DCAF ASSISTANCE TO

SECURITY SECTOR REFORM

IN TUNISIA

COUNTRY STRATEGY 2014 - 2016

Financed through the DCAF Trust Fund for

Security Sector Development Assistance in

North Africa (TFNA)

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CONTENT

Mission 3 3

Overview 4 3

Key challenges facing Tunisia 4 4

Tunisia’s security sector 4 4

The security sector reform challenge 5 5

DCAF’s response 5 5

Objective 6 6

Approach 7 7

Support to parliamentary and independent

oversight 8 8

Support to communication and information-

sharing 10 10

Regulatory assistance 12 3

Inclusive dialogue on security needs and

policies 14 3

Support to managing change of security

providers 16 3

Annex – Theory of Change 18 19

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MISSION

DCAF’s mission is to further security, democracy, rule of law and human rights

through the development of good security sector governance. A fundamental

condition for Tunisia’s democratic transition is the development of effective, efficient

and transparent security and justice providers that are properly controlled and

overseen by the Tunisian executive and legislative authorities, and are fully

accountable to Tunisian society.

To achieve to this, DCAF is working with Tunisian management and oversight

bodies, mainly the Ministries of Interior, National Defence and Justice, Human

Rights and Transitional Justice as well as the National Assembly. DCAF also helps

build the capacity of civil society organisations and the media in ensuring ‘informal’

oversight of the security sector. By making a contribution to improving good

governance in the area of security, DCAF furthermore promotes the advancement of

peace and stability in the wider Euro-Mediterranean region.

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OVERVIEW

KEY CHALLENGES FACING TUNISIA

In January 2014, the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly adopted a new constitution. This marked the beginning of a new stage in Tunisia’s democratic transition. The constitution provides a comprehensive framework for good governance of the security sector. However, only the coming months and years will show whether Tunisia can translate these principles into improved legislation, policies, practice and culture. Simultaneously, a new transitional government of technocrats was formed. In summer 2014, the National Constituent Assembly confirmed the members of the National Reconciliation Commission, the Commission for Truth and Dignity. The Commission is set to start working in early 2015. Its mandate requires, among other things, that it identifies perpetrators of past human rights violations and makes recommendations for ending impunity. These achievements show that Tunisia has the prerequisites for moving towards a modern and stable democracy. However, Tunisia still has serious challenges to overcome. The Tunisian economy has yet to show signs of recovery: inflation is on the rise, unemployment rates remain higher than pre-revolution levels, and GDP growth is below expectations. Tunisian society is also disenchanted with the performance of its government and the pace of reforms. Registration for the 2014 elections has been low, as are expectations of participation. Furthermore, the security situation remains critical, both within the country as well along its borders with Libya and Algeria. The government is deploying significant efforts to tackle violent Islamist groups and organised criminal groups, which operate in these border areas. The 2014 budgets of both the Ministries of Interior and National Defence have been significantly increased. However, despite massive deployments of both armed and paramilitary

forces, the authorities struggle to bring these areas under control. At the same time, several hundred Tunisian citizens have joined violent Islamist groups in Syria and other parts of the Arab region. Some of them have already returned to Tunisia and joined violent local groups. The frequent security incidents attributed to violent extremist groups have focused the attention of Tunisian politicians and society on how security in the country can be improved. There is a widespread belief among decision makers and the security establishment that restricting the liberties of citizens, and buying more equipment for the security forces, is the best way to successfully fight violent extremism. As a result, allegations and confirmed cases of human rights violations committed by the security forces are on the rise.

TUNISIA’S SECURITY SECTOR

Tunisia’s institutions in charge of providing security – most importantly the Ministries of Interior and National Defence, as well as the armed forces, police, and security forces – have opened up gradually to outside actors. Yet, despite these efforts, Tunisia’s security sector still lacks transparency and accountability. Moreover, the effectiveness of the internal security forces and the armed forces has also been put into question as they struggle to combat (arms) smuggling and violent extremism. Furthermore, external oversight of the institutions in charge of providing security remains weak: the National Constituent Assembly, civil society and the media have not yet been able to acquire the necessary capacity or political leverage to fully assume their role.

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WHY IS SECURITY SECTOR REFORM CRUCIAL?

