#104 26 July - 1 August 2002 16 pages Rs 20

Weekly Internet Poll # 44

Q. Do you approve of the cabinet decision to dissolvelocal government units?

Q.Should there be an interim government in the run-upto the November polls?

Weekly Internet Poll # 45. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.com

Total votes: 1161

EXCLUSIVE

One week in Rolpa

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

BINOD BHATTARAIloods and landslides are common inthe Himalaya. What was unusual thistime was the lack of information, the

degree of unpreparedness, and theinadequacy of relief response.

It took three days for Kathmandu to bealerted to reports of the devastation inadjoining Makwanpur district where morethan 100 people were washed away byfloods. By Thursday afternoon, the officialdeath toll had crossed 150, including 30dead or missing in the valley. The figuredoes not include dozens who died ofsnake bites, most after being rushed todistrict hospitals which didn’t havevenom antidotes.

“I’ve seen worse rains and floods but notas many deaths,” says environmentalist andbroadcaster Bhairab Risal.

Disaster unpreparednessThere are up to five cloudburst events

in the Nepal Himalaya every monsoonseason. These relentless and locallyconcentrated rain (like the 177 mm in 24hours that fell in Kathmandu Valley onMonday night) cause massive flashfloods,landslides and river blockages. Given howcommon cloudburst events are, you wouldexpect the government machinery to begeared up for it.

An expert group did recommended in1996 that the government acquire one C-130 aircraft, eight helicopters, 157 trucksand vehicles, tents, communicationequipment, 10 Bailey Bridges and rafts foremergency rescue. That report, like manyothers, gathers dust in government shelves.Neither the hazard maps nor the special-ised rescue teams recommended in 1996were set up.

the truce and attack the army in Ghorahi.“The government refused to agree to our demands for an interim govern-

ment, constituent assembly and the establishment of a republic,” Burma says,gesticulating vigorously with his forefinger. He plays down

Maoist casualties, and plays up the defeat of securityforces at Gam, Satbaria and Mangalsen earlier

this year.Later, Burma grants an impromptu interview to

three visiting journalists. “I have nothing to lose,I’ll fight to the end. Why shouldn’t I?” he asks.Then he launches into a tirade full of Maoistjargon from the 1960s.

We reach Ghartigaun late in the evening tobe told that a large Maoist group had just left,heading south. This used to be a bustlingtownship six years ago. Today, most shops areclosed, it is impossible to bring in supplies andfoodstuffs. The police post at Ghartigaun wasmoved out four years ago. In November thesecurity forces returned, but stayed for onlythree months. There used to be a local adminis-tration office, a forest range post, a depot of theFood Corporation, an agricultural extensionoffice, and a veterinary clinic. All have beendestroyed or abandoned.

The people of Rolpa desperately need help. Not to fight theMaoists, but to give the Maoists nothing to fight about.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

KASHISH DAS SHRESTHA in GHARTIGAUN

t just takes a few hours walk out of the Rolpa district headquartersof Libang to get the first indication that you are entering Maoland.Two young lads approach us and ask where we are headed. They

note down our names, refuse to answer questions aboutwho they are. Later, we are told they belong to theMaoists’ “Company D”. Further on, we run intothree more Maoists in civvies, they greet uswith the lal salaam.

On the hilltop of Budagaun, there is afestival in progress. There are food stalls,including one selling local “ice cream”.People are making sacrifices at the localShiva temple. The Maoists don’t seem tohave banned the Hindu festival as they havein other parts of the midwest.

A young Maoist who looks 15, but sayshe is 18, is on patrol carrying a musket thatis taller than him. A certain ComradeBurma steps up and, taking advantage ofthe crowd that had gathered for thefestival, gives a little speech. He is on sickleave recovering from a bullet wound onhis lower back, and he tries to justify whythe Maoist leadership decided to break

This negligence was made worse thistime because the government’s informationnetwork is in a shambles. Maoists havedestroyed phone lines in one-third of alldistricts, the local bodies which used to rushinformation and coordinate relief cease toexist, and the army and police are pre-occupied with fighting Maoists.

