deriving (uni)directionality - stanford universitykiparsky/papers/berlin-anaph-new.pdf ·...
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ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 1 / 54
Deriving (uni)directionality
Paul Kiparsky
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 2 / 54
Outline
1 Grammaticalization
2 Formal grammaticalization
3 Non-convergence
4 Anaphora
5 Aspect to tense
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 3 / 54
What is grammaticalization?
1 DEF: a change “by which the parts of aconstructional schema come to have strongerinternal dependencies” (Haspelmath 2002).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 3 / 54
What is grammaticalization?
1 DEF: a change “by which the parts of aconstructional schema come to have strongerinternal dependencies” (Haspelmath 2002).
2 DEF: “The change whereby lexical items andconstructions come in certain contexts to servegrammatical functions, and, once grammaticalized,continue to develop new grammatical functions”
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 3 / 54
What is grammaticalization?
1 DEF: a change “by which the parts of aconstructional schema come to have strongerinternal dependencies” (Haspelmath 2002).
2 DEF: “The change whereby lexical items andconstructions come in certain contexts to servegrammatical functions, and, once grammaticalized,continue to develop new grammatical functions”
Hopper & Traugott 2003: 18, cf. Kuryłowicz 1958,Traugott 1991, Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer1991).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 3 / 54
What is grammaticalization?
1 DEF: a change “by which the parts of aconstructional schema come to have strongerinternal dependencies” (Haspelmath 2002).
2 DEF: “The change whereby lexical items andconstructions come in certain contexts to servegrammatical functions, and, once grammaticalized,continue to develop new grammatical functions”
Hopper & Traugott 2003: 18, cf. Kuryłowicz 1958,Traugott 1991, Heine, Claudi, and Hünnemeyer1991).
3 DEF: a change which gives rise to a new grammaticalcategory [a category previously unexpressed in thelanguage]. (Meillet 1912)
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 4 / 54
Jerzy Kuryłowicz Antoine Meillet
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 5 / 54
Grammaticalization puzzles
1 What do “grammaticalization” processes have incommon?
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 5 / 54
Grammaticalization puzzles
1 What do “grammaticalization” processes have incommon?
2 What causes grammaticalization, and why is itunidirectional?
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 5 / 54
Grammaticalization puzzles
1 What do “grammaticalization” processes have incommon?
2 What causes grammaticalization, and why is itunidirectional?
3 What explains the order in which grammaticalizeditems “continue to develop new grammaticalfunctions”?
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 5 / 54
Grammaticalization puzzles
1 What do “grammaticalization” processes have incommon?
2 What causes grammaticalization, and why is itunidirectional?
3 What explains the order in which grammaticalizeditems “continue to develop new grammaticalfunctions”?
4 If grammaticalization is unidirectional, why haven’t alllanguages converged by now?
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 5 / 54
Grammaticalization puzzles
1 What do “grammaticalization” processes have incommon?
2 What causes grammaticalization, and why is itunidirectional?
3 What explains the order in which grammaticalizeditems “continue to develop new grammaticalfunctions”?
4 If grammaticalization is unidirectional, why haven’t alllanguages converged by now?
5 What accounts for the exceptions to unidirectionality?
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 6 / 54
The (apparent) heterogeneity ofgrammaticalization
Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 6 / 54
The (apparent) heterogeneity ofgrammaticalization
Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.Functional grammaticalization:e.g. deontic > epistemic modals, changes in bindingproperties of anaphors,leading to more/new grammatical functions, but notnecessarily to stronger internal dependencies.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 6 / 54
The (apparent) heterogeneity ofgrammaticalization
Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.Functional grammaticalization:e.g. deontic > epistemic modals, changes in bindingproperties of anaphors,leading to more/new grammatical functions, but notnecessarily to stronger internal dependencies.Grammaticalizations that do not seem to fit eitherdefinition: aspect > tense (e.g. perfect > past).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspe ct to tense 6 / 54
The (apparent) heterogeneity ofgrammaticalization
Formal grammaticalization:e.g. postpositions > clitics > case suffixes,leading to “stronger internal dependencies”, but notnecessarily to any change in function or meaning.Functional grammaticalization:e.g. deontic > epistemic modals, changes in bindingproperties of anaphors,leading to more/new grammatical functions, but notnecessarily to stronger internal dependencies.Grammaticalizations that do not seem to fit eitherdefinition: aspect > tense (e.g. perfect > past).
