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Definitive Astronomical Evidence for the Date of Kāl idāsa

K. Chandra Hari1

Abstract

Present paper is an attempt to reconcile the well known historical facts about the date of

Kāl idāsa with the results possible from astronomical dating of the celestial phenomena to which

we find allusions in the works of Kāl idāsa. Reviews of the historical conclusions and Sengupta's

astronomical method have been given along with a reworking of the dating of two major

phenomena attempted by Sengupta. It has been shown that most of the modern conflicting

notions about the time of Kāl idāsa had been in vogue since quite early times as the European

studies in 19th century. References to Kāl idāsa's association with Vikramāditya as may be found

in Kākasandeśam, Līlātilakam and in the couplet of Dharmagupta etc gets vindicated by the

correct astronomical dating achieved in this paper. Kāl idāsa's time is shown to be that of

Candragupta Vikramāditya (AD375-414) and of the Vākāt aka Queen Prabhāvatī Guptā.

Historical and inscriptional evidence that supports the astronomical dating have been suggested.

Paper also achieves the dating of Prābhāvatī Guptā's inscription issued at Nandivardhana as

regent to as marking the expiry of the banishment of Yaksa on 11th of lunar Kārttikā, 19-20th

October 397 AD. Sengupta's emendation is shown to be unwarranted in view of the coincidence

of Śayana ekādaśi with the beginning of Nabhas, the solar month of Kat aka that began with the

Daksin āyana. A clear link thus gets established between Kāl idāsa, Rāmagiri, Prabhāvatī Gupta

and Meghadūt which got written in 397 AD. Abhijnānaśākuntal am is shown to be completed

towards the fag end of the reign of Candragupta-II in 412 AD.

Discussion has been provided on the state of astronomical knowledge existed during 4th /5th

century AD using the latest research findings on the Delhi Iron Pillar as originally located at

Udayagiri.

Key words:

Kāl idāsa, Candragupta-II, Vikramāditya, Vākāt akā, Prabhāvatī Guptā, Pravarasena-II,

Setubandha, Meghadūt, Rāmagiri, Abhijnāna Śākuntal am, Astronomical dating, Udayagiri.

I. I. Introduction

Kālidāsa by his incomparable stature has received the epithet 'kavikulaguru' and is the name

around which the Sanskrit literature since the days of the epics has grown into its majestic

climax in poetry and drama. Since the days of Maxmuller (1860)1 a number of histories of

1 B-6, 103, ONGC Colony, Chandkheda, 382424, Gandhi Nagar, Gujarat, chandra_hari18@yahoo.com

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Sanskrit literature have been written and in 1946 under the auspices of the Calcutta University,

a major work A History of Sanskrit Literature by Indian authors Dasgupta 2 and De got

published. This work presents exhaustive references and a sum up of the state of the researches

by European and Indian scholars till the middle of the last century. As may be understood from

the work the date and place of Kāl idāsa had been a topic of irresolvable confusion in the past.

Modern studies rather than removing the confusion have helped to add more mystery on the

vexed question of the date of Kāl idāsa by re-floating the ages old notions on flimsy grounds and

partial discussions on the issue. No original concept has been brought forward by any modern

studies since the release of the work of Dasgupta in which a through discussion of the various

notions concerning the date of Kāl idāsa are available. On the state of research at the middle of

the last century, Dasgupta has candidly expressed the following view:

"The current Indian anecdotes about him are extremely stupid and show that no clear memory

remained of him. He is one of the great poets who live and reveal themselves only in their

works. His date and even approximate time, is at worst uncertain, at best conjectural. His works

have been ransacked for clues but not very successfully; but since they bear general testimony

to a period of culture, ease and prosperity, they have been associated with various great

moments of the Gupta power and glory. The hypotheses and controversies on the subject need

not occupy us here3 for none of the theories are final, and without further and more definite

material, no convincing solution is attainable"

Researches during the last half a century or more have made no difference to the above

situation. The conflict on the date of Kāl idāsa can therefore be resolved only by a quest for

more definitive material and convincing historic background. Present paper as such is an effort

to look for more definitive material and a convincing historic background against the backdrop

of the numerous conjectures that have made its appearance during the last 150 years since the

time of Maxmuller.