“This was a medium scale flood,something you would expect every 20 yearsor so,” says water expert Dipak Gyawali, “thehigher casualty figures are a result ofencroachment of flood plains and urbanisa-tion. The really worry is: what if we get aonce-in-500-years type flood next timeround.” The government has a CentralDisaster Relief Committee (CRDC) andrecently set up a curiously named Depart-ment of Narcotics Control and DisasterManagement at the Home Ministry to

The response to this week’s floods show our disaster management is a disaster.

Localise, says CourtThe Supreme Court Wednesday issuedan injunction against the governmentdecision last week to dissolve electedlocal councils. So far, the government isunmoved by a public outcry, the sharpcriticism from opposition parties anddonors. Prime Minister Deuba tried toconvince donors Tuesday about hispolitical compulsions, but they werereportedly so skeptical that they aredrafting another strongly-worded letter toDeuba to reconsider the move. Thedecision to dismantle VDCs and DDCs,they say, is a serious setback to grassrootsdemocracy and development.

see p4-5

I

Why is trafficso bad? 15

I spa, you spa8-9

coordinate relief. The group met onTuesday to take stock of damage, but reliefis hampered by a lack of information on theground situation. “Mitigation and preven-tion activities work best at the local leveland these activities have to be decentral-ised,” says UNDP’s Man Bahadur Thapa.But the government seems to be moreinterested in the political advantages of

relief after disasters strike. The UN itself hasnot set a good example: one of the areasinundated this week was the “UN Park” on theBagmati floodplain in Thapthali. Garbagelandfills and new roads along the Bagmaticonstrictedflow, backingup floodwaters.

Editorial p2Apres nous, le deluge

F

KA

SH

ISH

SH

RE

ST

HA

3333326 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMESNATION

L E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SDEJA WHO?Your editorial “Act locally”(#103) was spot on. Great job.Here is a list of what faces ushapless Nepalis 12 years later:1. A partyless Prime Minister2. A dissolved parliamentwith supposed caretakergovernment3. Pending court case regard-ing the parliament furtheraggravating uncertainty4. EC that can’t seem to decidewhich is the real CongressParty (is there such a partyanymore?)

5. Two very-power-hungryleaders of Nepali Congress whoare keen to try anything underthe sun to snatch power6. Local government minus thelocal representatives7. A national shutdown eachtime there is a royal visit8. Heightened corruption ofunheard proportions9. Total indifference of thepeople in public office10. Complete exclusion of thepoor from the developmentprocess11. Severe hindrance forNepalis to obtain a passport oreven citizenship certificate12. No right to protest13. Economic growth rate ofbelow 1 percent, populationgrowth rate of 2.5 percent14. Election date with littlescope of elections15. Government media com-pletely misused daily by thepeople in power16. Massive spending onKathmandu beautification17. Kathmandu elites oblivious toall of the above, and stillpartying away.

Now, is this déjà vu, orwhat?

Sashi Subedi, Kalikasthan

An extreme example ofconvergent thinking, lack ofconfidence and vision amongpolitical parties and leaders isreflected in the obsession ofboth factions of the NepaliCongress to keep the partyname and symbol. If the Deubafaction was confident of theirmajority, why could they not comeup with a new name and symbol?Ditto for the Girija faction. Thisshows that both party and partyleaders do not have trust, faithand commitment to win theelection on their own. They justwant to coast on the momentumof BP’s name.

Unlike these politicos, thepublic does not have any particu-lar obsession with the NepaliCongress name or symbol. Thepolitical parties also fail to analysethe public mood, which is hope-fully looking for a renewed politicalcommitment. A new name, symboland new spirit would therefore bean advantage. By quarrelling overthe tree symbol, both are exhibitinga serious lack of political horizon,wisdom, and confidence toprovide people what they want.

Rajeeb L Satyal, Bansbari

he latest statement by MaoistChairman Prachanda tells us threenoteworthy things:

If the government is willing to sitdown and resume talks, the Maoists arealso ready to come back to the tableanywhere, anytime. They also appear willing to consider

taking part in elections, provided there areprovisions for an interim government, andon mutually agreeable election procedures. The Maoists are ready to forge a

working partnership with all “pro-people”forces against retrogression for thecomplete democratisation of the Nepalipolity, and to join the political main-stream.