We’ll look at a representative case of each type andpropose a way to unify them theoretically.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 7 / 54
Outline
1 Grammaticalization
2 Formal grammaticalization
3 Non-convergence
4 Anaphora
5 Aspect to tense
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 8 / 54
Origin of a case ending
postpositions > case clitics > case suffixes
1 *kätehand
pälV-kinside-Lative
(Finno-Ugric)
‘to the inside of the hand’
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 8 / 54
Origin of a case ending
postpositions > case clitics > case suffixes
1 *kätehand
pälV-kinside-Lative
(Finno-Ugric)
‘to the inside of the hand’
2 kéz-behand-Illative
(Hungarian)
‘into the hand’
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 8 / 54
Origin of a case ending
postpositions > case clitics > case suffixes
1 *kätehand
pälV-kinside-Lative
(Finno-Ugric)
‘to the inside of the hand’
2 kéz-behand-Illative
(Hungarian)
‘into the hand’
3 *pälV-k > *belV-j > *-belé > *-bele > *-be
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 9 / 54
Formal grammaticalization
Other things being equal, the learner prefers“stronger internal dependencies”.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 9 / 54
Formal grammaticalization
Other things being equal, the learner prefers“stronger internal dependencies”.
This preference drives formal grammaticalization.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 10 / 54
Minimalist morphology
Two components:
1 A generative component specifies the potentialexpressions of the language.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 10 / 54
Minimalist morphology
Two components:
1 A generative component specifies the potentialexpressions of the language.
Affixation operates freely, provided the feature contentof the affix unifies with the feature content of the stem.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 10 / 54
Minimalist morphology
Two components:
1 A generative component specifies the potentialexpressions of the language.
Affixation operates freely, provided the feature contentof the affix unifies with the feature content of the stem.
2 The competition between the potential expressionswhose meaning is compatible with a given inputmeaning (the ‘intended’ meaning) is resolved by theinteraction of (FAITHFULNESS) and (MARKEDNESS)(BLOCKING, Wunderlich 1996, Kiparsky 2004).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 10 / 54
Minimalist morphology
Two components:
1 A generative component specifies the potentialexpressions of the language.
Affixation operates freely, provided the feature contentof the affix unifies with the feature content of the stem.
2 The competition between the potential expressionswhose meaning is compatible with a given inputmeaning (the ‘intended’ meaning) is resolved by theinteraction of (FAITHFULNESS) and (MARKEDNESS)(BLOCKING, Wunderlich 1996, Kiparsky 2004).
FAITHFULNESS: Express the meaning of the input.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 10 / 54
Minimalist morphology
Two components:
1 A generative component specifies the potentialexpressions of the language.
Affixation operates freely, provided the feature contentof the affix unifies with the feature content of the stem.
2 The competition between the potential expressionswhose meaning is compatible with a given inputmeaning (the ‘intended’ meaning) is resolved by theinteraction of (FAITHFULNESS) and (MARKEDNESS)(BLOCKING, Wunderlich 1996, Kiparsky 2004).
FAITHFULNESS: Express the meaning of the input.MARKEDNESS: Avoid complexity.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 11 / 54
A toy example: why best is best
Assume that the input (or other constraints) specifythat -est is a suffix which denotes the maximaldegree of a property and that most is a word with thesame meaning.
Input: Max(good) FAITHFULNESS MARKEDNESS
1. good *2. ☞ best3. good-est *4. most good **
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 12 / 54
Analogy from reduced input
If best is not a candidate, goodest wins:
Input: Max(good) FAITHFULNESS MARKEDNESS
1. good *2. best3. ☞ good-est *4. most good **
Logically, it would be equally possible for the complex(synthetic) form to block the simple (analytic) form.But this never seems to happen: the distributionalgeneralizations are always most perspicuously statedon the simple form.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 13 / 54
Grammaticalization from reduced input
Suppose a learner detects no evidence for the categoryand morphological composition of bele-i. She willconsider two structures of kéz belei : as a noun pluspostposition, or as a noun plus a case affix.
Input: ‘into the hand’ FAITHFULNESS MARKEDNESS
1. [kéz]ω [bele-i]ω *2. ☞ [kéz-belei]ω
MARKEDNESS, under any ranking, guarantees apreference for “stronger internal dependencies”,which drives grammaticalization.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 14 / 54
Grammaticalization respectslanguage-specific constraints
Grammaticalization of most as a prefix in English is notlikely to happen because English inflects only withsuffixes.
Input: Max(good) FAITH RT-HEAD MARKEDNESS
1. ☞ [most]ω[good]ω *2. [most-good]ω *
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 15 / 54
Unidirectionality
Under this regime it is strictly impossible to get“upgrading” (e.g. of affixes to clitics or clitics towords).
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 15 / 54
Unidirectionality
Under this regime it is strictly impossible to get“upgrading” (e.g. of affixes to clitics or clitics towords).
Thus we derive the origin of the innovations from thesame principles that determine the direction of theirspread.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 15 / 54
Unidirectionality
Under this regime it is strictly impossible to get“upgrading” (e.g. of affixes to clitics or clitics towords).
Thus we derive the origin of the innovations from thesame principles that determine the direction of theirspread.
Moreover, these principles also organize synchronicmorphological systems.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 15 / 54
Unidirectionality
Under this regime it is strictly impossible to get“upgrading” (e.g. of affixes to clitics or clitics towords).