II. Popular Notions on the Date of Kālidāsa

1. Bānabhat t a, known to be the court poet of Harsavardhana (AD 606-647) in Harsacarita

offers prefatory salutations to Kāl idāsa in the words:

Nirgatāsu na vākasya Kāl idāsasya sūktisu

Prītir madhurasārdrāsu manjarīsviva jāyate

2. Kāl idāsa is mentioned as a poet of great reputation in the Aihole inscription of Pulikeśi-

II, 634 AD and so the upper limit of his date is 6th century AD.

3. Scholarly opinion is in favor of better form and style with Kāl idāsa compared to

Aśvaghosa of 2nd century AD and this leads us to a tentatively acceptable lower limit.4 - –

3

4. Mandasor inscription5 dated to 473 AD which names Kumāragupta, has verses borrowed

from Kāl idāsa and imitating his style by the poet Vatsabhat t i. 6

5. Dasgupta has quoted Jacobi's demonstration of astronomical evidence vis-à-vis influence

of Greek astronomy of the period around 350 AD.7

6. Dasgupta on his own adduces evidence to place Kāl idāsa at a later period of the Suňgas,

either a contemporary of Agnimitra or shortly afterwards. Evidence suggested is the

Maurya law of inheritance that the author finds reflected in Act VI Śakuntāla.8 This of

course is weak evidence as the Maurya laws or the precepts of Cānakya could have come

down to the Guptas. Also, there is the possibility that Kāl idāsa may have been well read

about the history of laws of inheritance, jurisprudence vis-à-vis social systems.

7. Kāl idāsa's reference to the entry of Huns beyond Kāśmīra on the banks of Indus in IV.68

of Raghuvamśa may be explained as due to the early excursions of Huns to India.

Reference to Huns does not demand a later date to Kāl idās to make him contemporary of

Yaśodharman9 who is believed to have assumed the title Śākāri Vikramāditya after

routing the Huns (Toramāna at Mālvā in 500 AD).

8. Sengupta's dissertation 10 on the astronomical evidence even though apparently

conclusive to the mindset of an astronomer, has not fared with the scholars in the field of

literature, Sanskrit and regional, where still the varied notions are getting debated in the

same old fashion as was the situation at the beginning of the last century. Hero of

Māl avikāgnimitram, Agnimitra the son of Pusyamitra Suňga is held forth as historical

evidence to support the date of 123 BC or around while the namesake of the hero of

Kumārasambhavam viz., Kumāragupta, son of Chandragupta-II alias Vikramāditya is the

token of historical evidence to those who advocates early 5th century. Sengupta's

discussion on astronomical evidence places Kāl idāsa at the middle of the 6th century AD,

between AD 525-575 during the rein of Budhagupta ().

9. Certain legends make Kāl idāsa a contemporary of Prābhāvati Gupta, widow of

Rudrasena-II who died in 390 AD and mother of Pravarasena-II who is believed to be

have authored Setubandhanam and Saundaryalahari. Mirashi11 had been a supporter of

this legend which is traceable to Kākasandeśa. Pisarot i has quoted the following verse of

Kākasandeśam quoted in Līlātilakam:

Svasrepūrvam mahitanr pater vikramādityānāmnah Pokkāmcakre tarun a jalabham kāl idāsah kavīndrah

-meaning, that the work Meghasandeśa is the communication that Kālidāsa addressed to

Prabhāvati, sister of Chandragupta-II when the great poet was banished to Rāmagiri by

the Emperor.

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Further, Pisarot i quotes Dharmagupta who wrote a commentary for Śukasandeśam:

Kālīdāsoƒpi mahākavih nr pādeśāl prositah Sannijāmevahi pūrvam nissahavirahakalusitām

Priyāmuddiśya yaksavyapadeśena sandeśakāvyamakarol

i.e. Great poet Kāl idāsa banished by the King wrote the poem 'Cloud Message' for his

beloved who was Prabhāvatī when tormented by separation at Rāmagiri.

