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Volume 13(1) / Fall 2010 • ISSN 1523-1615 • http://www.tc.edu/cice

Special SympoSium iSSue

Aid, development, And educAtion

EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION

3 Introduction to the Special Symposium Issue AndrewK.Shiotani

FEATURED ARTICLE

7 Aid, Development, and Education StevenJ.Klees

RESPONSES

29 The Ignorant Donor: A Radical Reimagination of International Aid, Development, and Education

WilliamC.BrehmandIvetaSilova

37 Improving Aid Effectiveness or Transforming the Global Capitalist System MarkGinsburg

44 The Aid Debate: Beyond the Liberal/Conservative Divide SangeetaKamat

51 Paradoxes and Prospects: Moving Beyond the Study of Foreign Aid KarenMundy

REPLY

56 Towards a Progressive View of Aid, Development, and Education StevenJ.Klees

Current Issues inComparative Education

2CurrentIssuesinComparativeEducation

CURRENT ISSUES IN COMPARATIVE EDUCATIONVolume13,Issue1(Fall2010)

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SPECIALSYMPOSIUMISSUE

Aid, Development, and Education

Steven J. Klees1

UniversityofMaryland

Ourworldfacespervasivepovertyandinequality:

• theworld’srich-poorgaphasmorethandoubledsincethe1960s;• 1.4billionpeopleliveonlessthan$1.25/day;• hungeraffects963millionpeopleworldwide;• nearly1billionpeoplelackaccesstosafedrinkingwater;• oneinthreechildrenindevelopingcountriessuffersfrommalnutrition;• about75millionchildrenwhoshouldbeinprimaryschoolarenot;and• everyyear,nearly10millionchildrenundertheageof5diefrompreventablecauses.

(BreadfortheWorld,2009;UNESCO,2009;Dichter,2003,p.1)

Hundreds of billions of dollars in international aidhave beengivenor loaned todevelopingcountries though bilateral and multilateral mechanisms, at least, ostensibly, in order to dosomethingabouttheseandotherproblems.Hassuchaidhelped?

Debates around this question have been ongoing for decades, perhaps intensifying in recentyears.This shouldnotbea surprise. It is far fromstraightforward to evendeterminehow toinvestigatethequestion.Atfirstglance,aresearchermightwanttolookbeforeandaftertoobservehowwell indicators, suchasofpovertyandeconomicgrowth, improvedovera specific timeperiod,andlinkthattochangesinaid,controllingforotherfactorsthatmightaffectpovertyandeconomicgrowth.Whilesomeresearchalongtheselinesexists,thisapproachisgenerallyanon-starter,especiallyonagloballevel,butalsoevenforspecificcountries.Thequestionisjusttoocomplicatedtobewell-specified–formanyreasons.Forinstance,thereisamyriadofinteractivefactorsthataffectpovertyandeconomicgrowthbesidesaid.Moreover,internationalaidservesmanypurposesotherthanthese,suchassupportingtheforeignpolicyofrichcountries,buildingnations, democratization, or fighting terrorism.Given that a supposedly ‘scientific’ approachcannotanswer thequestionof the impactofaid, it isnot surprising that thedebatesabout itrely heavily on anecdotal and idiosyncratic evidence marshaled from particular ideologicalperspectives.

Periodicstudiesandinternationalmeetingshavereviewedaidanddevelopmentlinkagesandmade recommendations for improvement. For example, the World Bank-sponsored PearsonCommission in 1970 argued that “external resources, by adding to the resources available toadeveloping country,hashadapositive impactupondevelopment” andmerited“large andsustained expansion” (Asante, 1985, p. 249). Subsequent studies like the Brandt CommissionReportsin1980and1983reinforcedtheseconclusions.Inrecentyears,internationalmeetings–Monterreyin2002,Romein2003,Marrakechin2004,andParisin2005–ledtoagreementsonaidanddevelopment.TheG-8meetinginScotlandin2005,withimpetusfromcelebritydonorsandentrepreneurialphilanthropists,promisedadoublingofaidtoAfricannations.Andperhapsmostimportantly,theParisDeclarationin2005laysoutaninternationalagendatoimproveforeignaid


S.Klees

bymakingitmoretransparent,accountable,aligned,harmonized,andeffective.2

Despitethefactthatmostoftheseofficialviewsofaidenduparguingthatmoreisnecessary,foreignaidhaslonghaditscriticsfromallsidesofthepoliticalspectrum.Forexample,fromtheright,PeterBauer,anearlyneoliberaleconomistwritingbeforetheterm“neoliberal”wasevencoined,publishedin1972abookcalledDissentonDevelopmentthatsummarizedthecritiquehehadbeenmakingformanyyears.Hearguedthatratherthanhelping,“foreignaid…islikelytoobstruct”development(p.95)bycreatingdependency,distortingpriorities,fosteringcorruption,andexacerbatingmarket imperfections.His recommendationwas tomostly eliminate foreignaid.Thishasalsobeena long-termpoliticalpositionof theneoconservativemovement in theUnited States, as exemplified by themedia commentator and former Presidential candidate,PatrickBuchanan(1998).

Astrongcritiqueofforeignaidhascomefromsomeontheleftaswell.Forexample,inhisclassicarticleondependency,Frank(1967)arguesthatforeignaidisaformofneocolonialism.SamirAmin(1980),inhisbook,Delinking:TowardsaPolycentricWorld,arguestheneedfordevelopingcountriestodelinkfromworldtradeandaidsystemsinordertofocusoninternalneeds.Amindoesnotarguethattradeandaidshouldbeeliminated,justreduced.

Itisnotmypurposetodoahistoricalanalysisofthestateofaidanddevelopment.Idowishtogiveasenseofcurrentdebatesonthetopicandthenconcludebyofferingsomeofmyownviews.Inmyreviewoftheliteratureonaidanddevelopment,fiverecentbooksstoodoutasrepeatedlydiscussedandreferenced. I thereforeexaminebrieflyeachof theseworks, trying toprovideasense of each author’s argument in his or her ownwords. Thefirst three booksmostly offerneoliberalperspectives,whilethelasttwocomefrommoreliberalandprogressiveperspectives.I follow this examinationwith adiscussionof their views and concludewithmyownviewsonaidanddevelopment, including implications foreducation.3Thispaper spendsmore timeonaidanddevelopmentissuesthanoneducation,inpart,becauseIfoundIcouldnotsensiblydiscusseducation issueswithoutfirst examining thedebatesaboutaidanddevelopmentandtheirbroaderimplications.

Current Debates

Thomas DichterThomasDichter’s 2003 book is entitledDespiteGood Intentions:WhyDevelopmentAssistance totheThirdWorldHasFailed.Asyoumightsuspect,Dichter isabigfanofPeterBauer, theearlyneoliberaleconomistImentionedabove.Dichterisananthropologistwhospentmuchofhislifein thedevelopmentbusiness–asaPeaceCorpsvolunteerandcountrydirector,a foundationofficer,athinktankstaffmember,andaconsultantforsuchagenciesasUNDP,USAID,andtheWorldBank.Whileherecognizesthatdifferentpoliticalperspectivesmaywanttousesomeofhisarguments,heseeshimselfastakinga“pragmatic”stance(p.xi).Thebookisunusualinthatforeachanalyticalchapter,thereisaparallelchapterthatisactuallyashortstorybasedonthedailylivesofdevelopmentworkers.