Reforming the security sector is crucial to Tunisia’s successful democratic transition. In order for Tunisia to become a functional and resilient democracy, the country needs professional, capable and accountable armed forces, police and security forces. Dissatisfaction with a corrupt and repressive security apparatus was one of the triggers of the 2011 revolution, and the Tunisian population now needs to regain its confidence in the state and its institutions. Security sector reform is crucial to safeguarding the rule of law and ensuring respect for human rights. Only when security providers are being held to account for their actions by the government, parliament and the media can Tunisia live up to its ambitions to eradicate torture, stamp out corruption, and provide security to all its citizens, regardless of background and gender.

Reforms are also necessary to ensure that

Tunisia’s security forces are efficient and

effective. The entire North Africa region is facing a

difficult security environment, and Tunisia is no

exception. Tunisia needs to ensure it has the

capability to address current challenges, and to

develop strategies for how to respond to future

threats.

To accomplish this objective, changes in the following areas will be required:

enhancing public trust

enhancing service provision in line with citizen needs

improving the regulatory framework

strengthening oversight and control mechanisms

developing strategic management capacities

improving inter-ministerial coordination

addressing resource deficits (human, material and financial)

However, almost four years into the democratic transition, the government has initiated only limited institutional and legal reforms. Furthermore, no national strategy on security sector reform exists. The authorities explain this deficiency by highlighting:

the serious short-term security needs which make it difficult to plan ahead,

the transitional character of both the government and the National Constituent Assembly which do not have the legitimacy to address matters that go beyond their mandated period, and

the lack of a clear view on the planned transitional justice process and its implications for the security sector.

DCAF’S RESPONSE

In February 2011, DCAF launched a broad assistance programme for security sector reform in Tunisia. Since July 2011, DCAF has formalised its cooperation with the Tunisian authorities through signing Memoranda of Understanding with the Ministries of Interior (July 2011), Justice (October 2011) and Transitional Justice and Human Rights (May 2013). DCAF is currently also discussing a Memorandum of Understanding with the Ministry of National Defence. In addition, DCAF has developed its relations with Tunisian civil society, media and the elected National Constituent Assembly. Security sector reform is a long-term process. It thus requires long-term commitments from DCAF towards its national partners. In order to enable DCAF to make these long-term commitments while maintaining a flexible approach, DCAF’s Foundation Council endorsed in June 2012 DCAF’s proposal to establish a Trust Fund for Security Sector Development Assistance in North Africa (www.dcaf-tfna.org).

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OBJECTIVE

DCAF contributes to a more legitimate and trusted security sector that

respects the rule of law and ensures human rights, by helping the Tunisian

authorities to develop more effective and accountable security sector

institutions. This means that they are subject to / based on:

EFFECTIVE OVERSIGHT: Parliament, media and civil society are fulfilling an

active oversight role based on accountability of and constructive dialogue and

debate with the Executive and security providers.

AN ADEQUATE LEGAL AND POLICY FRAMEWORK: The security sector is

guided by a framework of laws, policies and codes of conducts that are in line

with international good practice and fit the local context.

RESPONSIVE SECURITY: Executive and security providers are responsive to

the security needs of the population.

APPROACH

Through its country programme, DCAF seeks to make an effective, efficient and

sustainable contribution towards improved security sector governance.

Its assistance programme is aligned with the DCAF Trust Fund for North Africa’s

Theory of Change (see Annex) and is structured along five different project clusters:

Support to the development of

parliamentary and independent oversight

Support to communication and information-

sharing

Regulatory assistance

Inclusive dialogue on security needs and

policies

Support to managing change of security

providers

Each project cluster comprises specific projects that contribute to the advancement of the overall objective of the respective process. Projects are based on priorities jointly identified with DCAF’s Tunisian partners. DCAF also only engages in fields where it has the expertise to add value that others cannot. Wherever possible, DCAF seeks to design its projects in a way that builds linkages among its four target groups:

Armed, police and security forces

Executive authorities

Legislative authorities and independent oversight institutions

Civil society and media In addition, DCAF actively contributes to donor coordination efforts. It also seeks to keep its national and international partners informed through its DCAF Tunis website (www.dcaf-tunisie.org). The initiatives outlined below represent the priorities DCAF identified in collaboration with its Tunisian partners in early 2013. DCAF reviewed them together with its partners during the first trimester of 2014. DCAF may adjust its assistance programme, should new priorities and requests arise from its Tunisian partners.