10. In Vikramorvaśīyam drama the hero Purūravas is often given the appellation Vikrama to

glorify the title of the emperor, Chandragupta-II whose reign was during AD 375-415.

11. In his pretty long introductions to the Meghadūt, Śarma has presented the following facts

but without knowing that Candragupta-II is the Vikramāditya referred to in the

Gāthāsaptaśatī. From his essay we may aver that- 12

(a) Gāthāsaptaśati 5.64 clearly mentions that Kāl idāsa was the court poet of Vikramāditya.

(b) Vidisa is described in Meghadūt as Rājadhāni which we may explain as due to

Vikramāditya's speciall reverence for the nearby Udayagiri abode of Visnu as may be

understood from the later discussions on Udayagiri given in this paper.

(c) Popular legends say that Māl avikāgnimitram was written for staging on the occasion of

the marrigae of Prabhāvatī Guptā at Ujjayinī.

III. Historical Time Frame

Above discussion on the prevalent notions when examined against well known historical facts

leads us to the following inferences:

(a) As accepted by well known historians 13 ,14 Kālidāsa was a member of the court of

Chandragupta-II alias Vikramāditya and contemporary to Vākātaka King Rudrasena-II,

his queen Prabhāvati and the successor Pravarasena-II.

(b) Chandragupta-II, Rudrasena-II, Prabhāvati and Pravarasena-II are known through

various inscriptions and thus there are no grounds for confusion.15

(c) Association of the Vākātaka Queen Prabhāvati with the Srī Rāma temple at Rāmagiri

(modern Ramtek) finds support in inscriptions and Kāl idāsa immortalized the place

through his poem Meghadūt.

(d) Reign of Chandragupta-II (AD 375-415) and successors Kumāragupta (AD415-455),

Skandagupta (AD455-467) and Budhagupta (AD 467-497) marked the golden Gupta age

in India and as noted by Basham Huns had conquered Māl vā in 500 AD. 16

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(e) Prabhāvati as Regent during AD 390-400 and Pravarasena-II had his reign during AD

400-440.

Based on the above historical facts and related epigraphic evidence Mirashi17 has supported the

quoted legends about Kāl idās that Chandragupta-II had sent Kāl idāsa to Nandivardhana near

modern Ramtek to assist Prabhāvati in administration and thus arose the circumstances in which

the 'sandeśa' Kāvya Meghadūt was born.

Historical situation as above totally contradicts the great astronomical dissertation by

Sengupta18 which placed Kāl idāsa at the middle of the 6th century AD.

III. Review of the Astronomical Evidence by Sengupta

Sengupta's date for Kāl idāsa was centered on the following analysis based on the astronomical

references available in the works:

1. Astronomical allusions are cited to establish that Kāl idāsa was familiar with the

Siddhāntic astronomical notions and that he was a vivid observer of the skies.

(a) use of the word 'tāra-graha' for Kujādi pancagrahas (Raghuvamśa:VI.22)

(b) First visibility of the crescent (Raghuvamśa:II.31, 73 & VII.33)

(c) Description of the beginning of the month of Nabhas coinciding with summer solstice

and the beginning of rainy season (Raghuvamśa:XVIII.6)

2. Reference to summer solstice at Raghvamśa: XVI.14 in terms of Agastya-cihna which

Sengupta interpreted as implying a polar longitude of 900 to Agastya (Canopus) as is

mentioned in Pancasiddhāntikā and modern Sūryasiddhānta which could be dated to the

middle of the 6th century.

3. Raghuvamśa XI.36 applies the simile of Castor and Pollux to Rāma and Laksmana and

Sebgupta has wrongly argued that the stars of Pun arvasu appeared charming to Kāl idāsa

as the bursting of monsoon took place when sun was near them at the solstice. 19

Argument is wrong as the stars near to the sun at any time are not at all visible and as

such no charm is possible by proximity to sun. So the fall of solstice on Castor in AD

546 in no way helps to date Kāl idāsa.