Dichter’s(2003)mainargumentis

thataidhasbecomeabusinesswhosemainstake is itsownsurvival– [which]beginstoexplainwhytherehasbeensolittleapparentlearningorfundamentalchangeinhowthingsaredone,despitealltheevidenceoffailure,allthestudies…

CurrentIssuesinComparativeEducation9

Aid,Development,andEducation

andthemanyexpensiveevaluationsandretrospectivelooksatthishalfcenturyofwork,themajorityofwhichshowdepressingifnotalwaysnegativeresults.(p.4)

ForDichter,developmentis“staggeringlycomplex”(p.191).Heelaborates:

Developmentisnotasetofobstinateproblemsthewaycancerisbutahistoricalprocess thatcannotreallybeengineeredorcontrolled. Inshort,development isnota“challenge,”somethingwecandeliberately“attack”thewayfindingacureforcancercanbe.Certainly,anindustrysetuptoengineerchangethroughaseriesofshort-andmedium-termdirectinterventions(“projects”and“programs”)is,toputitmildly,agrossmismatchofmeansandends.(p.9)

Hegoeson:

Developmentprofessionalscontinuetohedgethequestionofwhetherdevelopmentassistance is about doing things. Increasingly, we know that the real keys todevelopment are neither tangible nor involvemuch “doing.” They are aboutinstitutions, attitudes, laws, andhuman resources…. [Rather than engineering]wecouldinsteadundertakemoresubtleandindirectinterventions,stimulating,encouraging,andcajoling.(p.185,p.191)

Dichter, likemost of the other critics discussed below, does not deny that there are aid anddevelopmentsuccessstories:

Forexample,moreaccesstoprimaryeducationhasresultedinmorepeoplewithbasic literacyandunder theWorldHealthOrganizationadecade-longeffort towipeoutsmallpoxsucceeded.Inthe1990sforthefirsttimeweseeadeclineinthefertilityrateofthedevelopingcountriesowingtoaloweringofinfantmortalityandadecreaseindeathrates.(p.2)

ButforDichterthesearetheexceptions.Hisconcludingchapterisentitled“TheCaseforaRadicalReductioninDevelopmentAssistance.”Heelaborates:

Doesthismeanthatwesay,“Well,then,let’sleavewellenoughalone,letthem(thepoorofdevelopingnations)be.Lettheforcesoftheinternationalmarketplacebringondevelopment.Letglobalizationreign”...Yes,itmightmeanthat.(p.10)

ButDichterinsistshisconclusionisnot“gloomy”(p.10).Hissourcesforhopearethepotentialfor telecommunications, the migration of the poor towards better opportunities, and theoverallworkings of themarket and theprivate sector in the interests of development.Whileacknowledgingthecontinuedneedforhumanitarianassistance,heneverthelessconcludes:“Itistimeforustoentertaintheseriouspossibilitythatdevelopmentassistanceisnotnecessaryfordevelopment”(p.293).

William EasterlyThetitleofWilliamEasterly’s2006bookisTheWhiteMan’sBurden:WhytheWest’sEffortstoAidtheRestHaveDonesoMuchIllandSoLittleGood.Asyoumightsuspect,EasterlyisalsoabigfanofBauer.Easterlyisalsowell-knownasacriticofeconomicorthodoxywhowaspushedoutoftheBankbecauseofhisdissenting,moreliberal,opinions.Butinthisbook,Easterlythecriticof


S.Klees

economicorthodoxy is lessevident thanEasterly thebeliever inmarketsolutions.Heoffersastrongcritiqueofinternationalaidasa

tragedyinwhichtheWestspent$2.3trilliononforeignaidoverthelastfivedecadesandstillhadnotmanagedtogettwelve-centmedicinestochildrentopreventhalfofallmalariadeaths.TheWestspent$2.3trillionandstillhadnotmanagedtogetfour-dollarbednetstopoorfamilies....TheWestspent$2.3trillionandAmartech[anEthiopiangirl]isstillcarryingfirewoodandnotgoingtoschool.(p.4)

Healsoseesthefailureasrootedintheinherentproblemswithplanningandsocialengineering:

Let’scall theadvocatesofthetraditionalapproach[toforeignaid]thePlannerswhilewecalltheagentsforchangein…[my]alternativeapproachtheSearchers.Theshortansweronwhydyingpoorchildrendon’tget twelve-centmedicines,while healthy rich people do get Harry Potter [delivered around the worldovernight], is that twelve-centmedicinesaresuppliedbyPlannerswhileHarryPotterissuppliedbySearchers.

ThisisnottosaythateverythingshouldbeturnedovertothefreemarketthatproducedanddistributedHarryPotter.ThepoorestpeopleintheworldhavenomoneytomotivatemarketSearcherstomeettheirdesperateneed.However,thementalityofSearchersinmarketsisaguidetoaconstructiveapproachtoforeignaid.(p.5)

WhileEasterlyexhibitsaliberal’ssensitivitytoissuesofequity,itisintegratedinanextremelyneoliberalfaithintheworkingofmarketsandacorrespondingbeliefintheproblematicnatureofgovernment,asexemplifiedinthequotesaboveandinthetitleofthefifthchapter,“TheRichHaveMarkets,ThePoorHaveBureaucrats.”

Intheend,Easterlyrecommendsamuchreducedroleandscopeforforeignaid.Hesuggeststhataidbeorientedtowardsprogramsthatseektohaveadirectandconcreteimpactonthepoor,andawayfrombroadgoalslikedevelopmentandbroadpolicieslikestructuraladjustmentpolicies(SAPs)andpovertyreductionstrategyplans(PRSPs).Heconcludeswithprinciplesforon-the-groundassistance:

...Ifyouwanttoaidthepoor,then:

1. Haveaidagentsindividuallyaccountableforindividual,feasibleareasforactionthathelppoorpeopleliftthemselvesup.

2. Letthoseagentssearchforwhatworks,basedonpastexperienceintheirarea.3. Experiment,basedontheresultsofthesearch.(p.382)

Easterlyprovidesadditionalprinciplesthatfocusontheneedforevaluationresultstogovernrewardsandpenalties,tyingtheseincentivestoaidagentactions.

Dambisa MoyoDambisaMoyo’s(2009)recentandhotlydebatedbookisentitledDeadAid:WhyAidisNotWorkingandHowThere is a BetterWay forAfrica (for somedebate, seeKing, 2009b).Moyo is a youngZambian economist, educated atHarvard andOxfordUniversities,whohas spent two years



workingattheWorldBankandeightatGoldmanSachs.SheisanotherPeterBauerfan;infact,thebookisdedicatedtohim,andherdismalargumentechoeshis:

[H]asmore thanUS $1 trillion in development assistance over the last severaldecadesmadeAfricanpeoplebetteroff?No.Infact,acrosstheglobetherecipientsofthisaidareworseoff;muchworseoff.Aidhashelpedmakethepoorpoorer,andgrowthslower.Yetaidremainsacenterpieceoftoday’sdevelopmentpolicyandoneofthebiggestideasofourtime.

Thenotion thataidcanalleviate systemicpoverty, andhasdoneso, isamyth.MillionsinAfricaarepoorertodaybecauseofaid;miseryandpovertyhavenotendedbutincreased.Aidhasbeen,andcontinuestobe,anunmitigatedpolitical,economic,andhumanitariandisasterformostpartsofthedevelopingworld….[Countriesget]…trappedinaviciouscircleofcorruption,marketdistortion,andfurtherpoverty–andthusthe‘need’formoreaid.(Moyo,2009,p.xix)

Moyodoesmakeclearthatsheistalkingaboutofficialdevelopmentassistance(ODA)only,nothumanitarianaid.Herargumentthataidisnotjust“innocuous”butactually“malignant”(p.47)restsonattributingtoaidahostofills:mostespecially,fosteringcorruption,butalsodiminishingsocialcapital,increasingconflict,decreasingsavingsandinvestments,increasinginflation,hurtingexports,andincreasingbottlenecks.Theresultisacultureof“aid-dependency”or“addiction”(pp.66,75)thatisfosteredbywhatwemightcallaninternationalaidcomplexemployinghalfamillionpeople.Thiscomplexgenerates“pressuretolend”(p.54)and“engenderslazinessonthepartofAfricanpolicymakers…inremedyingAfrica’scriticalwoes”(p.66).Contrarytomanyresearchers’callsformoredemocracyaspartofasolutiontotheseproblems,Moyoargues:

Theuncomfortabletruthisthatfarfrombeingaprerequisiteforeconomicgrowth,democracy can hamper development as democratic regimes find it difficult topushthrougheconomicallybeneficiallegislation….Inaperfectworld,whatpoorcountriesatthelowestrungsofeconomicdevelopmentneedisnotamulti-partydemocracy,butinfactadecisivebenevolentdictatortopushthroughthereformsrequiredtogettheeconomymoving….(p.42)

TheevidenceMoyousestosupportherargumentsarealmostwhollyanecdotalandcorrelational,andtherationaleisthatofaneoliberaleconomistconvincedofthenecessityofmarketsolutions.4AsMoyosays:

ItshouldcomeasnosurprisethattheDeadAidprescriptionsaremarket-based,since no economic ideology other than one rooted in themovement of capitalandcompetitionhassucceededingettingthegreatestnumbersofpeopleoutofpovertyinthefastesttime”(p.145).