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SUPPORT TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY AND INDEPENDENT OVERSIGHT

WHY IS THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY AND INDEPENDENT OVERSIGHT IMPORTANT?

Effective parliamentary oversight is crucial to

ensuring that the mandates of security sector

institutions and security providers are devised and

implemented with full transparency and

accountability. In its absence, there is a danger of

them misinterpreting their mission and acting like

a state within the state, either placing heavy

strains on scarce resources or exerting excessive

political and economic influence. They may

hamper democratisation and even increase the

likelihood of conflict.

Oversight of the security sector is also provided

by institutions set up by the state but not subject

to its directives. This includes notably the

Tunisian Truth and Dignity Commission, whose

mandate it is to investigate and remedy past

human rights violations by state actors and

prevent their non-repetition.

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES IN TUNISIA?

Tunisia’s new constitution provides for a strong

parliamentary oversight of the security sector. The

Assembly of People’s Representatives oversees

all activities of the Executive, without exception,

and can seize the Constitutional Court to review

states of emergencies declared by the

Government. The organization of the armed,

police and security forces is defined by organic

laws, and Parliament can re-call back Tunisian

troops that have been deployed abroad.

However, the Assembly of People’s

Representatives is a new institution, and effective

parliamentary oversight of the security sector a

new concept in Tunisia. Hence, the understanding

of members of parliament and their staffers of the

concept, responsibilities, mechanisms and

procedures of oversight is limited. Additionally,

members of parliament dispose only of few

staffers to support them in their work, including for

security sector oversight.

The Truth and Dignity Commission needs to

develop a mission understanding as well as the

capacities to deliver on it. To be effective, the

commission also requires the necessary political

and popular support so its reform

recommendations are indeed implemented.

Finally, independent oversight in Tunisia is at

present spread across many overlapping

mandates, which hampers its effectiveness. To

give just one example, the relation between the

to-be-established National Preventive Mechanism

against Torture and the Human Rights Institution

created by the 2014 Constitution is yet to be

defined.

HOW DOES DCAF CONTRIBUTE?

To enhance the Assembly of People’s Representatives’ capacity to draft and review legislation, and exert effective oversight of the security sector, DCAF will

organise expert roundtables, workshops and study trips to address specific challenges that members of the parliament face in their work;

prepare working papers that comment on draft legislation;

organise training seminars for parliamentary staffers and staff of audit institutions on parliamentary oversight, how to review legislation, etc;

develop and print practical reference tools in Arabic and French, including relevant model legislation from other countries.

To foster independent oversight, DCAF will

support the Truth and Dignity Commission in formulating recommendations for institutional reform and vetting;

strengthen the capacity of the National

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Preventive Mechanism against Torture (NPM) to coordinate an institutional approach against torture.

WHAT WILL BE THE RESULTS?

Over the course of a two-year period from 2014 to 2016, DCAF expects to parliamentary and independent oversight of the security sector improved, including that: Parliament, its members and parliamentary

staffers have improved capacity, resources, and expertise, which helps them to better review and oversee the security sector.

Legislation provides a framework for civil democratic executive control over the defence and security forces, as well as the intelligence service(s).

The roles of, and coordination among, the various armed/defence and security forces, as well as the intelligence service(s), are clearly defined by law.

Independent oversight bodies, such as ombuds institutions and relevant commissions, have the capacity, resources and expertise to effectively oversee the security sector.

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SUPPORT TO COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION-SHARING

WHY ARE COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION-SHARING IMPORTANT?

In a democratic society, citizens expect to be informed about security incidents in a transparent and timely way, and to know how state institutions in charge of providing security are organised, funded, and operated. Access to information, as well as citizen participation in the development of security policies, enhances the transparency and accountability of the security sector and helps building trust.

Furthermore, citizens expect effective complaints and feedback mechanisms concerning the security services provided by state institutions. This is particularly important for complaints related to police misconduct.