4. Meghadūta I.4 describing the Yaksa's vision of the clouds and the allusion to the

beginning of rains coinciding solstice on Āsādhaśukl a ekādaśī is shown to reflect the

epoch of 20 June 541 AD. Here Sengupta interprets the reference to Āsādh ā as indicative

of the solar month of Mithuna, the end of which marked solstice as per the Siddhāntic

astronomy since the days of Āryabhat a. So the argument is made that Kāl idāsa may have

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lived half a century after Āryabhat a. The possibility of similar calendar notions before

Āryabhat a stood ignored by Sengupta.

5. Abhijnānaśakuntal a VII.91 employed an astronomical simile to describe the union of

Dusyanta and Śakuntal ā. Kāl idāsa says that the union of the duo was like Moon joining

Rohinī after a total solar eclipse. After examining the Oppolzer's Cannon der

Finsternesse for the interval AD 400-600 Sengupta has dated the event to 8 November

542 AD.

In his conclusion Sengupta says:20

"The peculiar lunar eclipse on 8-9 November 542 AD and the sun's turning south on June 20,

541 AD., taken together thus fixes the date of Kāl idāsa about the middle of the sixth century

AD and this leads to the conclusion that the great poet and the astronomer Varāha were

contemporary".

IV. Reconciling the Astronomical References and Historical Facts

Conflict of Sengupta's astronomical dating with the historical facts cited earlier can be

reconciled by having a re-look at the astronomical evidence adduced by Sengupta. It may be

noted that possibility exists that the events mentioned above viz., the Moon emerging from the

eclipse joining Rohinī and the sun's turning north on Śukl a (11) at the end of Mithuna could

have happened earlier during the reign of Candragupta-II i.e. AD 375 to 415, the period

assigned to Kāl idāsa by modern historians like Thapar and Basham quoted earlier. A new look

at the above quoted astronomical references is therefore presented below:

1. Meghadūta I.4, Yaksa addressing the cloud at the end of Āsādh ā (solar Mithuna) as

interpreted by Sengupta and Śukl a ekādaśī coinciding with solstice i.e. sun ≈ 900.

(a) Event as above is visible on 21-22 June 397 AD, 21 June 416 AD, 21 June 435 AD

etc with the Moon in Viśākha or Anurādhā naksatra for the solstice. Among these 21-

22 June 397 AD falls within the interval in which Prabhāvatī ruled Vākātaka as

regent (AD390-400).

(b) Yaksa's banishment was to expire on 11th of lunar Kārttikā which fell in the year 397

AD on 19-20th October 397 AD.

(c) It is interesting to note here that the one year banishment on top of Rāmagiri may

have begun on 18 October 396 AD coinciding with Amāvasyā and the lunar Kārttikā

began with Śukl a (1) on 19 October 396 AD. As the tithis advance by 11 in a solar

year, the Yaksa's banishment according to Kāl idāsa was to expire on Kārttikā Śukl a

11, on the completion of 1 solar year.

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(d) Reference to Āsādha Śukl a (11) as elapsed tithi for a religious gift made on Dvādaśī

can be found in the cave 6 inscription of Udayagiri which had the name

Visnupadagiri in the times of Guptas and thus sacred for the observance of

Ekādaśīvrata. This inscription of Candragupta-II is datable to 26-27 June 402 AD.21

(e) The Kāl idāsa festival at Rāmagiri is celebrated on the first day of Āsādh ā when

Kāl idāsa as Yaksa addressed the clouds at Rāmagiri. Sengupta had suggested an

emendation of reading in the verse 1.2 "Āsādhasya prathamadivase..." as Āsādhasya

praśamana divase to make the date coincide with summer solstice. This emendation

is not needed if we consider the reading 'pratyāsanne nabhasi...' (which means that

the month of nabhas that is to begin on summer solstice is approaching) and

interpreting that in relation to Śayana-ekādaśi coinciding with the first day of Nabhas

and summer solstice. So the date on which the Yaksa addressed the clouds will be 12

June 397 AD.

2. Abhijnānaśakuntal a VII.91, union of Śakuntala and Dusyanta like Moon joining Rohin ī

after a total lunar eclipse.