What Prachanda doesn’t say clearly inhis statement is whether the “agreedelection procedures” should be for aconstituent assembly, or for parliament.The Maoists themselves must give theauthentic and final explanation about whatthey mean. But I believe that since theyhave recently declared their readiness todrop the proposal of a constituentassembly for now, they will settle for thegovernment agreeing to an interimgovernment and a referendum.

This is the first time that the Maoistshave been so positive on the question ofelections under the present regime. This isa sign that Maoist tactics have changedsince their plenum in early July. However,this is not the first time the Maoists havehinted that they are willing to put theirdemand for a constituent assembly onhold. That was the message in a letter toall seven major political parties before thedissolution of parliament. They said thatthey were willing to come to a commonagreement if all parliamentary partiesagreed to bring the army under thecommand of the elected government, inorder to make the present bourgeoisdemocracy “fully” democratic. Prachanda’s18 July statement appears to be a continu-ation of that line of thought.

The Maoists had also suggested aconstitutional provision might be neededto conduct the referendum. This couldmean that the Maoists may now considerin a very positive light the insertion of areferendum amendment in the constitu-tion. This is the Swiss and Scandinavianmodel, where any provision of theconstitution can be changed at the will ofthe people. It could provide a basis for

This sadness is unbearable, mother, how will I livethere is blood all over, mother, let me livenourish me, and let my innocence live.

This thunder and smoke are unbearable,I can’t sleep with all this noisedon’t hold me so tight, let me breathelet me see the world, let my innocence live.

I was born powerless, how could I ever harm youwhy give me life if you didn’t want me to liveI can’t harm you, let my innocence live.

The rivers are thirsty, the harvests hungrythe Buddha is in rage, death is itself in mourningthe himals will still smile, let me smile with themthe tarai will still dance, and so will Imy hills will live, let my innocence live.

Blood won’t quench my thirst, nor flesh my hunger,I’m now soaked in tears, it’s getting unbearable herelet the birds soar, joy on their wingslet this nation live free, let my innocence live.

(Sung in the panchachamar chhanda and translated from the Nepali original by Kunda Dixit.)

TIME FOR TIMESThe hectic schedule here doesnot give us much time, butwhen it comes to news fromNepal then it iswww.nepalitimes.com that weall await. This letter is just tocongratulate you on your 100th

issue and give you a pat on theback for providing such areliable, credible (and eagerlyawaited) window on Nepal.Once the latest issue is read onthe web it makes us want toclick again and again to check ifthe new issue has appeared.We like the combination ofserious field reports fromMaoist areas, social anddevelopment issues.

Kumar BasnetSophia University, Japan

BEWAREWe are writing to you topublicise the plight of Nepalis indetention at a refugee centrenear Melbourne so that otherswill not be victims. They wereduped and cheated by a humansmuggling mafia which prom-ised to take them to Australiafor a price of Rs 800,000 each.

CORRECTIONIn Bookworm (#103) the textand cover of two books (Livesand Works of NepaleseChildren and Pioneer NepaliStudents in Japan a CenturyAgo) were interchanged. Bothbooks are available at MandalaBook Point.

They were given fake Frenchpassports in Bangkok and flewto Australia where they, asinstructed, destroyed theirpassports at the airport onarrival and claimed politicalasylum. They are now at theMarrybirong refugee centre andwill probably be deported. Theyhave lost everything, and nowthey have also lost theirfreedom. Our association hasbeen visiting the Nepalis at thedetention centre, but there isn’tmuch we can do except towarn other Nepalis not to fallinto a similar trap.

Benu P Adhikari, NepaliAssosiation of Victoria

Melbourne, Australia

MISOGYNYThanks to Manjushree Thapa’s“Misogyny amid the Intellectuals”(# 103). It is touching and at thesame time inspiring. She hasportrayed a real and clearpicture of the attitude, percep-tion and behavior of so-calledintellectuals towards women inour society. Sapana Malla’sdaring and bold expression isvery encouraging and inspiringto women like us who havebeen working in the women

en years ago, I was at the ForeignMinistry to request a change on mypassport. Restless and beaten by the

heat, I waited in queue for the concernedofficer to show up. “He should be here anyminute,” said theguard. Hefinally appeared,a diminutivebahun with agaunt, cross face.