Moyoconcludesbycallingforacompletephase-outofODAovera5to10yearperiod.Anumberofmarket-basedprescriptionsareofferedaswaystoreplace,inamoreproductivemanner,thecapital thatwouldbelost:borrowingoninternationalcapitalmarkets;attractingmoreforeigndirect investment (China’s activities in this sphere are praised); promoting trade; expandingmicroloans; facilitating remittances; incentivizing savings; and employing conditional cashtransfers.


S.Klees

Moyo,intheend,asks,“Whatwouldhappen?”ifherrecommendationswereputintoeffect:

Wouldmanymoremillions inAfrica die frompoverty andhunger? Probablynot…Isn’titmorelikelythatinaworldfreedofaid,economiclifeforthemajorityof Africans might actually improve, that corruption would fall, entrepreneurswouldriseandAfrica’sgrowthenginewouldstartchugging? This is themostprobableoutcome….(pp.144-145).

Roger RiddellRoger Riddell’s 2007 book,Does Foreign Aid ReallyWork?, has no subtitle, thus intentionallydeprivingus of the “sound-bite” (p. xvii) summarypresent in the other books.Riddell is aneconomistanddevelopmentspecialistwhoiscurrentlyInternationalDirectorforChristianAid,amajorU.K.reliefanddevelopmentagency.Riddellhasworkedinthedevelopmentindustryforthreedecades,halfofwhichwasspentatBritain’sOverseasDevelopmentInstitute.Heistheauthorofpreviousstudiesonforeignaid.

Thisbookdiffersfromtheothersinanumberofways.First,inadditiontoafocusonODA,italso lookscloselyathumanitarianandemergencyaidandataidprovidedbyNGOs.Second,itconsidersprovidingaidwithinahumanrightsframework.Third,itoffersthemostdetailedreviewofforeignaidandofstudiesofitsimpact.

Thedegreetowhichaidistiedtopoliticalandcommercialinterestsisemphasized.Forexample,oftheroughly$100billioninODAin2005,fully40%wentfortechnicalassistance(p.202)and60%wastiedtospendinginthedonorcountry(p.358).Riddellpointsouthowmuchaidfollowsdonor countrypolitical interests, as exemplifiedby the amountof aiddevotedby theU.S. toIraq,Afghanistan,andPakistan.HespendstimeexaminingtheWashingtonConsensusandloanconditionalities,andoffersatrenchantcritiqueoftheconceptof“countryownership”inpractice:

Predominantly for the IMF and…World Bank, ownership is understood as theprocess whereby recipient countries come round to accepting…the respectivefinancial institution’s programmes, policies, and approaches to development,growth,andpovertyreduction.(pp.240-241)

Afteranexhaustivereviewofempiricalstudies,Riddellconcludeswithamuchmorebalancedviewthantheotherbooksexaminedhere:

Doesaidreallywork?Earlierpartsofthisbookhavereviewedthebestavailableevidencetoconcludethatlargeamountsofdevelopmentandemergencyaidhavesaved lives, bothdirectly and indirectly. They have led to tangible benefits formillions of poor people, andmade somepositivewider contributions to poor-country economies and societies. Some aid interventions, however, have beenfailures,andlargeamountsofdevelopmentaidhavenothadasignificant,long-term, systemic, or sustainable impact. Emergency aid has succeeded in savingmanylives,but liveshavebeen lostbecauseofashortageof funds.Thefailuretocoordinatethehumanitarianresponseeffectivelyhasmeantthatmuchaidhasbeenwasted,whilelargenumbersofthosecaughtupinemergenciesanddisasterremaininadequatelyprotected.(p.355)

AnearlierpassagefocusedonODAmakestheauthor’spositionclearer,reinforcingthepointI



raisedatthebeginningofthisarticle:

Buthasmostofficialdevelopmentaidworked,orfailed?Thehonestansweristhatwestilldon’tknow–notforlackoftrying,butduetotheinherentdifficultiesoftracingitscontribution.Aftermorethanfivedecadesofaid-giving,thebulkofthemostreliableandaccessibleinformationonimpactrelatestodiscreteprojects,supplementedinthelastdecadebysomeassessmentsofthecontributionmadebyindividualdonorsinparticularcountries.Cross-countrystudiesseekingtofindtheanswertothequestion“Doesaidwork?’donotprovideareliableguideontheoverallandexplicitcontributionofaidtodevelopmentandpovertyreduction.Theyneverwill.(p.254)

Towardstheendofthebook,Riddellsummarizesthefivefundamentalproblemsheseeswiththecurrentsystemofaid:

1. Aidisstillnotprovidedinsufficientoverallquantitiestomeetthedifferentneedsofpoorcountries….

2. Theaidwhichisprovidedisnotallocatedinanysystematic,rational,orefficientwaytothosewhoneeditmost….

3. The aggregate amounts of aid provided to recipient countries are volatile andunpredictable….

4. Developmentaidrelationshipsarestilldominatedbyrecipientshavingtointeractwithscores,and,attheextreme,hundredsofdifferentofficialdonorsanddonoragencies…[and]manythousandsofindividualprojectsandprogrammes….

5. Whiledonorsregularlyarticulatethecentralityofrecipientownershipandpartnershipbetweendonorsandrecipientsascriticalforaidtohaveapositiveimpact,inpractice,theoverallaidrelationshipremainsextremelylopsidedwithdonorsremainingalmostwhollyincontrol.(pp.386-7)

Inhistwoconcludingchapters,Riddellboldlyproposesanoverhauloftheentireaidarchitecture.Thisnewstructurewouldtakealotofthecurrentpoliticsoutofaiddistribution,usinga“humanrightsapproachtodevelopment…whichgivesprominencetotheinvolvementandparticipationofrecipients indecisionsabouthowaidshouldbeused….”(p.390).Forofficialdevelopmentassistance, a new International Aid Office and Fund would be financed by compulsorycontributionsfromrichcountriesandallocatedbyneedwithtransparentcriteriaoperationalizedbyatechnicalstaffineachcountry.Inthecaseofseverelyinadequateorcorruptgovernments,alternativedistributionmechanismswouldbeused.Forhumanitarianaid,currentimprovementsincoordinationandcentralfundingwouldbeextended.AndforNGOs,codesofconductandothereffortswouldmaketheirworkmoretransparentandproductive.

David EllermanDavidEllerman’s2005book,HelpingPeopleHelpThemselves:FromtheWorldBanktoanAlternativePhilosophyofDevelopmentAssistance,alsocritiquesthe‘bigpush’socialengineeringsideofforeignaidandoffers in its steadamodelbasedon incrementalismandself-help.Ellerman isanex-WorldBankstafferwho,beforeretiringfromtheagency,wasanadvisortoJosephStiglitzandotherWorldBankchiefeconomists.EllermanwasaninternalBankcriticandnowhasbecomeanexternalone.MuchofthebookdrawsonhisexperienceswiththeBank,mostlyasexamplesofwhatnottodo.