An event of this type cannot be as recurring as the solstice coinciding a particular tithi as we

saw in the above case. Verse describes Śakuntal a as of enchanting face joined Dusyanta

like the shining Moon fully emerging out of an eclipse joins Rohin ī. Sengupta rightly

interpreted that the eclipse had to be total and dated the occurrence of 8-9 November 542

AD. A look at the total lunar eclipses happening during the reign of Candragupta-II (AD

375-415) suggests the total lunar eclipse of 4 November 412 AD as the one observed by

Kālīdāsa while he was engaged in shaping the Abhjnānaśākuntal am. This eclipse had the

following features at for the meridian of Ujjayinī. Full moon occurred at 01:30 LMT on 5th

November 412 AD (Monday night) with sun λ = 224°05' and Moon 44°05'. Moon was 40

west of Rohinī at this time and by early morning when the eclipse ended Moon could be

seen joined with Rohinī. This date was astronomically important as the Moon joining Rohin ī

had been occulting Mars as well.

Above date of 412 AD is at the fag end of the reign of Vikramāditya (AD375-414) and

marks the time when Abhijnāna Śākuntal am got completed as the simile occurs at the end.

Thus the dating supports the legend that the drama was completed for staging the same in

the court of Vikramāditya.22

It is therefore evident that definitive materials like date of astronomical references in the

works of Kāl idāsa also support the date of 400 AD marking the reigns of Candragupta-II

and Prabhāvatī Guptā. In the forthcoming part light will be thrown on some indications

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available in the history of Udayagiri near Vidisa on the possibility of Candragupta

patronizing astronomical studies and the importance given for astronomical observations.

3. Astronomical Knowledge apparent in Kālidāsa

Sengupta's major argument in favor of the mid-sixth century date had been the excellent

knowledge of the astronomy reflected in the similes of Kāl idāsa which according to him, could

have been possible only after the time of Āryabhat a viz., turn of the 5th century, AD 499 as is

known from Ārdharātrika siddhānta. During the days of Sengupta little was known about the

astronomy before AD 499, especially during the period of Candragupta-II (AD 375-413). But

recent studies on the Iron Pillar of Delhi and its connection to Udayagiri situated on the Tropic

of Cancer as well as the Gupta inscriptions suggest that astronomical observations have been

popular during the reign of Candragupta-II and thus the astronomical references in Kāl idāsa

supports the date of 400 AD.

Dating of Udayagiri cave 6 inscription of Candragupta-II to 26-27 June 402 AD by Sharan and

Balasubrahmanyam agrees with the Sengupta's dating of the Gupta inscriptions which lead us to

the base year as AD 320. 82nd year of the Gupta's inscribed in cave 6 therefore will be 402 AD.

Present author does not agree with the interpretation of 26-27 June 402 as coinciding with

summer solstice. Inscription refers to a religious gift on Āsādha Śukl a ekādaśī at the sacred

place known as Visnupadagiri.

Candragupta's interest in astronomy and the excellent use of astronomical similes that we see in

the works of Kāl idāsa may be understood from the recent research findings23 on the Delhi Iron

Pillar shown to have been originally belonged to Udayagiri. Pillar in all probability served as a

Gnomon of height 24 Units (obliquity ≈ 240 = latitude) which gave at the place of latitude equal

to say 23.5 or 24 degree an equinoctial shadow of ≈10 Units. 24 Units taken as 24ft when

converted to inches yields 288 (represents the longitude of Śrāvan a naksatra having the

appellation Trivikrama or Vikrama, the title that Candragupta-II adopted. With the same inches

or units the base was 16 in diameter while top 13 units. Description of the Pillar and location

suggest that the Visnudhvaja in fact was the Purānic Indradhvaja erected for Indrotsava on the

day of summer solstice and symbolized the Visnunābhi or the Ecliptic North Pole (α =2700, δ =

66033'38") located on Draco depicted in solar myths as Ananthanāga. Bālasubrahmanyam's

description24 of the wheel of rāśis found in the ruins as beginning with Dhanu suggests that the

place was probably an ancient seat of Indigenous sidereal astronomy which conceived Zodiac as

Mūlādhāra Cakra25. No other explanation is known for a circle of signs beginning with Dhanu.