A few minutes later, a mancarrying a motorcycle helmetcame through the door and wentstraight in. When I alerted helmet-manof the existence of a queue, the officerstared at me and barked, “Ta bhote,bhadta janne hunchas?” I have noappetite for racial insults, and ten yearsago I was a feisty teenager. Even so, Iquietly submitted to the officer’s author-ity since I needed to get my work done.

That the bahun community collec-tively dominates the political andbureaucratic systems is beyond conten-tion. It is in explaining this dominance,however, that opinion seems to varywidely. The anti-establishment revolu-tionaries point to the prevalence of caste-based, conspiracy-inspired discriminationthat has turned the state and its institutionsinto instruments to further their hold.

The conservative rightists, on theother hand, revert to cultural explana-tions of the traditional bahun commit-ment to learning and education thatpaved a path for access to high office.The first seeks to explain state-sponsoredsocial injustice, and hence calls for a fightto end it. The latter argues for a morallyjustifiable position of a meritocracy.

Whatever the origins of the castesystem, it was encouraged and enforcedby those who benefited most from it. Itcould hardly be otherwise. So it is notthat non-bahuns are or were less-inclinedtowards education, but in a restrictivecultural climate which ascribed one to acertain hierarchical worldview andpredetermined life-path, a lower casteinterest in education came secondary torequirements of the role in society:soldier, farmer or blacksmith.

COMMENT by NURU LAMA SHERPA

It is unfair to blame everything on bahuns,or blame every bahun of wrongdoing.

Not only was access to education lessavailable to lower caste groups, buteducation could not provide an escapefrom caste perimeters. Caste advantagesalong with the priest-scholar roles in theroyal courts allowed bahuns easy accessto centers of power. With the formation ofa modern state with its requirement for abureaucracy and election-based politicalprocesses and institutions, the educatedbahuns had “first-mover” advantage.

Nepotism, ethnic favoritism, and thedemands of a new nation providedbahuns many opportunities within thestate apparatus. Other ethnic groups did

not enjoy the same caste privileges,educational achievements, monarchicalaccess and intra-ethnic networks topursue these opportunities.

This view synthesises both thereactionary and conservative positions,and attempts to paint a less political andmore accurate picture of bahun en-croachment on the Nepali state. It is aproduct of historical social processesbased on natural instincts for self-progression in a competitive environ-ment: it is not the result of an apartheid-like, state-sanctioned design, as many argue.

Favoritism is rampant, but to bring

charges of some conspiratorial stateagenda to undermine minorities andbestow privileges exclusively to thebahuns is stretching the truth too far.Such blatant charges seem often to comefrom conceited minority leaders whosefatal attractions are limited to cashing inon the ethnic card.

Ethnic domination is not restrictedto bahuns. The Ranas and the chettris inthe Royal Nepal Army, Newars andMarwaris in businesses, Sherpas inmountaineering, Gurungs in missionaryarmies are some other well-known cases.The lack of opportunities within thestate apparatus is one reason why manynon-bahun communities have built theirown “economic” niches.

But all ethnic monopolies, large andsmall, need to be denounced. EveryNepali should be provided a fair chanceto compete in all activities, public andprivate, within the state. But what ofcommunities which have no niches torely on? And if ethnic monopolies areprevalent, why all the hue and cry againstbahuns only? Why are only they beingblamed for the sorry state of our countrytoday? After all, it is not the bahuns whohave ruled Nepal for the last two-quartercenturies. They have become electedleaders only after 1990.

When a Limbu resident of Panchthargoes to Phidim to make his citizenship card,he will most likely encounter a bahunbureaucrat who refuses to sign his approvalwithout some “chiya piune kharcha”. In hisoffice, a framed, garlanded poster of theking and queen will bear down on the man.The Limbu villager never faces the raja inreal life; in his mind he is the impartial,benevolent arbiter of justice.

A non-bahun officer might be equallyuncooperative but given bahun prepon-derance in the state system, especiallysince 1990, contempt for the stifling,corrupt and cold Nepali state haseffectively transformed itself into a

Bahuns and the Nepali state (revisited)contempt for bahuns at large. Bahunvanity hits where it hurts the most: thepride and dignity of ethnic minorities.