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Ellerman(2005,p.xvii)highlightsthegenerallackofdebatewithintheBankanddescribesthe“usualBankprocedureoftryingtogive…theanswers”buttressedbyanintimidatingbarrageofone-sideargumentsandbiasedstatistics.”WithrespecttotheBank’sattempttobea“KnowledgeBank,”hearguesthatit“shouldtakeacuefromuniversitiesandotherscientificinstitutionsandnothave‘officialviews’oncomplexquestionsofknowledge.”Inanearlierpaper(Klees,2002),IarguedthattheBankwasn’treallyaKnowledgeBankbutaMonopolyOpinionBank(a.k.a.,theMOB!).Ellermanseemstoagree:

OnemightthinkthatalltheeconomistsinpositionsofpowerintheBankwouldrecalltheircatechismsabouttheproblemofmonopoly.Butitwouldseemthattheyaremoreattractedtothenotionof“global”thantheyarerepelledbythenotionof“monopoly.”Alltherhetoricaboutaglobalagencyhavingaglobalroletogatherglobalknowledge to solveglobalproblemsseems tobe somuchglobaloney tojustifythemonopolisticworldwideroleoftheWorldBank.(p.242)

Ellermanrevealshowthe“thoughtpolice”intheBankandtheIMFrestrictdebateandpromoteapartyline(p.xix,153).Healsowarnshowtheubiquitouscallfor“countryownership”ofitspolicies andprograms canbeperverted, “turning thegovernment into amarionette thatwillbelieveanddowhatitistoldaslongastheaidorloanisforthcoming”(p.136).

However,theproblemsEllerman(2005,p.2)seesgofarbeyondtheBank:“thedevelopmentofwholesocietiesmustsurelybeoneofthemostcomplextasksfacinghumanity.”Hesays:

Afterahalfcenturyonthepathofofficialdevelopmentassistance,wefindourselveslost….Developmentwillnotyieldtosocialengineeringnomatterhowmuchaidisprovided.Afundamentallydifferentphilosophyofdevelopmentassistanceisneeded…(p.241)

ThatfundamentallydifferentphilosophyforEllermanmeansrethinkingtherelationsbetween‘helpers’and‘doers.’

Helpingorassistanceisarelationshipbetweenthoseofferingassistanceinsomeform,thehelperorhelpers,andthosereceivingtheassistance,thedoerordoers.The helpers could be individuals, NGOs, or official bilateral or multilateraldevelopment agencies and the doers could be individuals, organizations, orvariouslevelsofgovernmentinthedevelopingcountries.(p.4)

Ellerman’s(pp.253-61)differentphilosophyissummedupinfive“do”and“don’t”principles:5

FirstDo:StartingfromWheretheDoersAre…SecondDo:SeeingThroughtheDoers’Eyes…FirstDon’t:Don’tTrytoImposeChangeonDoers…SecondDon’t:Don’tGiveHelpasBenevolence…ThirdDo:RespectAutonomyofDoers

Thebookcloseswiththefollowingremark:

Helpers cannot and should not try “to do development.” Helpers can at bestuse indirect, enabling, andautonomy-respectingmethods tobringdoers to the



threshold.Thedoershavetodotherestontheirowninordertomakeittheirown.Thedoersacquiredevelopmentonlyasthefruitsoftheirownlabor.(p.252)

DiscussionSo,what arewe tomake of all this? Clearly, all the authors offer some dismal analyses anddepressingconclusions.Ofcourse,thisisnotsurprisinggiventhecurrentstateofglobalpovertyandinequality.Onewouldhavehopedthat60yearsofinternationalaidwouldhaveledtoclearimprovement.However,thebestthatanyonecansayisthatthesituationcouldhavebeenalotworsethanitisnowhadtherebeennoaid.AndonlyRiddellmakesthisargumentexplicitly.

However,thesebooksdodifferfromoneanother.Ifinditusefultodividetheworldofpoliticaleconomy into three broad paradigms: neoliberal, liberal, and progressive. Neoliberalism,whichpredominatestoday,focusesonmarketsolutions,criticizingtheefficiencyandequityofgovernment interventions.A liberalperspectiveoffers greater recognitionof the inefficienciesandinequitiesofmarketsandputsmorefaithingovernment.Finally,aprogressiveperspective,focusesonthereproductivenatureofboththemarketandthestateundercurrentworldsystemstructures like capitalism,patriarchy, and racism, andputsgreater relianceon transformationfrombelowthroughmoreparticipatoryformsofdemocracyandcollectiveaction.Itshouldbenotedthattheseparadigmsaremorecontinuousandoverlappingthanmutuallyexclusive.

Thepredominantargumentinthesebooks–inparticular,thosebyDichter,Moyoand,toalargeextent,Easterly–isneoliberal.Aidisseenashavingbeenalmostacompletewasteatbest,ifnotanunmitigateddisaster,whilethesolutionliesinminimizinggovernmentandmaximizingfreemarketsandtrade.Thisisnotsurprisingeither,giventhatforthelastthreedecadesaneoliberalviewhasdominatedinmuchoftheworld.AsMoyo(2009,p.67)pointsout,intheliberaleraofthe1960sand1970s(whengovernmentinterventionenjoyedmuchgreaterlegitimacy),PeterBauerwasa“lonedissentingvoice,”whilehisviewsnowhavewidersupport.But,itisveryinterestingtonote that, inpractice, thissupport is ratherambiguous.WhileDichter,Moyo,Easterly,andotherneoliberalcommentatorsontheproblemsofaidhavereceivedalotofattention,itiswelltorememberthatneoliberalshavegenerallybeeninchargeforthelastthreedecadesduringthebiggestbuild-upininternationalaidtheworldhaseverseen.Neoliberalshavebeeninchargewhile theMillenniumDevelopmentGoals (MDGs) – perhaps themost sweeping call for aidand social engineering in history –were instituted.6At least on the surface, this implies thatmanyneoliberalshavemaintainedsomebeliefintheefficacyofaid–orperhapsitisaresultofneoliberalguiltgiventheworseningofpovertyandinequalitycausedbytheirpolicies.

Orperhapsthereissomethingelseoperatinghere.Asaprogressivepoliticaleconomist,criticalof bothneoliberals and liberals, I see theneocolonialdimensionsof aid in theworld system,asFrank(1967)pointedout.Fromthisperspective,internationalaidandtheMDGsareaformofwhatWeiler(1984)calledcompensatorylegitimation;morecolloquially,Iseeitasaformof“goodcop,badcop.”Internationalcrises,shakyandpoorly-performingeconomies, increasingpovertyandinequality,widespreadconflicts,andtheequivalentofstructuraladjustmentpolicieseverywhere,allcall intoquestionthelegitimacyoftheneoliberalsocialorder–thisisthebadcop.Tocompensateforthis,actorsintheworldsystemofneoliberalglobalizationmustintroducepolicessuchasaidandtheMDGsthatareaimedatamelioratingsomeproblematicconditionsandthusrestoringsystemlegitimacy–thisisthegoodcop.This argumentdoesnotquestion thegood intentionsof theproponentsof thesepolicies, butitdoesquestion their effects.7Put simply, the existenceof thesepoliciesmaybe sufficient for


S.Klees

compensatorylegitimation;whethertheyareeffectiveseemstobelessimportant.AllofthebooksIreviewedwerewrittenbeforethecurrenteconomiccrisis.Thiscrisischangesthingsinthatitcallsintomoreseriousquestiontheentireneoliberalregimeandposesaglobalchallengetoitslegitimacy.8Forthefirsttimeinthreedecades,whetherneoliberalismwillsurviveisnotclear.If itdoes,however, itwillprobablynotbeatimeforpolicymakerstoheedthecallsofpeoplelikeDichter,Moyo,andEasterly,asevengreatercompensatorylegitimationwillbeneeded.Theworldsystemmustlooklikesomethingisbeingdonetoimprovethesituationevenifitisnot.

I do notmean to argue that all policies are the result of systemic forces that reproduce andlegitimatetheunequalwordorder.Iamafirmbelieverthatneoliberalpoliciesarecontinuallychallengedbyindividuals,organizations,socialmovements,andleft-of-centergovernments.TheexistenceofaidandtheMDGsrepresentsrealgainsfortheworld’sdisenfranchised,asdoes,forexample,themoreparticipatoryprocessescalledforinPRSPs.However,inthisneoliberalera,thesepoliciesunfortunatelybearlittlefruit.