Declination of ENP or Visnu-nābhi equal to 900-obliquity = 66034' suggests that the point is

circumpolar at the latitude equal to obliquity and will be on the horizon for lower transit. So the

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place in question was selected for erecting the Visnudhvaja on serious astronomical

considerations.

Further, inscriptions and coins have brought out the fact that Candragupta-II had adopted the

title of Vikramāditya or Vikramārkka and thus explains the legendary association of Kāl idāsa

with Vikramāditya. Numismatic evidence renders irrefutable evidence for the fact that

Candragupta-II indeed was the real Vikramāditya of legends and patron of Kāl idāsa.

Candragupta coins had his figure on side inscribed with short name as Candra while on the

reverse Brāhmi had the legend "Candragupta Vikramāditya, King of Kings, and a devotee of

Visnu" around the figure of a peacock.

IV. Kālidāsa and Vākat aka Association (Prbhāvatī and Pravara Sena-II)

(a) Evidence of Inscriptions and astronomical indications of Meghadūt

Prabhāvatī's Copper plate inscription 26 obtained from Pune also suggests the religious

importance of ekādaśīvratam and the disbursement of gifts with pārana or culmination of the

fasting on Dvādaśī. Pune inscription gives the day as Kārttikā Śukl a 12, the day after the rise of

Visnu after Cāturmāsya. Issued at the Vākāt aka capital Nandivardhana near Rāmagiri, the

inscription pertains to the gift of the Danguna to a Brāhmin. The inscription is undated as far as

the present author could ascertain. Prbhāvatī Guptā's second inscription27 that has come down to

us of Amarāvati (Riddhapur) is issued in the 19th year of Pravarasena in the capacity of Queen

Mother and the plate contains reference to the Rāmagirisvāmi. Year is mentioned as

'ekonavimśati' and the day is same as Kārttikā Śukl a 12.

Association of Prabhāvatī Guptā with Kāl idāsa receives adequate support as Rāmagiri finds

mention in the inscription and also in the Meghadūta of Kāl idāsa. First of the inscriptions is of

the time when she was regent at Nandivardhana and the tribute to Rāmagirisvāmi on Kārttikā

Śukl a 12 may be linked to the Kāl idāsa's reference in Meghadūta of the end of his exile on

Kārttikā Śukl a 11 as we noted earlier. We have already dated Kāl idāsa's reference to the

coincidence of the solstice with Āsādh ā Śukl a (11) as 21 June 397 AD. Also, as we saw above,

Yaksa's banishment was to expire on 11th of lunar Kārttikā which fell in the year 397 AD on 19-

20th October 397 AD.

Against the above background, it can be surmised that the inscription issued as regent by

Prabhāvatī Guptā may correspond to the 20 October 397 AD when Kāl idāsa got his exile to

Rāmagiri over. Meghadūta astronomical indications of Āsādh ā Śukl a (11) and Kārttikā Śukl a 11

thus gets correlated to Prabhāvatīguptā's inscription issued at Nandivardhana as regent and the

date can be safely accepted as 20/21 October 397 AD. It may be noted here that Pravarasena

ascended the throne in 400 AD to rule for another 40 years and in his 19th year of rule

Prabhāvatī Guptā's inscription described her as Queen Mother and grand mother i.e in 419 AD,

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both Kāl idāsa and Prabhāvatī had become advanced in age. Same inference follows from the

legend that Kāl idāsa wrote Kumārasambhavam in celebration of the birth of Kumāragupta who

ascended the throne in 414 AD.

