price only if it is based on

thorou

gh

market research

and en

gineerin

g estimates an

d of-fi

cials are convinced it is very com

petitive. En

surin

g it is kept it con

fiden

tial.Takin

g precaution

s wh

en u

sing in

dustry con

sultan

ts to con

duct th

e tenderin

g process; ensu

ring th

ey have

not establish

ed workin

g relationsh

ips with

indi-

vidual bidders.

Wh

enever possible, requ

esting th

at bids be filed

anonym

ously (e.g. con

sider identifyin

g bidders with

n

um

bers or symbols) an

d allowin

g bids to be sub-

mitted by teleph

one or m

ail.

Keepin

g bidders’ identities con

fiden

tial and n

ot lim-

iting th

eir nu

mber u

nn

ecessarily.R

equirin

g bidders to disclose all comm

un

ica-tion

s with

competitors an

d to sign a C

ertificate of

Indepen

dent B

id Determ

ination

.B

ann

ing su

bcontractin

g in appropriate circu

m-

stance an

d at a min

imu

m requ

iring bidders to dis-

close in advan

ce if they in

tend to u

se subcon

tractors.B

ann

ing join

t bids wh

en appropriate as th

ey facili-tate com

mu

nication

and profi

t splitting am

ong bid

riggers.Su

bjecting extern

al consu

ltants to a reportin

g re-qu

iremen

t if they becom

e aware of im

proper com-

petitor behavior or any poten

tial confl

ict of interest.

Source: OE

CD

n.d.

An

nex 2

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