It is interestingtonotethatonecouldmaketheargumentthataidwasmoresuccessfulintheliberaleraofthe1960sand1970sthanithasbeenintheneoliberalerathatfollowed.EvenMoyo(2009,p.5)admitsthatAfricawasdoingmuchbetterinthe1970sthantoday,anditwas“awash”with aid then.A big difference is that the 1980s introduced neoliberal StructuralAdjustmentPrograms (SAPs) throughout Africa, cutting government and liberalizing trade. Even manyneoliberaleconomistsadmittedthesepolicieshadharmful,ifnotdevastating,consequences.Yetcurrent-daymechanismssuchasthePovertyReductionStrategyProcess(PRSP)andthePovertyReductionandGrowthFacility(PRGF)continuetoproduceresultsthatlookverysimilartothoseproducedbythebankruptSAPs.

RiddellandEllermanproceedfromapredominantlyliberalperspective,althoughbothhavesomeprogressiveelements.Riddellisverycriticalofaidanditstiestocommercialandpoliticalinterests,butherecognizesthatmuchaidhashadapositiveimpact.Hisconclusionforincreasingaidandrestructuringaidarchitectureofferssomeprogressivealternativesworthconsidering.Ellermanalsocritiques thestructureofaidandtheabilityofbilateralandmultilateralaidagencies liketheWorldBanktosociallyengineerabetterworld.Hissolution,torelymoreonrespectingtheautonomouseffortsofthe“doers,”especiallyatthegrassrootslevel,fitswithamoreprogressiveperspective.

Myreadingofadditional literaturerelated toaidanddevelopment indicates tome that thesefivebooksarerepresentativeofthedebate.Aneoliberalperspectivepredominates.Liberalviewsare reasonably represented, especially if you includeworks that are indirectly about aid anddevelopment(e.g.,Collier,2007;Sachs,2005).Scarcerareworksfromaprogressiveperspective.Inanexcellentpaperfromthispointofview,Samoff(2009)comestoquitedifferentconclusionsthantheauthorsabove:theaidsystem“isinfactworkingverywell.Itsessentialroleisnottoachievepubliclystatedobjectivesbutrathertomaintainaglobalpoliticaleconomyofinequality”(p.24).

IagreewithSamoff.But,asIamsurehewouldagree,thisisnotacallfordespair.Itisacallfortransformation.Ibelieve,asdomanywhoshareaprogressiveperspective,thatthattransformationwillhavetocomefromwidespreadcollectiveaction.Partof thatactionis thinkingaboutanddiscussingwhatsuchtransformationmightentail.Inwhatfollows,Ioffermyownperspectivesoncertainkeystepsthatneedtobetakenwithregardtoaid,development,andeducation.9



Implications for Aid, Development, and Education

Much more money is needed.Intoday’sworld,ithasbecomefashionabletosay‘don’tthrowmoneyatsocialproblems,’‘moneyisnotthemainissue,’and‘bettermanagementandstrongeraccountabilityiswhatisneededtofixtheproblem.’Thismentalityhasbeenanexcuseforinaction.Ofcoursemoremoneyisneeded,muchmore.TotalODApercapitacomestoabout$10.Whatkindofdevelopmentdowethinkwecanbuyfor$10perheadperyear?10Richcountriesspendlessthan1%oftheirGDPonODA.Theyareunwillingtoevencomeclosetothe0.7%ofGDPgoalthattheysetforthemselves.11Inthisunfairandvastlyunequalworld,whatkindofdevelopmentdowethinkwecanbuyforlessthanameasly1%ofGDP?12In2008,ODAtoallofAfricawasabout$35billion,lessthantheU.S.bailoutof theauto industry;StephenLewiscalls thisamountofaid“picayuneandmarginal”(AureaFoundation,2009).

ItisworthnotingthattheMarshallPlanforreconstructionafterWWIIspentasmuchonEuropeastherichcountriesdoontotalODAforalldevelopingcountriesnow(Moyo,2009,p.12).Onapercapitabasis, theMarshallPlanreceivedabout8 timesasmuchmoneyasODAreceivesnow.AndforEuropethedevelopmentproblemwasmucheasierthanthatfacedbydevelopingcountriestoday:Europewasalreadyindustrializedwithaneducatedworkforce;itonlyneededtorebuild thephysical infrastructuredamagedin thewar.DevelopingcountriesneedamuchmoreintenseeffortthantheMarshallPlan.Thepointisthatwehaven’tbeenthrowingmoneyatoursocialproblems;insteadwe’vebeenmiserly.Inasimilarvein,King(2009b,pp.8-9)pointsoutthehugeamountofaid–perhapsmorethanwhathasgonetoallofAfrica–thatwenttotransformonecountry,SouthKorea,andthegreatamountofresourcesthatGermanyisputtingintothedevelopmentoftheformerEastGermany.

AttemptstocostwhatitwouldtaketoachievetheMDGshaveproducedestimatesofatleastanadditional$120to$190billionayear,andthatmaywellbeanunderestimation(UNMillenniumProject,2006;Moyo,2009,p.45).Itneedstoberememberedandhighlightedthatwhetheryouasanindividualareinneedoftheseresourcesissimplyanaccidentofbirth.Intoday’sworld,shouldn’tweworktowardsmakingtheaccidentofwhereyouarebornanillegitimatebasisfordeterminingyourwell-being?Foralongtime,IhavethoughtofdoingastudyintheU.S.ofthevastdifferencesintheinvestmentwemakeinthechildrenoftherichversusthechildrenofthepoor.Thiswouldinvolvelookingatfamily,school,andsocialinvestments–everythingfrompre-natalcaretohomeenvironmentstocollege.Whilequantifyingallofthatwouldbedifficult,myguessistheresultswouldbeastounding,showingdifferencesof500or1,000to1.ImaginehowmuchgreaterwouldbethedisparitybetweentheinvestmentinarichchildintheU.S.andapoorchildinAfrica–perhapsasmuchas10,000to1.Whateverthenumbers,thesehugedifferencesshouldbeseenascompletelyillegitimateandimmoral.Muchmoreaidisneeded.

Education,likeothersocialsectors,hasbeenavictimoftheneoliberalonslaughtthathasarguedthatschoolsgenerallydonotneedmoremoneybutneedtospenditmorewisely(Klees,2008a).Whatnonsense!Ofcourse,spendingwiselyisimportant,butmoremoneyisdesperatelyneeded.Wehave75millionchildrenofprimaryschoolageoutofschool (UNESCO,2009).Theyneedteachers,classrooms,andlearningmaterials.UniversalprimaryeducationandotherEFAgoalsare estimated to require an additional $16 billion per year (UNESCO, 2010). The Fast TrackInitiative(FTI)hasonlybeensupplyingabout$300millionperyear.Moreover,wehavemanymoremillionsofstudentsreceivingaverylowqualityprimaryeducationwhoneedmoreandbettereducatedteachers,improvedfacilities,andbetterlearningmaterials.Thisdoesnotinclude


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thehugesecondaryschoolcoveragedeficit.Furthermore,theproblemisnotlimitedtodevelopingcountries. In theU.S., forexample, there isahugeachievementgapbetweenadvantagedanddisadvantagedchildren,andthatisadirectresultofthehugeinvestmentgapthatstartsatbirth,asIdiscussedearlier.13

Disburse some of that money directly to the poor.Justas she isputting thefinishing touchesonherargument toeliminateallaid,Moyo (2009)somewhatsurprisinglysuggeststheideaofgivingaidbydirectcashtransferstothepoor:

InsteadofwritingoutasingleUS$250millionchequetoacountry’sgovernment,why not distribute the money equally among its population,,,[incorporating]notionsofaccountabilityandrepayment….Itisworthpointingoutthattherehasbeensomenotablesuccesswithaconceptknownas‘conditionalcashtransfers’;thesearecashpayments…madetogivethepooranincentivetoperformtasksthatcouldhelpthemescapepoverty(forexample,goodschoolattendance,workinga certainnumberofhours, improving test scores, seeingadoctor).The ideaofconditional cash transfers hasmetwithmuch success in developing countriessuch asBrazil,Mexico,Nicaragua, andPeru… studies show the schemeshavebeeninstrumentalindecreasingmalnutrition,increasingschoolattendance,anddecreasingchildlabour….[W]hyhasthistypeofprogrammenotbeenrolledoutaggressivelyacrossAfrica?(pp.150-151)