Thus we derive the origin of the innovations from thesame principles that determine the direction of theirspread.
Moreover, these principles also organize synchronicmorphological systems.
Contrast evolutionary theories, which are only aboutselection between existing variants.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 16 / 54
But . . . what about real cases of upgrading?!
In the late 14th century, the genitive suffix -s becamea clitic (the man I met yesterday’s wife).
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 16 / 54
But . . . what about real cases of upgrading?!
In the late 14th century, the genitive suffix -s becamea clitic (the man I met yesterday’s wife).
Around the same time, the prefix to became anonfinite modal (to quickly say, I want to, to danceand sing).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 16 / 54
But . . . what about real cases of upgrading?!
In the late 14th century, the genitive suffix -s becamea clitic (the man I met yesterday’s wife).
Around the same time, the prefix to became anonfinite modal (to quickly say, I want to, to danceand sing).
☞ Specific constraints trump general constraints.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 16 / 54
But . . . what about real cases of upgrading?!
In the late 14th century, the genitive suffix -s becamea clitic (the man I met yesterday’s wife).
Around the same time, the prefix to became anonfinite modal (to quickly say, I want to, to danceand sing).
☞ Specific constraints trump general constraints.
Apparent degrammaticalizations always turn out toeliminate language-specific complications (Plank1995: response to “Systemstörung”). They areanalogical changes.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 17 / 54
Upgrading as system-internal regularization
The loss of case inflections left English with thegenitive as sole case suffix. Such systems are highlymarked (no instances in Arkadiev’s 2006 survey ofminimal case systems). So genitive case inflectionwas eliminated.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 17 / 54
Upgrading as system-internal regularization
The loss of case inflections left English with thegenitive as sole case suffix. Such systems are highlymarked (no instances in Arkadiev’s 2006 survey ofminimal case systems). So genitive case inflectionwas eliminated.
The modals lacked non-finite forms. This gap wasfilled by recategorizing to as a non-finite modal. Thisis part of a much larger morphosyntacticreorganization in Late Middle English.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 17 / 54
Upgrading as system-internal regularization
The loss of case inflections left English with thegenitive as sole case suffix. Such systems are highlymarked (no instances in Arkadiev’s 2006 survey ofminimal case systems). So genitive case inflectionwas eliminated.
The modals lacked non-finite forms. This gap wasfilled by recategorizing to as a non-finite modal. Thisis part of a much larger morphosyntacticreorganization in Late Middle English.
☞The “counterexamples” to unidirectionality are opti-mizations. They follow from the same principles asunidirectionality itself.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 17 / 54
Upgrading as system-internal regularization
The loss of case inflections left English with thegenitive as sole case suffix. Such systems are highlymarked (no instances in Arkadiev’s 2006 survey ofminimal case systems). So genitive case inflectionwas eliminated.
The modals lacked non-finite forms. This gap wasfilled by recategorizing to as a non-finite modal. Thisis part of a much larger morphosyntacticreorganization in Late Middle English.
☞The “counterexamples” to unidirectionality are opti-mizations. They follow from the same principles asunidirectionality itself.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 18 / 54
Grammaticalization as optimization
analogical change(optimization)
exemplar-based non-exemplar-based(grammaticalization)
proportional non-proportionalanalogy analogy
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 19 / 54
Outline
1 Grammaticalization
2 Formal grammaticalization
3 Non-convergence
4 Anaphora
5 Aspect to tense
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 20 / 54
Why grammaticalization causes noconvergence
The original structure is eventually renewed from otherresources. Language is a STABLE DYNAMIC SYSTEM: i.e.,linguistic change is not linguistic evolution.
Short cycles: e.g. Jespersen’s negation cycle
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 20 / 54
Why grammaticalization causes noconvergence
The original structure is eventually renewed from otherresources. Language is a STABLE DYNAMIC SYSTEM: i.e.,linguistic change is not linguistic evolution.
Short cycles: e.g. Jespersen’s negation cycleLong cycles
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 20 / 54
Why grammaticalization causes noconvergence
The original structure is eventually renewed from otherresources. Language is a STABLE DYNAMIC SYSTEM: i.e.,linguistic change is not linguistic evolution.
Short cycles: e.g. Jespersen’s negation cycleLong cycles
Latin future *ama=bhw-o > ama-b-o ‘I will love’,renewed in Romance: amare habeo > aimerai,and again in French: je vais aimer.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 20 / 54
Why grammaticalization causes noconvergence
The original structure is eventually renewed from otherresources. Language is a STABLE DYNAMIC SYSTEM: i.e.,linguistic change is not linguistic evolution.
Short cycles: e.g. Jespersen’s negation cycleLong cycles
Latin future *ama=bhw-o > ama-b-o ‘I will love’,renewed in Romance: amare habeo > aimerai,and again in French: je vais aimer.