Finally, the availability of key data on the security sector allows developing strategies and policies on a sound basis, to foster government coherence, and to monitor the impact of reform programs.

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES IN TUNISIA? IMPROVING INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNICATION

Tunisian authorities have made limited progress in improving communication with citizens, the media, parliament, and international partners. Communication remains highly centralised, which causes delays and does not satisfy local information needs. Citizens and media often do not trust the information they receive. ENHANCING MEDIA OVERSIGHT

Tunisia’s media faces significant challenges in assuming its role as an instrument of informal oversight of the security sector. Journalists are insufficiently protected from pressure, while often lacking the skills and expertise to

adequately cover issues related to the security sector. Tunisian media outlets lack funding to undertake investigative journalism, and have not yet managed to establish a reputation as neutral and impartial actors. PROVIDING CITIZENS WITH EFFECTIVE COMPLAINTS MECHANISMS

Tunisian citizens can submit grievances to the authorities, police, and other internal security forces, but information on how to do so is not easily accessible. Many institutions – both at the central and local levels – have overlapping mandates, and processes are often not citizen-oriented. Public trust in the effectiveness of complaints mechanisms is thus low, and may be further undermined by the establishment of additional institutions. ALLOWING CITIZENS TO PROVIDE POLICY INPUTS

Since January 2011, a wide array of civil society organisations on human rights, transparency, and democratic transition has been created. Often, their internal management is not structured according to principles of good governance, meaning they cannot effectively contribute to security sector reform processes. In parallel, Tunisian authorities do not dispose of strategies and mechanisms – both at the central and local levels – to capture and process policy inputs made by civil society and to bring marginalised groups back into the political process. This limits the trust between civil society and government, and might fuel radicalisation. DEVELOPING INTER-MINISTERIAL COORDINATION

Structured information-sharing and reform coordination among government institutions remain underdeveloped. The Ministries of Interior, Justice and National Defence have not yet developed comprehensive reform strategies for their respective ministries.

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International donors often find it difficult to provide assistance tailored at Tunisia’s needs.

DEFINING ACCESS TO INFORMATION IN THE SECURITY SECTOR

Despite the new constitutional right to information and the access to information law of May 2011, citizens cannot easily access information on the security sector. There are no clear guidelines on which information can be released without compromising national security, judicial procedures, or privacy.

IMPROVING THE PRODUCTION, ANALYSIS, AND DISSEMINATION OF KEY DATA

As Tunisia does not dispose of a coherent set of crime and detention statistics, many reform discussions lack clear data. Information is produced by a broad number of directorates within the relevant ministries, mostly for their own consumption and without meeting international standards.

HOW DOES DCAF CONTRIBUTE?

DCAF supports initiatives promoting communication and information-sharing between Tunisian citizens and authorities. It also facilitates a reform dialogue among relevant ministries, based on sound data.

With the Ministry of Interior, DCAF will:

continue implementing the Action Plan on strengthening communication with citizens;

strengthen the relations between media and internal security forces through joint workshops and seminars.

With the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministries of Interior, National Defence and Justice, Human Rights and Transitional Justice, DCAF will:

identify criteria and processes for complying with the constitutional and legal right to information;

establish an inter-ministerial working group on the reform of crime statistics;

assist the prisons administration in producing, analysing, and disseminating detention statistics.

With the Ministry of Justice, Human Rights and Transitional Justice, DCAF will:

assess the handling of citizen complaints in the field of human rights and police misconduct, and develop options for improving its effectiveness.

With the media, DCAF will:

develop recommendations on how to strengthen media oversight;

train media representatives on how to cover issues related to the security sector.

With civil society, DCAF will: develop the capacity of organisations

working on the security sector;

promote broad citizen participation and the use of public perception studies on security in security sector reform.

In addition, DCAF will continue to develop:

its database on Tunisian security sector legislation (www.legislation-securite.tn);

its observatory (www.observatoire-securite.tn) on security sector governance and reform in Tunisia.

WHAT WILL BE THE RESULTS?

Between 2014 and 2016, DCAF expects to see a better-structured approach to communication and public engagement, in which:

The external communication of key security institutions is more transparent and better structured.