ConditionalcashtransfersarenowtoutedbytheBankandotheragencies,buttheyarenotrolledoutbecausedonorsarenotwillingtoputupthemoneytodoso.Riddellalsoconcludeswithacoupleofpagesarguingforcashtransfers.He,likeI,wouldquestionMoyo’sargumentthatallmoneyshouldbedistributedthiswayandthatitneedberepaid(thesearenotmicroloans).Riddell(2007)contends:

Formanyyears,humanitarianagencieshavehandedoutgoodsfreetothoseinneedduringemergencies,especiallyfood.Morerecently,bothhumanitarianandotheraidagencieshavegivenfoodaidinreturnforworkand,morerecently,cashforwork.However, very little aidhas beenprovided for those inneed simplyas ‘freecash’enablingpeople tospend itas they thinkfit.Though increasinglywishingtomakeatangibledifferencetoverypoorpeople,donorshaveshiedawayfromproviding cash for extremepoverty.Historicallya reluctance togive cashdirectlytopoorpeoplehasoftenbeenbasedonthebeliefthattheywillspendit…[unwisely]…andonthelinkedpaternalistic,andcondescending,viewthatpoorpeopledonotknowhowbesttouseit.Thesebeliefssituncomfortablyalongsidethe increasinglymainstream view that beneficiary choice and participation arefundamentaltotheaidrelationship.(p.407)

Riddellgoesontoreviewtheevidencefortheeffectivenessofcashtransfersandarguesthecaseis“compelling”(p.407).Inthe1970s,therewasamuchdiscusseddevelopmentstrategycalled“equitybeforegrowth,”whicharguedthatthetraditionalapproachthatreliedongrowthbeforeeventuallyachievinggreaterequitywasineffective,andhaditbackwards:globalredistributionwas needed first to direct growth in differentways and especially towards the needs of thedisadvantaged.Neoliberalscametopowerbeforethisstrategyhadgainedmuchtraction,butitremainsamuchmoresensibleapproachtodevelopment.Resourcesredistributedtothepoorcan



helpre-directtheeconomytowardstheirneedsand,whencombinedwithjobcreationefforts,canhelpsetupaself-sustainingsystem.14

Someoftheresearchmentionedabovepraisingconditionalcashtransfersisineducation.Therearesmall-andlarge-scaleprogramsindevelopingcountries(e.g.,BrazilandMexico)thatpaypoorchildrentogotoschool,conditionalonattendanceandpassing.Giventhepersistenceofuserfeesandtheverylargeopportunitycostsofchildlaborfacedbypoorparents,offeringscholarshipssuchastheseonaverylargescalewillbetheonlywaytoachieveUPE.ThecostsofdoingsoarenotincludedintheUPEcostestimatesabove,raisingtheamountofmoneyneededconsiderablyiftheMDGsandEFAgoalsaretobetakenseriously.

Real and strong participation should be the fundamental basis for governance.Moyo (2009) commentson the “riseof glamour aid” inwhich actors, rock stars, and the likebecomeveryvisibleproponentsofaid:

Scarcely does one seeAfrica’s (elected) officials or thoseAfrican policymakerscharged with the development portfolio offer an opinion on what should bedone,orwhatmightactuallyworktosavethecontinent….Thisvery importantresponsibility has, for all intents and purposes, and to the bewilderment andchagrinofmanyanAfrican,beenlefttomusicianswhoresideoutsideAfrica.(pp.26-27)

While I see some value to “glamour aid,”Moyo’s point is well-taken.Who or what directsand should direct the aid system? There ismuch talk of “country ownership.” The bilateralandmultilateralaidagenciesallclaimthatthecountryisinchargeandthattheyonlyhaveanadvisoryrole.Butthatissimplynottrue,asRiddell’searlierquotemakesclear.Theaidagencieshaveoverwhelmingpowerintheaidrelationship,specificallythroughtheconditionalitiestheyrequireandgenerallythroughthepowertowithholdanddirectaid.Thispowerisevengreaterunder the currently fashionable SWAps (sectorwide approaches) throughwhich the gang ofdonorseffectivelymakescountrypolicy.Foraidtobeeffective,wemustcurtailthepowerofaidagenciesandmovebeyondcountryownershiptorelyonwidespreadparticipation.

Participationinaidprocessesbythedisadvantagedthemselvesandtheiradvocatesincivilsocietyhas long beendiscussed. Instrumental, idiosyncratic, and sporadic uses of participation havebeencommon.Butitisrarethatparticipationtakesonrealandstrongrolesingovernance.15Therhetoricisoftenlofty,buttherealityisweak(EdwardsJr.&Klees,forthcoming).Forexample,theformulationofpovertyreductionstrategypapers(PSRPs)thataresupposedtoguideallWorldBankand IMFaid toa country inprinciple requireextensiveparticipationbycivil society. Inpractice,consultationreplacesparticipation,andtheconsultationishurriedandsuperficial,withcivilsocietyhavinghardlyanysayinthefinalproduct.Asmentionedearlier,thefinalresultarepoliciesthatbearstrongsimilaritiestothedraconianandunsuccessfulSAPs.

Thiscallforseriousparticipationinthegovernanceofpublicpoliciesandprogramsisacallforreforminrichcountriesasmuchasforreforminpoorcountriesandglobalinterrelationships.16Representativedemocracyhashadmanypositivefeatures,butithasledtoasystemthatisstronglyreproductive, protecting the interests of the advantaged at the expenseof thedisadvantaged.Underlabelsof‘participatory,’‘deliberative,’and‘strongdemocracy,’therehavebeenmanycallsforreforminlinewithwhatIamcallingforhere(Crocker,2009;Barber,2003).17


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Neoliberalism strongly promotes privatization, including in the education sector. Calls forvoucher schemes and subsidizing and strengtheningprivate schoolinghavebeenubiquitous.Neoliberalsconsiderrelyingonthemarketasaformofparticipation.Whatnonsense!Therewasan economics textbook entitledParticipationwithout Politics thatwas a typicalmicroeconomicexaminationofasupposedfreemarketsystem(Brittan,1979).Thereisnoparticipationwithoutpolitics;participationisinherentlypolitical.Asinalldevelopmentendeavors,educationneedsmuchdeeperandmorewidespreadformsofparticipation.Attheirbest,theyconnectwithabroadapproachtocriticalpedagogygoverningtheadministration,content,andprocessofeducation,suchaswiththeCitizenSchoolmovementinBrazil(Fischman&Gandin,2007;Gandin&Apple,2002).

Replace the World Bank and the IMF.TheBankandtheFundarecompletelyideologicalinstitutions.Eveninsiderspointtotheinternal“thoughtpolice”whoreinforceorthodoxyandsuppressdissent.Forthelastthreedecades,thatideologyhasbeenneoliberalism.Neoliberalismhasbeenatotalfailureintermsofdevelopmentandhasresultedinthemostincredibleconcentrationofwealththeworldhaseverseen.Itwasafailurebeforethecurrenteconomiccrisis,andnowthatfailureisevenmoreapparent.LiberalandprogressiveeconomistshavehadhardlyanyvoiceintheBankortheFundsincethe1970s.18Neitherhavenon-economists, civil society,ordevelopingcountries.The resulthasbeen threedecadesofbad,one-sidedadvice.

ClearlytheBankandtheFundhavefunctionsthatneedtobefulfilled,inparticular,givinggrantsandloansfordevelopmentandforeconomiccrises.Butweneedanentirelynewarchitecturefordoingso,perhapspartlyalongthelinesRiddellhassuggested.Giventhefundamentaldebatesamongeconomists,oneschoolofeconomicthoughtshouldnotdominateasitdoesnow.Moreover,giventhateconomicissuesshadeintoallsortsofothersocialissues,economistsshouldnotbeincharge.Inkeepingwithmypreviouspoint,governanceshouldbeparticipatory,withdevelopingcountriesandcivilsocietyhavingaconsiderablesay.TheGlobalFundforAids,Tuberculosis,andMalaria,eventhoughitishousedwithintheBank,offersoneexampleofanattempttodevelopamoreparticipatoryandconsensus-basedprocess.