Superlong cycles: e.g. agglutination > fusion >
isolation > agglutination . . .
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 21 / 54
Otto Jespersen
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 21 / 54
Otto Jespersen Jespersen’s cycle
. . . “the original negative ad-verb is first weakened, thenfound insufficient and there-fore strengthened, gener-ally through some additionalword, and this in its turn maybe felt as the negative properand may then in the course oftime be subject to the samedevelopment as the originalword.” (Jespersen 1917:4)
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 22 / 54
Jespersen’s cycle in English
PLAIN STRENGTHENING WEAKENING
I. ne −→ ne a ‘not ever’ −→ na ‘not’
II. ne −→ ne . . . na ‘not ever’ −→ ne . . . na ‘not’
III. ne . . . na −→ ne . . . na wiht −→ (ne) . . . naught ‘not’‘not a creature’
IV. not −→ not a bit
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 23 / 54
Strengthening and weakening
Morphological/syntactic strengthening: A plainnegation is emphasized with a focused indefinite .
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 23 / 54
Strengthening and weakening
Morphological/syntactic strengthening: A plainnegation is emphasized with a focused indefinite .
Semantic weakening (“bleaching”): The emphaticnegation becomes noncompositional, and turns into aplain negation.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 23 / 54
Strengthening and weakening
Morphological/syntactic strengthening: A plainnegation is emphasized with a focused indefinite .
Semantic weakening (“bleaching”): The emphaticnegation becomes noncompositional, and turns into aplain negation.
Strengthening adds an expressive resource;weakening eliminates it.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 23 / 54
Strengthening and weakening
Morphological/syntactic strengthening: A plainnegation is emphasized with a focused indefinite .
Semantic weakening (“bleaching”): The emphaticnegation becomes noncompositional, and turns into aplain negation.
Strengthening adds an expressive resource;weakening eliminates it.
Strengthening is MORPHOSYNTACTIC change,weakening is SEMANTIC change.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 23 / 54
Strengthening and weakening
Morphological/syntactic strengthening: A plainnegation is emphasized with a focused indefinite .
Semantic weakening (“bleaching”): The emphaticnegation becomes noncompositional, and turns into aplain negation.
Strengthening adds an expressive resource;weakening eliminates it.
Strengthening is MORPHOSYNTACTIC change,weakening is SEMANTIC change.
Semantic weakening can be followed by phonologicalreduction or loss of the original head.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 24 / 54
What drives the cycle?
Functions of emphatic negation
1 Denial of a (possibly implicit) assertion.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 24 / 54
What drives the cycle?
Functions of emphatic negation
1 Denial of a (possibly implicit) assertion.
2 Denial of a presumption or an expectation.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 24 / 54
What drives the cycle?
Functions of emphatic negation
1 Denial of a (possibly implicit) assertion.
2 Denial of a presumption or an expectation.
3 Strengthening of a negative assertion.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 24 / 54
What drives the cycle?
Functions of emphatic negation
1 Denial of a (possibly implicit) assertion.
2 Denial of a presumption or an expectation.
3 Strengthening of a negative assertion.
4 Aspectual disambiguation.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-convergence Anaphora Aspect to tense 24 / 54
What drives the cycle?
Functions of emphatic negation
1 Denial of a (possibly implicit) assertion.
2 Denial of a presumption or an expectation.
3 Strengthening of a negative assertion.
4 Aspectual disambiguation.
Assumption: All languages distinguish emphatic negationfrom plain negation.(Eckardt (2002, 2006), Condoravdi and Kiparsky 2004)
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 25 / 54
Outline
1 Grammaticalization
2 Formal grammaticalization
3 Non-convergence
4 Anaphora
5 Aspect to tense
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 26 / 54
Pronominal parameters
Pronouns differ systematically in how their referencemay be determined from the context.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 26 / 54
Pronominal parameters
Pronouns differ systematically in how their referencemay be determined from the context.
These differences can be characterized in terms ofhierarchically nested sets of constraints.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 26 / 54
Pronominal parameters
Pronouns differ systematically in how their referencemay be determined from the context.
These differences can be characterized in terms ofhierarchically nested sets of constraints.
The constraints are invariant; pronouns vary in howmuch of the constraint hierarchy they are subject to.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 26 / 54
Pronominal parameters
Pronouns differ systematically in how their referencemay be determined from the context.
These differences can be characterized in terms ofhierarchically nested sets of constraints.
The constraints are invariant; pronouns vary in howmuch of the constraint hierarchy they are subject to.
The binding domain of a pronoun is determined by aranking of markedness and faithfulness constraints.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 26 / 54
Pronominal parameters
Pronouns differ systematically in how their referencemay be determined from the context.
These differences can be characterized in terms ofhierarchically nested sets of constraints.
The constraints are invariant; pronouns vary in howmuch of the constraint hierarchy they are subject to.
The binding domain of a pronoun is determined by aranking of markedness and faithfulness constraints.