Pisāroti 28 has referred to Bhoja's statement in Śr ňgāraprakāśa of Kāl idāsa's lost work

'Kuntaleśvaradautyam' in which Kāl idāsa, Vikramāditya and Kuntal eśvara (King of Vākāt aka)

are characters. Bhoja's account linking Kuntal eśvara with Kāl idāsa supports the association of

the great poet with the Vākāt aka King Pravarasena as the Vākāt aka inscriptions describe the

Kings as Kuntal esvara.29

(b) Pravarasena-II as Disciple of Kāl idāsa

The Prakr t-kāvya Setubandha or Rāvanavadha had been of disputed authorship as few scholars

had ascribed the same to a Kāśmīra Pravarasena of the 6th century AD. But researches have

brought in new light and according to Mirashi:30

"Pravarasena II is the reputed author of the Setubandha, a Prakrt kavya in glorification of

Ramacandra. This work has been highly praised by Sanskrt poets and rhetoricians. According to

a tradition recorded by a commentator of this work, it was composed by Kāl idāsa, who ascribed

it to Pravarasena. The latter is also known as the author of some Prakrt gathas, which were

later, incorporated in the Gāthasaptaśati"

This legend reminds us of the dispute on the authorship of Saundaryalahari between the

Vākāt aka-Pravarasena-II and Kāśmīra-Pravarasena and the identification of the author of

Setubandha as Vākāt aka Pravarasena-II leads us to infer that Pravarasena grew up as a disciple

of the great poet Kāl idāsa. Gāthāsaptaśatī written in Mahārāstrī Prakr t is known to contain the

verses authored by Pravarasena-II and as mentioned earlier, this Prakr t work has a clear mention

of Kāl idāsa as the court poet of Vikramāditya.

V. Conclusions

Discussion given above achieves satisfactory reconciliation between legends, known historical

facts and inscriptional records with the astronomical dating possible from astronomical

references in Kāl idāsa's works. Important inferences of the study are:

1. Kāl idāsa accordingly was the court poet of Candragupta Vikramāditya whose reign was

between AD 375 and AD414.

2. Sengupta's astronomical dating of Kāl idasa to the middle of sixth century is shown to be

not in agreement with well known historical facts and inscriptional records.

3. The astronomical references of Meghadūta and Raghuvamśa are shown to match with

the same phenomenon as described by Sengupta occurring during the historical time

frame of Candragupta Vikramāditya (AD375-414), celebrated Candra of the Gupta coins

and the Iron Pillar at Delhi which originally belonged to Udayagiri.

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4. Kāl idāsa's reference to the first day of Āsādh ā and the approaching Nabhas i.e.

beginning of solar Kat aka coinciding the solstice on Āsādh ā Śukl a (11) which is known

as Śayana ekādaśī is shown to be of the date 21 June 397 AD with computational as well

as historical evidence. First of Āsādh ā as such would have been 12 June 397 AD when

the Yaksa addressed the clouds.

5. Prabhāvatī Guptā's inscription of the time when she was regent at Nandivardhana and the

tribute to Rāmagirisvāmi on the day of Kārttikā Śukl a 12 is shown to be matching with

the expiry of the banishment of Yaksa on 11th of lunar Kārttikā, 19-20th October 397 AD.

6. Kāl idāsa's reference in Śākuntalam involving the simile depicting a total lunar eclipse

and conjunction of the liberated Moon with Rohin ī is shown to have happened on the

night of 4-5 November 412 AD.

VI. References

1 Maxmuller, History of Indian Literature, 1878.

2 Dasgupta, SN; A History of Sanskrit Literature, University of Calcutta, 1975

3 Ibid., p.124., Dasgupta has added the note: "The literature on the subject which is discussed

threabare without yielding any definite result, is bulky and still growing" An exhaustive list of

references is also available in the note.

4 Ibid., p.731., Dāsgupta has quoted the original references to point out that scholarly opinion is

divided on the issue of 'borrower': Aśvaghosa in his Saundarananda and the Buddhacarita

borrowed from Kāl idāsa or Kāl idāsa who came later borrowed from Aśvaghosa?

5 Sircar, DC., Selected Inscriptions, Vol.I, Calcutta, 1965, p.296

6 Reference (4) above, p.732: Dāsgupta says - Buhler's idea if correct, Kāl idāsa must have lived

and attained fame before the year 473 AD. Society reflected in the different Mandasor

inscriptions bear uncanny similarity to the descriptions in the works of Kāl idāsa.

7 Ibid., p.732 gives the original reference of 1873: Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie der

Wissenschaften, 1873, p.554 ff and Z.D.M.G., 1876, p.302 ff.