Ideally,muchofODAwouldbechanneledthroughanewaidarchitecture,reducingconsiderablythemultiplicityofdemandsondevelopingcountriesfrombilateralandmultilateralaidagencies.Riddell(2007,p.360)pointsout:“Eachyear,over35,000separateofficialaidtransactionstakeplaceand,onaverage,eachaidrecipienthastodealwithmorethan25differentofficialdonors”(alsoseeKnack&Rahman,2008).Working indevelopingcountries,one issimplyamazedbythe proliferation of aid-funded projects, the contradictions between them, and the incredibledemandstheyputonlocalagenciesinimplementationandmonitoring.19

Ibelievefuturehistorianswillshaketheircollectiveheadinwonderthattheworldtodayallowedabanktobethegloballeaderindevelopingandenforcingeducationalpolicy.Whatnonsense!WeneedtogetridoftheBankandtheFund.TheFundisperhapsthebiggestobstacletoEducationforAll(EFA)intheworldtodayasitsnarrowinflationtargetsleadittorequiredevelopingcountriesto cut their teaching force as a way of scaling back government (Rowden, 2010;Marphatia,Moussie,Ainger,&Archer,2007;Archer,2006).TheBank’sFastTrackInitiativehasbeenusefulingettingsomemoneytosomecountriestohelpwithEFAcosts,butfartoolittlemoneyhasbeenallocated, theprocesshasbeencumbersomeandslowandsubject toendlessBankregulation,andtheBankhasimposedarbitraryeducationalbenchmarksonwhoshouldqualifyforfunds(Benavot,etal.2010;Klees,Winthrop,&Adams,2010;CambridgeEducation,MokoroLtd.,&



OxfordPolicyManagement,2009).TherehasbeenacalltoreplaceFTIwithaGlobalFundforEducation(evenendorsedatonepointbyPresidentObama)(Oxfam,2010;Sperling,2009).Itishightime.TheBank’sideologicalroleasglobaleducationcopmustend.

There are global development priorities that might be agreed upon.Thispaperismostlyabouttheaidprocess.Arguingforamuchmoreparticipatoryprocessdoesnotmeandevelopmentbecomeschaoticorstrictlylocally-determined.Theremaywellbesomeglobalprioritiesthatcouldbeagreedupon.Mysuggestionsforsomeoftheseareasfollows:

• Impactthepoor:Clearly,wewanttodoamuchbetterjobofhavingaidreachitsintendedbeneficiaries.

• Emphasizegender:Theinequalitiesanddiscriminationfacedbygirlsandwomenareunjustandhavebeenamajorbarriertodevelopment.

• Gotoscale:Wehavehadthousandsofveryeffectivepilotprojectsatalocallevel,oftenrunbyNGOs;weneedtoimplementmanyofthemonalargescale.

• Considertheenvironment:Wearefacingaglobalecologicalcrisis,andaidrequiresanintegralexaminationofitsimpactontheenvironment.

• Payattentiontoissuesofpeaceandconflict:Over40countriesareinastateofconflictorpost-conflict,andweliveinaworldwhereaggressionisubiquitous(Fischer,n.d.).

• Useahumanrightsframework:WehavemanyUnitedNationsagreementsabouthumanrights,butaidagenciesgenerallyignorethem.

All of the development priorities above are as relevant to education as they are to broaderdevelopmentstrategies.Offundamentalimportanceistobaseeducationpolicyontherighttoeducation.UNESCOandUNICEFhavealreadymovedinthisdirection,buttheBankandtheFund resist. In part, that is because such a changewouldwreak havocwith an instrumentalhuman capital framework where education is only valued for its impact on earnings andeconomicgrowth,notseenasanendinitself.Alsospecifictoeducation,Iwouldadd,thatthereisaneedtobringacriticalpedagogyframeworktoalleducation,onethatstartswherelearnersare,examinesthehistoryandnatureoftheirplaceintheworldsystem,andconsidersstrategiesfortransformation(McLaren&Kincheloe,2007).

More of the same research is not needed.Moststudiesendwithacallforfurtherresearch.Doingresearchhasbeenanothermajorexcuseforinaction.Unfortunately,mostresearchofferslittleguidanceaboutwhattodo.Whileallfivebooksindicatetheneedformoreresearch,anumberofthem,andotherrelatedworks,recognizehow little research has to offer. Ellerman (2005, p. 18) talks of “helpers… supplying biasedinformation, partisan econometrics, and one-sided arguments.” Riddell (2003, p. 174) arguesthat,giventhe“complexitiesofdevelopment…itwouldseemtobeover-ambitioustobelieveitpossibletoquantifypreciselytherelationshipbetweenaidandgrowth,aidanddevelopment,aidandpovertyreduction.”Hoebink(2009,p.35)pointsoutthatregressionanalysesindevelopmentresearch“arehighlycontested.”Inamorerecentwork,Easterly(2008)argues:

Theliterature[onaidandgrowth]suffersfromsuchunrestrictedspecificationsandendlessiterationamongthesespecificationsthatvirtuallyanyresultonaidandgrowthispossibleandindeedallpossibleresultshavealreadybeenpresentedintheliterature:aideffectsareconditionalongoodpolicies,theyarenotconditionalongoodpolicies;aidhasapositiveeffectongrowth,aidhasnoeffectongrowth;


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aidhasalineareffectongrowth,aidhasaquadraticeffectongrowth;onlycertaintypesofaidmatters,alltypesofaidareequivalent.[20]Growthregressionsingeneralhavebeencriticizedonthegroundsofdataminingandspecificationsearching...[Theresultisthat]…theregressionwarsonforeignaidandgrowthshownosignofendinganytimesoon.(p.18)

Thecompleteindeterminacyofthiskindofquantitativeresearchisnotconfinedtotheliteratureaboutaidanddevelopment.AsIhavearguedelsewhere(Klees,2008b),forquantitativeresearchmethods to yield reliable cause-effect information requires fulfilling impossible conditions.Regression analysis, the most frequently used methodology, requires three conditions: allindependentvariables that affect thedependentvariableare in the equation, allvariables aremeasuredcorrectly,andthecorrectfunctionalformisspecified.Inpractice,theseconditionsareneverfulfilledandcanneverbefulfilled.Regressionanalysisstudiesthusbecomeabattlegroundovermodelspecificationwhichformsthebasisforanendlessdebateoverresultsin,forexample,literatures on economic growth, student achievement,welfare policies,Head Start, class size,vouchersforschoolsorhousing,andmanyothers.

Itiscurrentlyfashionabletocallforanalternativetoregressionanalysis–randomizedexperiments(Duflo&Kremer,2008).Intheory,well-controlledexperimentsaresupposedtomakeiteasytomakecause-effectinferences.Inpractice,realworldexperiments,outsidethelaboratory,areneverwellcontrolled.Therefore,randomizationbuysyoulittle,andcontrolgroupsalwaysdifferfromexperimental groups.Researchers acknowledge this and try tomake compensatory statisticaladjustments,buttheyarealwaysadhocandeasilycontestable.Basically,realworldexperimentsrevertrightbacktotheneedforproperregressionanalysisspecificationtountanglecause-effectrelationships,asevidencedinmanyofthesameliteraturesmentionedabove.