The media have an improved capacity to investigate security matters, as well as easier access to key individuals and documents.

Complaints mechanisms for human rights violations and misconduct by security providers are accessible to the public and are more effective in handling complaints.

The detailed budgets of key security institutions and providers are published, as are relevant information on the structure of the police.

The Ministries of Interior, Justice and National Defence gather and disseminate precise and disaggregated crime and detention statistics.

Key security institutions publicize information about their professional reward and development policies, possibly including salary scales.

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REGULATORY ASSISTANCE

WHY IS A REGULATORY FRAMEWORK IMPORTANT?

A good regulatory framework for the security sector

ensures that the security sector is guided by a framework of laws, policies and codes of conduct that are in line with international good practice and fit the local context

outlines clear mandates and roles for security providers and security institutions. It ensures that there missions do not overlap, and that their prerogatives are clearly defined;

establishes institutions that oversee the security sector, and endows them with sufficient rights and power to fulfil their mandate;

provides a basis for accountability by drawing a clear line between legal and illegal behaviour.

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES IN TUNISIA?

Improving the regulatory framework for security sector governance in Tunisia requires addressing a number of challenges; REFORMING SECURITY SECTOR LEGISLATION IN LINE WITH THE NEW CONSTITUTION AND INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS

The legal framework for Tunisia’s security sector contains many overlaps and gaps. For example, there is no specific legislation in Tunisia for the intelligence services. In January 2014, the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) adopted Tunisia’s new constitution. The constitution provides a solid foundation for good governance and democratic control of the security sector. However, the outgoing National Constituent

Assembly has not been able to enact the large-scale legislative reforms that are needed to bring existing security sector legislation in line with the new constitution and international standards. Following the elections planned for the end of 2014, members of the new parliament will have to quickly develop the skills and expertise to draft and review complex legislation. Finally, while the passing of the 2013 transitional justice law was an important step in the transition process, the text will now have to be applied through policies, decrees and directives. ESTABLISHING EFFECTIVE OVERSIGHT MECHANISMS

The new parliament will also be tasked with creating oversight mechanisms for the armed forces, the internal security forces, and the respective ministries that govern them. Many of these mechanisms have been demanded by the new constitution (such as the Good Governance Commission), or other domestic and international legislation (such as Tunisia’s ratification of OPCAT in 2011, which requires it to set up a National Preventive Mechanism). The new parliament will need to write detailed legislation that clearly defines the roles of these institutions in a way that makes them effective, ensures coordination, and avoids and overlap of their mandates. Parliament will also need to define its own oversight power. At present, there is no detailed legal or institutional framework for ensuring parliamentary oversight of security sector institutions. The new parliament will also need to acquire the necessary capacity to carry out its oversight duties.

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HOW DOES DCAF CONTRIBUTE?

To support the Ministry of Interior in reforming its institutional framework, and the framework for its internal security forces, DCAF will

set up a working group on strengthening intelligence governance in Tunisia;

develop practical tools with (comparative) expertise concerning the review and development of new legislation, to be distributed among representatives of the Ministry of Interior and the National Constituent Assembly; and

provide support to the Ministry of Interior on how to develop a legislative agenda, and respond to requests to review draft legislation.

To support the Ministry of National Defence in reforming its institutional framework, and the framework that regulates the armed forces, DCAF will:

set up a working group to review military justice legislation;

set up a working group to improve financial transparency in defence procurement.

WHAT WILL BE THE RESULTS?

Over the course of a two-year period from 2014 to 2016, DCAF expects to see the regulatory framework for the security sector improved, including that:

Legislation provides a framework for civil democratic executive control over the defence and security forces, as well as the intelligence service(s).

The roles of, and coordination among, the various armed/defence and security forces, as well as the intelligence service(s), are clearly defined by law.

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INCLUSIVE DIALOGUE ON SECURITY NEEDS AND POLICIES

WHY IS A POLITICAL DIALOGUE ON SECURITY NEEDS AND POLICIES IMPORTANT?

In a democratic society, there are different views of what ‘security’ means for citizens and the state. The understanding of ‘security’ also differs between urban and rural areas, as it does for different social classes and professional interest groups. Developing a vision of security that is as inclusive as possible, and agreeing on how to achieve this security, requires extensive and inclusive dialogue.