8 Ibid., pp. 733 -735.

9 Ibid., p.738 has discussed the issue with the original references and notes. Hoernle., AFR,

Indian Antiquary, 1912, p.156 and other works of DR Bhand ārkar (Ann. of Bhan �d�ārkar Inst.,

8, 1926-27, p.200 ff, Asutosh Memorial Volume, p.72ff; Haraprasāda Śāstri MM, JBORS, 2,

1916, p.31ff. Also BC Majumder, Ibid p.388ff, believed that Kāl idāsa belonged to the second

half of the period between 404 and 533 AD.

10 Sengupta, PC., Ancient Indian Chronology, University of Calcutta, 19xx, XXVI. Time

Indications in Kāl idāsa, pp. 263-278.

11 Mirashi, VV, Dr., supported the view that Kalidas was one of the courtiers who had come

from the Gupta capital to Vākātaka capital to assist the queen mother Prabhāvati. Thus

12

Kāl idās lived here for full one calendar year and composed his immortal poem Meghadoot

here on Ramgiri hillock.

12 Śarma, Vijendra Kumar, Dr., Meghadūt, p.9, Sahitya Bhandar, Subhash Basar, Meerut

13 Thapar, Romila, A History of India, Vol.I, Penguin Books (1990) p.140

14 Basham, AL., The wonder that was India, Rupa &Co, 1997, p. 66-67

15 http://indepigr.narod.ru/vacatacas/...furnishes all inscriptions of Guptas and Vākātakas

16 http://www.mssu.edu/projectsouthasia/history/primarydocs/Epigraphy/Gupta/, site furnishes

all Gupta inscriptions.

17

Mirashi, VV, Dr., Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p. 12f

18 Sengupta, PC., Ancient Indian Chronology, University of Calcutta, 19xx, XXVI. Time

Indications in Kāl idāsa, pp. 263-278.

19 Ibid, p.267.

20 Ibid, p.276.

21 Sharan, AM., Bālasubrahmanyam, R., Date of Sanakanika inscription and its astronomical

significance for archaeological structures at Udayagiri, Current Science, Vol. 87, No.11, 10

December 2004, pp. 1562-1566.

22 Śarma, Vijendra Kumar, Dr., Meghadūt, pp.5-9, Sahitya Bhandar, Subhash Basar, Meerut

23 Dass, IM, Balasubrahmanyam, R., Estimation of the original erection site of the Delhi Iron

Pillar at Udayagiri, IJHS, 39.1, INSA, New Delhi (2004), 51-74.

24 Balasubrahmanyam, R., The original image atop the Delhi Iron Pillar, IJHS, 39.2, INSA, New

Delhi (2004), 177-203

25 Chandra Hari, K., True Rationale of Suryasiddhanta Indian Journal of History of Science

(IJHS), IJHS Vol. 32(3) 1997, pp.183-190, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi-2.

Also other works like Sidereal Zero point – A Mathematical Solution, IJHS, 35 (2), 2000,

pp.117-122, INSA, New Delhi-2

26 http://indepigr.narod.ru/vacatacas/...furnishes both the available inscriptions of Prabhavati and

the related references of DC Sircar (SI, Bk. III, No.60, pp.411-15), VV Mirashi etc.

27 D. C. Sircar, SI. Bk. III, No. 61, pp. 415-18, V. V. Mirashi, CII, V, No. 8, Mirashi,

Inscriptions of the Vakatakas (C. I. I., Vol. V), p. 6 f., Inscription of the 19th regnal year Ibid.,

Vol. V, p. 34 f

28 Samskrita Sāhitya Caritram, Vol. 2, p. 116, Kerala Sāhitya Academy, Trichur, 1991.

29 EI. Vol. IX (1907-8), pp. 270 ff. & Pl, Balaghat inscription, Mahurjahari plates etc mentions

the Vākāt aka King as Kuntalādhipa.

30 Mirashi, VV., Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. I, p. 81 f: Quoted at

http://www.maharashtra.gov.in/ english/gazetteer/yavatmal/his_ancientperiod.html