Thisisamajorconundrum.21Wedoneedresearchandevaluationtohelpfigureoutwhatworks,yetresearchandevaluationresultsarealwayscontestedandcontestable.Myonlyansweristoreturntothecentralityofparticipation.22Participatoryresearchandevaluation–withparticipationbybeneficiariesandotherstakeholdersaswellasbyanalystswhodepartfromdifferentframeworks–maynotyieldclearanswers,butitcanputourdebatesonthetable.Drawingonquantitative,qualitative,andcriticalresearchandevaluationmethodologies(Mertens,2004;Denzin&Lincoln,2000), the resulting informationandarguments shouldbecomepartofparticipatorydecision-makingprocesses.Whentruthbecomesaproblematicgoal,thelegitimacyofpoliticalprocessesbecomesparamount.23

Educational research and evaluation are as biased, indeterminate, and contested as anyother.Again,Idonotmeanthisasacalltohaltallresearch.Idomeanthatmostoftheaboverecommendationsdonotdependonfurtherresearch.Ialsomeanthatwhenresearchisneeded,theprincipalformofresearchthatmakessenseisparticipatoryresearch.

Inclosing,Moyo’sconcludingthoughtaboutwhethermillionsmorewoulddieifaidweretobestoppedshouldbecentraltotheconsiderationofthechoicesweface.TheindicatorsthatIbeganthispaperwitharehorrendous.Rightnowmillionsaredyinganddyingneedlessly;millionsmorearebarelysurvivingatthemargins.Relativelyfewresourcesareneededtochangethis.Themarketmechanismdoesnotworkforbillionsofpeopleandaidisinsufficientandmisdirected.Transformationispossible.Wecanturnthisaroundandmakethe21stcenturythefirstonethatisjustandhumane.



Endnotes1. AnearlierversionofthispaperwasgivenasthekeynoteaddressattheNortheastRegional

Comparative and International Education Society Conference held October 8-9, 2009, atLehighUniversity,Bethlehem,PA.IamtheHaroldR.W.BenjaminProfessorofInternationalandComparativeEducationandDirectoroftheInternationalEducationPolicyProgramattheUniversityofMaryland. Iwould like to thankSusanneClawson,MarkGinsburg,andNellyStromquistforcommentsonadraftofthispaper.

2. ManyinthedevelopmentcommunityseemtobeenamoredoftheParisDeclaration,butitisbothdistantfromrealityandperhapsnotevendesirable:aidisveryfarfromtransparent;accountabilityandeffectivenessaretoooftennarrowlyconceivedandorientedtowardsthedonor;andaidalignedandharmonizedgivesdonorsevermorepower.TheParisDeclarationalsofallsfarshortofwhatisneededtomakeaidwork,asIdiscussintheconclusion.

3. Aidisahottopicineducationaswellasinthedevelopmentliterature.SeeBenavot,Archer,Moseley,Mundy,Phiri,Steer,andWiking(2010)andKing(2009a).

4. In a critiqueofMoyo’s relianceon the correlationbetween aid anddifficultdevelopmentsituations,Watkins (2009, p. 20) calls it “guilt by association: there’s an awful lot of aidsloshing around in countries that are doing badly.Using the same logic you could arguethatfireenginesarebestavoidedbecauseyoutendtofindthemclusteredaroundburningbuildings.”

5. Ellerman supports theseprincipleswith references to thework of thinkers acrossdiversefields including Hirschman, Schumacher, Alinsky, Freire, Dewey, McGregor, Rogers, andKierkegaard.

6. OnecouldarguethattheMDGsandEFAcameaboutastheresultofliberalpoliticsdespiteneoliberalismbeingpredominant(Chan,2006).

7. SeealsoSamoff(2009,p.4):“Itisimportanttonoteherethatacriticalapproachtoforeignaiddoesnotrequireaconspiracytheory.Atissuearenottheintentionsorattitudesorgoodwillofaidagencystaff.”

8. Thatisrecognizedbyliberals(Stiglitz,2009)aswellasprogressives.9. Idonotpretendthatallprogressiveswillagreeonallpoints.Forexample,althoughIbelieve

the need formore spending by theNorth on education anddevelopment in the South isessential, some progressive perspectives, such as delinking,might disagree (Amin, 1985).Relatedly,withmoremoneycomesmorethreatstosovereignty(Samoff,2009).

10.Ofcourse,sincethatmoneyistargeted,itwillbemoreperhead.Ontheotherhand,only40%ofaidistargetedtothepoorestcountries(Riddell,2007,p.358)andcorruptionwilllessenhowmuchreachesthoseinneed.Andthefactthatmuchaidistied,perhaps60%,totechnicalassistanceandpurchasesfromdonorcountries,meansabigchunkofthat$10maynotbeveryuseful.

11. The0.7%ofGDPgoalwasoriginallysetin1970andreaffirmedattheMonterreySummitin2002.Onlyfive countrieshavemet it: Denmark,Luxembourg,Netherlands,NorwayandSweden.Inrealitytheshareofhigh-incomecountriesGDPgoingtoODAactuallyfellfrom0.51%in1960to0.23%in2002(UNMillenniumProject,2006).

12.ThehugeamountofresourcesthattheU.S.andtheworldarespendingtocombatthecurrenteconomic crisis belies the explanation thatmore resources cannot be found, as doesU.S.spendingonthewarsinAfghanistanandIraq.

13.A recent study by UC Berkeley professor Emmanuel Saez points to a “staggering,unprecedenteddisparity”inU.S.income,an“all-timehigh”ininequality.Thetop10%incomeearnersreceivedalmost50%oftotalincome,thehighestconcentrationsince1917(HuffingtonPost,2009).And,ofcourse,inequalityinwealthismuch,muchhigher.

14.Microloanscouldbeonepartofthissystem,buttheyarenomiraclecure,ashasbeentouted.


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Even ifmoney could be found for their expansion, loans are no basis for transformation.Manypeoplewhoarepoorwillnotborrow,andsmallscaleentrepreneurshipisnotgoingtoachieveanequitableandsustainabledevelopment.

15.Waisbord(2008)offersagoodanalysisofthreebarrierstostrongparticipation:thebureaucraticnature of aid agencies; their technical, expert-dominatedmodel; and their pretense to beapolitical.

16.Ellerman’scallforencouragingself-helpandrespectingautonomyis,inpart,acallforgreaterparticipation.

17. Fromasimilarperspective,therehavealsobeencallstoreplacetheauthoritarianismoftheprivatesectorwithamoreparticipatory,democraticworkplace(e.g.,Hahnel,2005;Alperowitz,2004).

18.Liberal or progressive economists in these institutions who have been vocal have beenmarginalizedorfired.ItisnotonlytheFundandtheBankthathavebeenshapedstronglybyneoliberaleconomistsbutuniversities,thinktanks,bilateralaidagencies,andgovernmentsaswell. It is interesting tonote thateven in the liberalObamaadministration,despite theseriouscurrenteconomiccrisis,criticalvoicesgetexcluded.PaulKrugmanandJosephStiglitz,bothNobelPrize-winningeconomists,havenotbeenpartofWhiteHouseeffortsbecause“anentireeconomicsperspective…aprogressive-economistwing”hasbeenexcludedfrompolicymaking(Krugman,2009).

19.Contrary to expectations, donor coordination and harmonization through SWAps do notseemtohavereducedthedemandsonaidrecipients(Riddell,2007).

20.Theneoliberalconventionalwisdomisthataid’seffectivenessdependsonacountryfollowingneoliberal policies that encourage free trade and foreign investment but, as above, thatconventionalwisdomisbasedonideology,notevidence(inadditiontoEasterly,seeRiddell,2007;Radelet,2006)

21.Theubiquitouscall for“evidence-baseddecision-making”or“outcomes-basedaid,”whileunderstandableintheabstract,inpracticebecomesafetish,anotherwayofprivilegingtheresearchofthosewithpower,dismissingchallenges,andavoidingtakingneededactions.

22.Adiscussionofmorequalitativeapproachestoresearchisbeyondthescopeof thispaper.Whilequalitative researchhas itsproblems, I certainly see it as an improvementover thedominant quantitative approaches. Nonetheless, for me the bottom line is that since allresearch reflects the perspectives of the researcher, all research needs to be broadened bymakingparticipationcentral.

23.Therehasbeenacallfor“smarteraid,”butthisassumesthatresearchandevaluationmethodscantellyouwhicharethebestaidpoliciesandprograms.Unfortunatelythatissimplynotpossible,asdecadesofexperienceshouldhavemadeclear.

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