FOOD CHAINViewing Nepali politics from a purelycaste perspective, one can argue that theso-called democratic changes of the1990s were part of a successful bahunexercise to take substantive power fromthe Rana and Shah rulers and share thespoils. The bahuns effectively succeeded,but the struggle of the lower castes for alevel playing field goes on. No matterhow nationally-motivated and all-encompassing the aspiration of those whospearheaded the democratic struggle,looking through the ethnic glass itappears as an incomplete democracy.

Something is obviously wrong whenbahuns make up over 80 percent of Nepal’spolitical and administrative leadership whenthey only constitute 15 percent of thepopulation. Fair representation from variousethnic groups in the government should beencouraged, not as showcases to getminority votes but to really put minorityviewpoints and grievances at the forefront.

At the same time, minorities shouldrefrain from impulsive, inflammatoryreaction. It is unfair to blame everythingon bahuns, or blame every bahun ofwrongdoing. Democracy provides theminorities with an opportunity toorganise and have their voices heardwithout engaging in hateful, maliciousrhetoric or violent, disruptive conflict.

At the same time, increased educa-tional campaigns to root out casteprejudices, and reform pressures toreduce state control on peoples’ dailylives can lessen prevalent negativeperceptions held against bahuns.

(Nuru Lama Sherpa, a Phaplu native, ispresently earning a Master’s degree inPublic Administration at HarvardUniversity.)

taking the country forward through ademocratic political process. This will makethe Nepali people truly sovereign, which theMaoists believe they are not now.

It also shows that if other politicalparties agree to this change and make ittheir main election platform, and if thegovernment can assure free and fairelections, there may be hope of a peacefulend to the present political crisis.

All these factors would also force theMaoists to reconsider their statedobjective of destroying parliament, andinstead be forced to look upon thatinstitution in a more constructive light.

Before the dissolution of parliamentthere was the possibility of dialogue inparliament with all political parties whichhad been trying to find a way out of thisquagmire of violence. But becauseparliament was hurriedly dissolved(perhaps because the government gotwind of such a dialogue) the emergingalignment was pushed to the backburner.

The dissolution of parliamentbrought the new possibility of elections tothe fore, but it also dispersed theemerging alignments between politicalparties. The most recent Maoist overturesmay therefore be motivated by a desire tobring to the fore and restart the processthat was sidelined. The other factors thatmust have weighed in on the Maoistsdecision to make the conditional offer fortalks could be a change in India’s attitudetowards them, and the possibility of theAmerican military turning Nepal into aproxy zone.

With elections in November, Nepalisare in a Catch-22 situation. The countrywould lose by not letting the electionstake place, but the likelihood of being ableto hold free and fair polls does not exist.

The government’s presence is non-existent in more than half the country,making it impossible to set up pollingbooths. Even if they were established,the possibility of people coming out tovote is slim.

These developments make it neces-sary for the parliamentary parties to takethe recent Maoist proposals seriously.The rebels have committed seriousmistakes in the past, but this is anopportunity for peace that politicians ofall hues must grab. The conflict can onlyhave a negotiated political solution; thereis no military way out of this. Such a

decision could open the doors throughwhich the nation can be steered towardspeace. The cost of not taking thischance could be very high. The Maoistshave bent a little, the political partiesmust respond in kind.

But the government has rebuffed theMaoists' overtures. The big question is:Does the government have its politicalownership in its own hands? Its demandthat the rebels hand over their arms andapologise is unrealistic, and demonstrates adesire to continue to wage war, for anyreason. No strong rebel group in the worldwould sit down for talks after surrenderingweapons. And why would the governmenttalk with a rebel force that has alreadysurrendered its weapons? Although theMaoists may be feeling the pressure of thesecurity forces’ actions, they do still holdsway over large parts of the country.

The UML could have an importantrole to play here. Unfortunately, the UMLhas taken the status quo stand thatparliament should not be re-instated, andnaively believes that the security forces canensure a free and fair election for them.The UML leadership is under the illusionthat despite the dissolution of parliament,the dismantling of local bodies, andsuspension of civil liberties, it can stillwin a majority.

The only way to defend the achieve-ments of the 1990 people's movement,stop retrogressive and foreign reactionaryforces in their tracks, and seek peace andprogress through talks would be for theUML, the institutionalised faction of theNepali Congress, the political parties of thedissolved parliament, as well as the Maoiststhemselves to be united as a singlestruggling force.