UG hypothesis (generative grammar, OT): learner’ssearch space = the typological space.
(Details: Kiparsky 2002, Gast 2006)
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 27 / 54
Referential dependence
REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 27 / 54
Referential dependence
REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.
Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 27 / 54
Referential dependence
REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.
Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.Restrictive relative clauses: He who hesitates is lost.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 27 / 54
Referential dependence
REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.
Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.Restrictive relative clauses: He who hesitates is lost.
REFERENTIALLY DEPENDENT pronouns require adiscourse antecedent.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 27 / 54
Referential dependence
REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.
Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.Restrictive relative clauses: He who hesitates is lost.
REFERENTIALLY DEPENDENT pronouns require adiscourse antecedent.
*It’s it!
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Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 27 / 54
Referential dependence
REFERENTIALLY INDEPENDENT pronouns can (butneed not) introduce something new into thediscourse.
Deixis (pointing use): It’s him. It’s her.Restrictive relative clauses: He who hesitates is lost.
REFERENTIALLY DEPENDENT pronouns require adiscourse antecedent.
*It’s it!*It which does not kill you makes you stronger.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 28 / 54
How far can referentially dependentpronouns go for their antecedent?
The discourse topic (non-reflexive referentiallydependent pronouns, e.g. it, German er, sie (forinanimates), Greek o idhios, Turkish kendisi, Marathiaapan
˙
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 28 / 54
How far can referentially dependentpronouns go for their antecedent?
The discourse topic (non-reflexive referentiallydependent pronouns, e.g. it, German er, sie (forinanimates), Greek o idhios, Turkish kendisi, Marathiaapan
˙Within the sentence (very long-distance reflexives,e.g. Icelandic sig)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 28 / 54
How far can referentially dependentpronouns go for their antecedent?
The discourse topic (non-reflexive referentiallydependent pronouns, e.g. it, German er, sie (forinanimates), Greek o idhios, Turkish kendisi, Marathiaapan
˙Within the sentence (very long-distance reflexives,e.g. Icelandic sig)
Within the finite domain (long-distance reflexives, e.g.Swedish sig, Russian sebja)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 28 / 54
How far can referentially dependentpronouns go for their antecedent?
The discourse topic (non-reflexive referentiallydependent pronouns, e.g. it, German er, sie (forinanimates), Greek o idhios, Turkish kendisi, Marathiaapan
˙Within the sentence (very long-distance reflexives,e.g. Icelandic sig)
Within the finite domain (long-distance reflexives, e.g.Swedish sig, Russian sebja)
First accessible subject (local reflexives, e.g. himself,German sich)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 29 / 54
The antecedent domain hierarchy
locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref.indep.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 30 / 54
Obviation
Some pronouns can’t be coreferential with a coargument(except for certain predicates like “shave”, “wash”).Swedish sig in an obviative long-distance reflexive.
Generalen igeneral-the
tvingadeforced
översten jcolonel-the
attto
beask
löjtnanten klieutenant-the
attto
hjälpahelp
sig i ,?j ,∗kself
‘The general forced the colonel to ask the lieutenant tohelp him.’
For the local domain, obviation meanssubject-orientation.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 31 / 54
The antecedent domain hierarchy forobviative pronouns
German sich Sw. sig Icel. sig Gk. o idhios him
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.
discourse > finite domain > non-finite domain > localdomain
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.
discourse > finite domain > non-finite domain > localdomain
Non-obviative pronouns become obviative.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.
discourse > finite domain > non-finite domain > localdomain
Non-obviative pronouns become obviative.
Reflexives become subject-oriented.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.
discourse > finite domain > non-finite domain > localdomain
Non-obviative pronouns become obviative.
Reflexives become subject-oriented.
☞ The binding properties of pronouns become MORE
RESTRICTIVE in time.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 32 / 54
Unidirectionality of change
Referentially independent (demonstrative) pronounsbecome referentially dependent (“weak” pronouns,requiring an antecedent).The domain in which referentially dependentpronouns must find their antecedent becomesnarrower over time.
discourse > finite domain > non-finite domain > localdomain
Non-obviative pronouns become obviative.
Reflexives become subject-oriented.
☞ The binding properties of pronouns become MORE
RESTRICTIVE in time.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
Antecedentdomain
local non-finite
finite disc. None (ref.indep.)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
Antecedentdomain
local non-finite
finite disc. None (ref.indep.)
Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
Antecedentdomain
local non-finite
finite disc. None (ref.indep.)
Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ Dem
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
Antecedentdomain
local non-finite
finite disc. None (ref.indep.)
Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ DemSW Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Dem
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
Antecedentdomain
local non-finite
finite disc. None (ref.indep.)
Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ DemSW Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron DemTornio Finnish Refl Pron Pron Dem Dem
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 33 / 54
Finno-Ugric
1 Reflexive: itse & cognates
2 Pronoun (> Reflexive): hän & cognates
3 Demonstratives (> Pronouns): se, tämä & cognates
Antecedentdomain
local non-finite
finite disc. None (ref.indep.)