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES IN TUNISIA?

Strengthening inclusive dialogue on security needs and policies in Tunisia requires addressing a number of important challenges:

DEVELOPING A SHARED VISION OF NATIONAL SECURITY

There is currently no shared vision on national security in Tunisia. The definition of what constitutes a threat to national security is mostly left to the government, and more precisely to the Ministries of Interior and National Defence. In order to mobilise broad public support, other institutions reflecting different parts of society will have to be empowered to contribute, such as the National Assembly or political parties and unions. Importantly, the public discussion on security also needs to be held at the local level.

BUILDING THE POLICTICAL PROCESS AND THE CULTURE OF DEMOCRACY

The principles of power sharing and of rotating power through regular, free, fair and transparent elections is new in Tunisia. It will take several election processes until citizens and the opposition parties have sufficient confidence that, if not satisfied with the performance of those in power, they will be able to address it during the next election.

DEVELOP STRATEGIES THAT BRING MARGINALISED GROUPS BACK INTO THE POLITICAL PROCESS

Over the past four years, many Tunisian citizens have been disappointed by the lack of tangible and quick improvements of their socio-economic situation. They blame the political elites for this, and as a result retreat from political processes. If not addressed, they will become increasingly marginalised and prone to radicalisation. In order to reverse this trend, Tunisia’s authorities will have to be able to deliver tangible improvements to day-to-day conditions of the marginalised and those at risk of becoming so. Furthermore, Tunisia will also have to develop strategies for convincing marginalised groups to continue participating in the political process, and to demonstrate that this leads to tangible benefits.

HOW DOES DCAF CONTRIBUTE?

To maintain a regular dialogue with representative of all political parties and unions interested in security sector governance, DCAF will

disseminate publications, tools and briefing paper on security sector governance issues to political parties and unions;

develop capacity building programmes in the field of security sector governance for elected officials.

To promote initiatives which will give voice to marginalised groups, DCAF will

Conduct a victimisation survey and mappings of security needs and perceptions at both national and local level;

Support the establishment of local dialogue forums on security sector governance issues.

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WHAT WILL BE THE RESULTS?

Over the course of the two-year period from 2014 to 2016, DCAF expects to see:

National, regional and local authorities are more responsive to the security needs of the population, and design security strategies around them.

Security providers are more responsive to the security needs of the population, and engage in regular dialogues with them on security measures.

The government has begun the process of designing a strategy for reforming the security sector, and is consulting with relevant security sector institutions and actors.

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D

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SUPPORT TO MANAGING CHANGE OF SECURITY PROVIDERS

WHY IS MANAGING CHANGE IMPORTANT?

Moving from a system that was geared towards ensuring the security of an authoritarian regime towards one that is providing security to citizens involves far-reaching changes to the armed, police and other security forces. Those in charge of steering the reform process need to address challenges in the legal and institutional setup and re-define missions and mandates. They also need to review the allocation and development of human, material and financial resources, and address issues of corruption. This complex process often takes place against the background of a highly volatile and challenging security environment. In order to succeed, the security providers need to be able to set clear goals and objectives, and to devise strategies for reaching them. These strategies must also take into account the expectations of citizens, and mobilise domestic and international political support. However, in contexts of democratic transition, those in charge of driving change are often not familiar with necessary tools and processes for managing such complex processes.

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES IN TUNISIA?

Enhancing the capacity of Tunisia’s security providers to manage change requires addressing the following challenges: LACK OF STRATEGIC PLANNING CAPACITY

The Ministry of Interior is struggling to cope with new security challenges, and frequently seems to react to short-term problems rather than planning ahead. To address this situation, the Ministry will have to undergo far-reaching reforms of its institutional and legal framework. While the Ministry has identified these problems, it lacks experience in how to manage such a reform

process in order to achieve real change.