It would have been up to the UML toforge such an alliance. That would havebeen the true test of its leadership: avisionary role of carving a path out of thiscrisis. But the UML has shown that it isopportunistic and incapable of lookingbeyond short-term power interests. It mustrise above such pettiness at a time whendemocracy and the country’s future areunder severe threat.

(Shyam Shrestha is the editorof the monthly magazineMulyankan.)

CK Lal is on the road and willreturn to this space next week.

POETIC LICENSE

Let this nation live freeby Ram Prasad Gyawali

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

What do the Maoists want this time?ANALYSIS by SHYAM SHRESTHA

empowerment sector. It is truethat the silent, vulnerable andrepressive nature of womenhinders them to furthering theirsuccess in any kind of field.Manjushree’s words struck achord and expressed thefeelings of many Nepaliwomen.

Renuka Gurung,CREHPA, Ekantakuna

Manjushree Thapa’saccusation that some“Congressi boys” threatenedto disrobe her in public is hardto believe. This is cheapattention-seeking publicity tomake her point. It has beendone at the cost of thecountry’s image and is quiteunbecoming of a person of herintellect.Name withheld, Kathmandu

T

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

his week’s rains and floods were a metaphorfor the crisis battering this country. Whilenothing can be done about mother nature,

there is plenty that can be done about themotherland.

Officials say that we suffered a natural disaster.But just like everything else in this country, it was alargely man-made disaster. Monsoon cloudburstsand earthquakes have been happening in theHimalaya even before humans started settling inthese hills. But rains and quakes don’t kill people,buildings and the sites of settlements do.

Natural events mostly kill people when wedon’t follow traditional wisdom about locatingcommunities, ensuring proper land use andbuilding codes, or don’t have adequate disasterpreparedness and prompt relief.

Urban sprawl and social inequities send squatters to live on, and farm,vulnerable flood plains. Badly-designed roads, bridges and embankmentsexacerbate floods. As long as we seek only engineering solutions thatdo not treat river basins as drainage systems and obstruct their flow, wewill keep having man-made disasters. Let’s not pass the buck andblame nature.

This week’s floods over central and eastern Nepal were much worsebecause we have, through our own misjudgement and incompetence, lostthe first line of defence in times of calamity: Nepal’s efficient and reliabletelephone system. More than 20 of our 75 districts have been without

phones for most of this year thanks to therevolutionary zeal of our comrades whohave blown up telecom towers as part oftheir effort to build a new Nepal. Withoutrapid information, there will not be muchrelief to coordinate. Four days after thedeluge, we still do not have an accuratepicture of the true extent of the damage tolife and property.

Then, it used to be local police posts,elected village councils, district-levelofficials and Members of Parliament whoused to galvanise local relief work, anddraw the attention of faraway Kathmanduto rush aid. None of them exist anymore.In many districts there isn’t a single unit oflocal, district or national government left.

So, when a landslide or flashflood strikes, as it did in Khotang twoweeks ago, or in Saptari, Chitwan or Makwanpur this week, there is no oneto take charge of relief. People are left to fend for themselves the best thatthey can.

Luckily for the impervious politicians in Kathmandu, most Nepalis havecome to expect little from them. The people will get by, like they always have,with community and self-help. But this time they will also curse callous andunfeeling officials who couldn’t be bothered. People whose binding mottoseems to be: live for the minute, who cares what happens after we aregone. Madame de Pompadour is supposed to have said it best: “Apres moi,le deluge.”

APRES NOUSLE DELUGE

The Maoists have shown new political flexibility.The political parties must respond in kind.

T

26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES22222Nepali Times is published by Himalmedia Pvt Ltd,Chief Editor: Kunda Dixit Editor: Anagha NeelakantanDesign: Kiran Maharjaneditors@nepalitimes.com, www.nepalitimes.comAdvertising: Sunaina Shah advertising@himalmedia.comSubscription: Anil Karki subscription@himalmedia.comSales: Sudan Bista sales@himalmedia.comSanchaya Kosh Building, Block A-4th Floor, LalitpurGPO Box 7251, Kathmandu, NepalTel: 01-543333-7, Fax: 01-521013Printed at Jagadamba Press: 01-521393

EDITORIAL

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

T

44444 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES 55555 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMESNATIONNATION

by DANIEL LAKHERE AND THERE

xbridge, Canada - On the far side of the world, after an eternityin transit, a few thoughts on an alternative view ofglobalisation—not that of the hungry capital markets or

multinationals, nor the rainbow coalition of Maoists, nihilists andprotest partygoers whose social life revolves around disruptinginternational summit meetings. There’s more to this business thanyou might think from watching television news. Surprise, surprise.