Votyak Refl Pron Pron Pron PronStd. Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron Pron ∼ DemSW Finnish Refl Pron Pron Pron DemTornio Finnish Refl Pron Pron Dem DemEstonian Pron Pron Dem Dem Dem
(Viinikka-Kallinen & Trosterud 1999)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 34 / 54
Referentially independent > referentiallyindependent
Indo-European k′e- (demonstrative) > OE he(referentially dependent)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 34 / 54
Referentially independent > referentiallyindependent
Indo-European k′e- (demonstrative) > OE he(referentially dependent)
Indo-European *ey-, -i (demonstrative) > Latin is, ea,id (referentially dependent), also Avestan a-
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 34 / 54
Referentially independent > referentiallyindependent
Indo-European k′e- (demonstrative) > OE he(referentially dependent)
Indo-European *ey-, -i (demonstrative) > Latin is, ea,id (referentially dependent), also Avestan a-
Indo-European *swe- (pronominal adjective meaning“own”) has been recruited as an reflexive in manybranches. The predicted intermediate stage, areferentially dependent pronoun, is attested inRigvedic (with logophoric function).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 35 / 54
Nonreflexive > reflexive
Classical Greek ho- was a referentially dependentpronoun in Homeric, only a (long-distance) reflexivein later Greek.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 35 / 54
Nonreflexive > reflexive
Classical Greek ho- was a referentially dependentpronoun in Homeric, only a (long-distance) reflexivein later Greek.
Old Chinese ji, zìjia (apparently a referentiallydependent pronoun) has developed into the modernChinese reflexive zìji.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 36 / 54
Long-distance reflexive > local reflexive
Middle High German to Modern German
. . .
. . .batasked
er ihe
sih iself
ketrencanlet-drink
dazthe
uuip jwoman
‘. . . he asked the woman to give him something todrink’. . . bat eri das Weibj ihni zu “tränken” (ModernGerman)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 36 / 54
Long-distance reflexive > local reflexive
Middle High German to Modern German
. . .
. . .batasked
er ihe
sih iself
ketrencanlet-drink
dazthe
uuip jwoman
‘. . . he asked the woman to give him something todrink’. . . bat eri das Weibj ihni zu “tränken” (ModernGerman)Latin to Romance
Ariovistus iAriovistus
responditanswered
omnesall-A
GalliaeGaul’s
civitatesstates-A
adto
se iself-A
oppugnandumattack-Grnd
venissecome-Prf-Inf
‘Ariovistus answered that all the states of Gaul hadcome to attack him’
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 37 / 54
Non-obviative > obviative
Swedish sig
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 37 / 54
Non-obviative > obviative
Swedish sig
Marathi aapan˙
(from Sanskrit atman, non-obviative)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 37 / 54
Non-obviative > obviative
Swedish sig
Marathi aapan˙
(from Sanskrit atman, non-obviative)
Rise of subject-orientation (Dogon, data fron C. Culy)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 38 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
The binding constraint system includes
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 38 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
The binding constraint system includesConstraints on binding domains, which form astringency hierarchy, and an OBVIATION constraint.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 38 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
The binding constraint system includesConstraints on binding domains, which form astringency hierarchy, and an OBVIATION constraint.A FAITHFULNESS constraint that dictates retention ofarbitrary input binding relations.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 38 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
The binding constraint system includesConstraints on binding domains, which form astringency hierarchy, and an OBVIATION constraint.A FAITHFULNESS constraint that dictates retention ofarbitrary input binding relations.
Particular anaphors are characterized by a specificranking of these constraints. FAITHFULNESS
represents a cutoff-point such that constraints aboveit are strictly obeyed and constraints below it areviolable.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 39 / 54
Swedish vs. Icelandic
Input
[ . . . Ai . . . [ . . . Bi . . . ]CP ]CP
DIS
CO
UR
SE
FIN
ITE
FA
ITH
FU
LN
ES
S
NO
N-F
INIT
E
LO
CA
L
[ . . . Ai . . . [ . . . Bi . . . ]CP ]CP * * *[ . . . Ai . . . [ . . . Bj . . . ]CP ]CP * * *
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 40 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 40 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).
Consequently, learners expect a strict binding system(subject to all locality constraints and to obviation).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 40 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).
Consequently, learners expect a strict binding system(subject to all locality constraints and to obviation).
Positive data reveals which markedness constraintsare violated in the language.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 40 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).
Consequently, learners expect a strict binding system(subject to all locality constraints and to obviation).
Positive data reveals which markedness constraintsare violated in the language.
Learners promote FAITHFULNESS to defeat these.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 40 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).
Consequently, learners expect a strict binding system(subject to all locality constraints and to obviation).