ALIGNING CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS WITH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS

Tunisia’s Ministry of National Defence operates today in an environment – both at the domestic and regional level – which is radically different from the pre-revolution one. At the domestic level, the armed forces are no longer confined to the barracks. They are asked to make an active contribution to the struggle with violent Islamist groups. The Ministry will also have to engage with new interlocutors, such as parliament, in order to convince it to allocate the budget it needs to fulfil its mandate. At the same time, newly created oversight institutions will exert enhanced financial scrutiny over defence procurement. At the regional level, the armed forces will have to deal with highly volatile situations, especially at the borders with Libya and Algeria. INTEGRATING GENDER PERSPECTIVES INTO SECURITY SECTOR REFORM

Integrating gender perspectives into the on-going security sector reform process is necessary in order to ensure that security and justice providers are able to meet the needs of all citizens – women, men and children. Only if all their needs are met will the Tunisian security sector enjoy broad public legitimacy. Yet, there is currently no shared assessment as to how gender issues are addressed within the institutions in charge of providing security to citizens, or how their services are perceived by the different beneficiaries.

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HOW DOES DCAF CONTRIBUTE?

DCAF will provide the Tunisian government with comparative expertise on the development of security sector reform strategies - either at the level of the government or at the level of the different ministries - which are based on inclusive processes. In doing this, it will

develop and print practical tools in Arabic and French;

organise expert round-tables and workshops;

promote initiatives which enhance coordination among the Tunisian ministries that have a stake in security sector reform;

finalise a mapping of entry-points for DCAF to support the integration of gender perspectives into the security sector reform process;

define targeted initiatives on the basis of the gender mapping which foster the integration of gender perspectives into the security sector.

To support the Ministry of Interior’s efforts to strengthen its strategic management capacity, DCAF will

assist the Ministry in establishing a strategic planning unit;

provide training in strategic management to senior representatives of the Ministry of Interior.

Finally, to assist the Ministry of National Defence to conduct a self-assessment of civil-military relations, DCAF will

develop practical tools comparing expertise, norms and best practices in the field of civil-military relations and democratic oversight of the armed forces;

provide the ministry with expertise for developing civil-military relations (including the secondment of experts, if required);

support the Ministry in furthering its international networks related to military ombuds institutions; and

provide practical tools, comparing expertise, norms and best practices in the field of military ombuds institutions.

WHAT WILL BE THE RESULTS?

Over the course of the two-year period from 2014 to 2016, DCAF expects to see that strategic management skills and structures are established within the ministries and security forces:

Key security institutions are managed in a more strategic fashion, and can respond to events in a more structured and prioritised manner.

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ANNEX– THEORY OF CHANGE

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ABOUT DCAF

The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international

organisation dedicated to assisting states in advancing good security sector governance, within a

democratic framework and in respect of the rule of law. DCAF provides in-country advisory support

and practical assistance to states that seek to strengthen governance of their security sector. DCAF

works directly with national and local governments, parliaments, civil society, international

organisations and defence and security forces.

DCAF has 62 member states, including Tunisia since July 2011. In its activities, DCAF is guided by

the principles of neutrality, impartiality, inclusive participation and local ownership. For more

information on DCAF, please visit the DCAF website: www.dcaf.ch or the website of DCAF in

Tunisia: www.dcaf-tunisie.org.

DCAF Geneva (Headquarters) DCAF Tunis

Chemin Eugène-Rigot 2E 14, rue Ibn Zohr

CH-1202 Genève Cité des Jardins

Switzerland 1082 Tunis

Tunisia

Tel: +41 22 730 90 00 Tel: +216 71 286 755

Fax: +41 22 730 94 05 Fax: +216 71 286 865

DCAF TRUST FUND FOR NORTH AFRICA

The DCAF Trust Fund for North Africa (TFNA) was established in June 2012, in order to strengthen

DCAF’s response capacity in North Africa following the political changes in the region. The Trust

Fund for North Africa funds DCAF’s assistance programmes on security sector governance

development in North Africa. The Trust Fund currently covers Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Morocco. It

represents both a steering instrument and a pool-funding mechanism: in the Steering Committee,

member states participating in the Trust Fund provide orientation and direction to DCAF’s

assistance programme in North Africa. As a pool-funding mechanism, the Trust Fund seeks to

streamline reporting and strengthen international coordination on security and justice sector reform

in the region. For more information, see www.dcaf-tfna.org.

Financed through the DCAF Trust Fund for

Security Sector Development Assistance in

North Africa (TFNA)