Take air travel. It used to be the preserve of the global elite,clichéd jetsetters, global business types, stars of stage and screen, inshort, the rich and the infamous. For the past two decades in thewest, that’s not been the case. Now it isn’t true anywhere else either.The flight from Kathmandu to Delhi was packed with Indiantourists, but perhaps not the sort that the Nepal Tourism Board hadin mind. These were India’s equivalent of backpackers—cheapskates,in short. Few of them had been on a plane before they came toNepal. No one had a passport; they barged into immigration lines buthad to retreat from the officer’s steely glare when it was discoveredthat they hadn’t filled out their embarkation cards. Few spokeEnglish, that token of a bourgeois education in India. But they hadmoney to spend on a holiday in Nepal, thank goodness. On othermore expensive flights to London and North America, other peoplewho couldn’t have afforded this a generation ago sat clutchinghandbags and ordering free drinks. Compared with the vast sea ofdeprived folk around the world, this expansion at the edge of thelower middle may not seem like much, but mark my words, thisgroup will continue to grow, travel and influence events beyond themofussil. No bad thing, I say.

On the undeniably positive side of the globalisation debate, theWorld Cup has united most of us in joy and delight. Never mind thewhinges of those whose teams departed early. That’s football, folks,whether it’s a missed hand ball (sorry England, USA, etc) or a star

The world isgetting prettycosy. Some ofthe time that’sgood, at othersit isn’t.

It’s a small world

striker not up to scratch, as the grindingly ordinary British commen-tator said during the Brazil Germany match, “All that matters is whoputs more balls past the goalkeeper.’ And the best team did that inthe end, putting more balls past the best, most entertaining keeperever to guard a World Cup goal—Brazil beat Oliver Kahn in one ofthe greatest finals in a generation. It’s impossible not to love Brazil,nor to avoid the easy metaphor that the Brazilian melange—races,ethnic groups immigrant and aboriginal cultures—is globalisation inminiature, great at football, bad at economics, but something toadmire and emulate wherever there are political forces that urgespurious notions of purity, exclusivity and racism. For a few momentson Sunday, 30 June, we were all Brazilians.

Alas, there’s also a growing global distrust of the globe’s onlysuperpower, as each week brings more dire examples of Americanimperial overreach and arrogance. It’s sad to make such an observa-tion in a month that saw the United States celebrate their firstIndependence Day since last September’s terrorist outrage. The

newspapers of Europe, Britain and Canada are awash with storiesand analysis that express unease and outright disdain for thebehaviour of the George W Bush administration. The blatantpartisanship in the Middle East, the horrible bombing of awedding party in Afghanistan, the outrageous holding-to-hostageof global institutions like the United Nations for narrowly definednational interests, corporate malfeasance on a grand scale.... thelist can be endless. The best thing one can say is that this adminis-tration is an aberration, that the Clinton years show better whatAmerica wants from the world, peace in Bosnia, Northern Ireland,freedom spread through expansion of economic opportunity, notcoercion. But the creeping feeling that more and more of us arepaying a price for the frighteningly parochial politics of America ishard to avoid.

So yes, it’s a small world and it’s getting smaller. But I can dowithout the 30-hour voyages, endless queues at security, bad foodand jet lag that underline globalisation every time I travel.

DOMESTIC BRIEFS

The scars of war are all around:gun-toting young Maoists, burntdown government buildings,landrovers reduced to ashes,households with only children,young widows, and old people.“We are harrassed by both sides.We just listen to whoever is thereat the moment,” one villager told uswith an averted gaze. He looksscared, and whispers aboutthreats, interrogation, beatings byboth sides. “You could bearrested on a suspicion, and if youdon’t have a good explanationonce you’re taken in, you couldbe killed.”

Ghartigaun has the look ofno-man’s land. There is nosecurity, no marketplace, noelectricity, few drinking watertaps. The local school still hassome classes, but the twoteachers there fled after beingthreatened by Maoists.