Positive data reveals which markedness constraintsare violated in the language.
Learners promote FAITHFULNESS to defeat these.
☞ This learning bias explains the unidirectionality ofchange in binding systems.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 40 / 54
Explaining the unidirectionality
In the learner’s initial state, markedness constraintsoutrank faithfulness constraints (as in phonology).
Consequently, learners expect a strict binding system(subject to all locality constraints and to obviation).
Positive data reveals which markedness constraintsare violated in the language.
Learners promote FAITHFULNESS to defeat these.
☞ This learning bias explains the unidirectionality ofchange in binding systems.
Because the changes produce no overt change in theoutput, speaker-based accounts are problematic.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 41 / 54
Expressiveness
The maximally unrestricted values of each parametermust be instantiated: every language must have at least areferentially independent pronoun, and a non-obviativepronoun. This ensures the possibility of markingcoreference and non-coreference in any domain.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 42 / 54
Expressiveness forces upgrading
Old English, the personal pronouns were referentiallydependent. They are not used deictically and cannothead restrictive relative clauses. They were recruitedfor reflexive uses when the Germanic reflexivepronoun was lost.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 42 / 54
Expressiveness forces upgrading
Old English, the personal pronouns were referentiallydependent. They are not used deictically and cannothead restrictive relative clauses. They were recruitedfor reflexive uses when the Germanic reflexivepronoun was lost.
When the Old English masc. and fem.demonstratives se, seo were lost, he, she becamereferentially independent again (upgrading).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 42 / 54
Expressiveness forces upgrading
Old English, the personal pronouns were referentiallydependent. They are not used deictically and cannothead restrictive relative clauses. They were recruitedfor reflexive uses when the Germanic reflexivepronoun was lost.
When the Old English masc. and fem.demonstratives se, seo were lost, he, she becamereferentially independent again (upgrading).
The reflexive function was taken over by thepronoun+self.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 43 / 54
1 þonnethen
woldewould
heoshe
ealraof all
nyhstlatest
hyher
baþianbathe
&and
þweanwash
‘then she would last of all bathe and wash herself’[having first washed the others] (Bede 4 19.318.20)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 43 / 54
1 þonnethen
woldewould
heoshe
ealraof all
nyhstlatest
hyher
baþianbathe
&and
þweanwash
‘then she would last of all bathe and wash herself’[having first washed the others] (Bede 4 19.318.20)
2 acand
midwith
inneweardreinmost
heortanheart
monicoften
midwith
hinehim
sprecendespeaking
smeadereflected-3Sg
‘in his innermost heart he often argued with himself’(Bede 2 8.124.22)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 43 / 54
1 þonnethen
woldewould
heoshe
ealraof all
nyhstlatest
hyher
baþianbathe
&and
þweanwash
‘then she would last of all bathe and wash herself’[having first washed the others] (Bede 4 19.318.20)
2 acand
midwith
inneweardreinmost
heortanheart
monicoften
midwith
hinehim
sprecendespeaking
smeadereflected-3Sg
‘in his innermost heart he often argued with himself’(Bede 2 8.124.22)
3 þættethat
nænigno
biscopabishop
hinehim
oðrumothers-DAT
forbæreadvance-SUBJ3P
‘that no bishop shall put himself above others’ (Bede4 5.278.27)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 44 / 54
Two consequences
Because the neuter demonstrative þæt was retained,it remains referentially dependent.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 44 / 54
Two consequences
Because the neuter demonstrative þæt was retained,it remains referentially dependent.
Because him, her became obviative, him+self,her+self became non-compositional, and thecomplex reflexives were reanalyzed as morphologicalunits.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 45 / 54
Outline
1 Grammaticalization
2 Formal grammaticalization
3 Non-convergence
4 Anaphora
5 Aspect to tense
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 46 / 54
Unidirectional grammaticalization paths
RESULTATIVE > PERFECT > PERFECTIVE/PAST
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 46 / 54
Unidirectional grammaticalization paths
RESULTATIVE > PERFECT > PERFECTIVE/PAST
Kru, Chinese, Ewe, French, Italian, German (Dahl1985, 2000; Bybee et al 1994)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 46 / 54
Unidirectional grammaticalization paths
RESULTATIVE > PERFECT > PERFECTIVE/PAST
Kru, Chinese, Ewe, French, Italian, German (Dahl1985, 2000; Bybee et al 1994)
(LOCATIVE) > FOCALIZED PROGRESSIVE >
PROGRESSIVE > IMPERFECTIVE/PRESENT
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 46 / 54
Unidirectional grammaticalization paths
RESULTATIVE > PERFECT > PERFECTIVE/PAST
Kru, Chinese, Ewe, French, Italian, German (Dahl1985, 2000; Bybee et al 1994)
(LOCATIVE) > FOCALIZED PROGRESSIVE >
PROGRESSIVE > IMPERFECTIVE/PRESENT
Yoruba, Scots Gaelic, Turkish, Maa, Margi, Kui(Comrie 1976; Bybee et al. 1994)
On focalized progressives, see Bertinetto 2000.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 47 / 54
Focalized progressive
The focalized progressive yields the set of points inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)•
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 47 / 54
Focalized progressive
The focalized progressive yields the set of points inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)•
Ol-i-nbe-1Sg
luke-ma-ssaread-Ptc-Iness
kirja-abook-Part
(*2(2-Acc
tunti-a)hour-Part)
‘I was reading the/a book (for 2 hours)’ (Finnish)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 47 / 54
Focalized progressive
The focalized progressive yields the set of points inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)•
Ol-i-nbe-1Sg
luke-ma-ssaread-Ptc-Iness
kirja-abook-Part
(*2(2-Acc
tunti-a)hour-Part)
‘I was reading the/a book (for 2 hours)’ (Finnish)
A focalized progressive denotes a point of time,therefore does not allow phrases denoting extent oftime.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 47 / 54
Focalized progressive
The focalized progressive yields the set of points inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)•
Ol-i-nbe-1Sg
luke-ma-ssaread-Ptc-Iness
kirja-abook-Part
(*2(2-Acc
tunti-a)hour-Part)
‘I was reading the/a book (for 2 hours)’ (Finnish)
A focalized progressive denotes a point of time,therefore does not allow phrases denoting extent oftime.
The Focalized Progressive in Finnish is formed withthe Inessive (internal locative) case of the SecondInfinitive -ma (roughly ‘in -ing’).
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 48 / 54
Incompatibility with stative predicates
*Pyykkilaundry
o-nbe-3Sg
loju-ma-ssalie-Ptc-Iness
lattia-llafloor-Adess
‘The laundry is lying on the floor’ (Finnish)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 48 / 54
Incompatibility with stative predicates
*Pyykkilaundry
o-nbe-3Sg
loju-ma-ssalie-Ptc-Iness
lattia-llafloor-Adess
‘The laundry is lying on the floor’ (Finnish)
Stative predicates (whether episodic or non-episodic)do not denote points of time, therefore do not allowfocalized progressives.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 49 / 54
Stativity and episodicity
predicates
stative non-stative episodic
non-episodic episodic
Stative predicates (whether episodic or non-episodic)do not denote points of time.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 49 / 54
Stativity and episodicity
predicates
stative non-stative episodic
non-episodic episodic
Stative predicates (whether episodic or non-episodic)do not denote points of time.
Non-episodic stative predicates are not located intime.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 50 / 54
Durative progressive
The durative progressive yields the set of intervals inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)t′i
ti
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 50 / 54
Durative progressive
The durative progressive yields the set of intervals inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)t′i
ti
I was reading the/a book for 2 hours.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 50 / 54
Durative progressive
The durative progressive yields the set of intervals inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)t′i
ti
I was reading the/a book for 2 hours.*The earth is being round.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 50 / 54
Durative progressive
The durative progressive yields the set of intervals inthe run-time of the event.
τ (e)t′i
ti
I was reading the/a book for 2 hours.*The earth is being round.
Non-episodic stative predicates are not located intime, therefore do not allow durative progressives.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i t′k
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i t′k t′l
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i t′k t′ltj
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i t′k t′ltj tk
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i t′k t′ltj tk
☞
The denotation of the imperfective is a superset ofthe denotation of the progressive. Thus the imper-fective arises by a further step in the aspect-to-tensetrajectory.
Ashwini Deo, Tense and Aspect in Indo-Aryan languages: variation and diachrony(Stanford Diss. 2006)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 51 / 54
Imperfective: Deo’s analysis
The imperfective yields the closure of the set ofintervals in the run-time of the event under thesuperinterval relation.
tiτ (e)
t′jt′i t′k t′ltj tk
☞
The denotation of the imperfective is a superset ofthe denotation of the progressive. Thus the imper-fective arises by a further step in the aspect-to-tensetrajectory.
Ashwini Deo, Tense and Aspect in Indo-Aryan languages: variation and diachrony(Stanford Diss. 2006)
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.
locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref. indep.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.
locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref. indep.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.
locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref. indep.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.
locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref. indep.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 52 / 54
Direction of change
Aspect/Tense morphemes lose their idiosyncraticproperties.
locative focalized progr. durative progr. imperfect
Anaphors lose their idiosyncratic properties.
locally bound bound reflex. ref.dep. ref. indep.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 53 / 54
Conclusion
Grammaticalization eliminates structurally arbitrary(albeit historically motivated) grammatical restrictions.
ABabcdfghiejkl
Grammaticalization Formal grammaticalization Non-conve rgence Anaphora Aspect to tense 53 / 54
Conclusion
Grammaticalization eliminates structurally arbitrary(albeit historically motivated) grammatical restrictions.
It is non-exemplar-based analogical change.