We seek shelter in a house. Ourhost used to run a tea shop untilone day the Maoists came and tookhim away. He was held captive forsix months, handcuffed, blindfoldedand beaten almost every day. Hehas three daughters and two sons,the youngest was born 16 daysafter the rebels had taken himaway.

He was finally released afterhe sold his cattle and all house-hold utensils and paid theMaoists a ransom of Rs 25,000.The family is still paying a Maoist“revolutionary tax” of Rs 50 everymonth. Other villagers pay thetax in cash or kind. Our hostcan’t afford to pay any more, andis heading off to India to findwork the day after our visit.

Another day’s walk, and wewait on a house on a hilltop for a

promised meeting with a localcommander. Comrades Sushil andAshok arrive, accompanied by thehead of the village “people’sgovernment”, Comrade Prabak.They are soft spoken, and give usthe partyline. (See interview.)

Another one, calling himself“Sunil”, comes in brandishing apistol and shotgun cartridges. He isapparently our security detail.Sunil used to work in Kathmanduand had come home for a break ayear-and-a-half ago when he wasstopped by police, kept incustody and beaten. At 16, he

decided to join the Maoists.The other one, Sushil, chats

with us, and tells us about howthe police raided his house duringOperation Kilo Sierra Two in1998. He managed to flee, butsays they took away his 17-year-old niece and raped her. Shejoined the Maoists after that.Sushil says there is a company offemale Maoists 500 strong. Hetells us stories of the action hehas seen, including the Maoistdefeat at Khara, Rukum. There isan audio tape of the battle, thereis sound of heavy gunfire, shout-

ing, and in the distance the thudsof an approaching helicopter.

The Armed Police Forcetraining camp on the Nepalgunjhighway issues us a curfew pass.Without it, we may have beenstopped at a security checkpost, orthe Maoists may have suspectedthat we were army. Armed policetell us of the dangers of a Maoistambush, and that doesn’t lift ourconfidence level.

At the Bheri Zonal Hospitalin Nepalgunj, Keshab KC has justbeen brought in. He was attackedthe night before and beaten up

mercilessly by Maoists using theirfavourite torture method:crushing knee and ankle bones withrocks. KC’s crime is that he is aNepali Congress supporter. He isconscious, but groaning in agony.His arms are also dislocated. There

isn’t much they can do for him here,he will be flown to Kathmandu fortreatment.

The hospital used to get twopatients a day with similar injuriesuntil last year. After the emergencywas declared, there are fewer cases

from p1

Nepali Times: Your party has killed teachers here. Why?Ashok: Could be. If we killed him, there must be a reason. Hecould have been a spy, or been responsible for something thatbenefited the enemy.

Why are you attacking schools?The demands come from higher places, but our basic idea is todo away with the old and make something new on our own. Weare running high schools in areas we control.

Do you believe that people all over Nepal will agree with yourphilosophy?They must. It is for them. Our philosophy is that we take from thepeople who have more, and we give back to the people. We willdo exactly that. When the Maoist government has taken place,then there is not much they (the government) can do.

Why didnít Maoism work in China?I really don’t know that. Maybe it’s because of the difference ofstrategy.

How do you communicate between units?It is strong. If we need to send a message to Ghartigaon fromhere, anyone is willing to do it for us, even the local villagers. Wehad already heard you were coming into these areas. Villagersare constantly travelling these routes. If they see new faces theywill automatically let us know about it.

Do you have the same kind of organisation in Kathmandu?There is. They walk around in civil dress. They can’t move aboutas freely, but they go there to do surveys and things like that.

U

He introduces himself as Comrade Ashok, and answersour questions in a soft voice. But his is a radical andrigid party line. In any other time and any other place,this could have been a chat with a trekking sardar in aroadside tea shop about the condition of the trails.

Q&A with ASHOK

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

StandstillOver a week after the term of the local government bodies expired,their future remains uncertain, what with the Deuba governmentunwilling to extend their term. The constitution and the LocalGovernment Act allow the government to extend the tenure of localbodies by one year in case elections cannot be held for any reason.Prime Minister Deuba’s government wants to appoint all-partypolitical committees to run the local bodies which until their tenureexpired were dominated by the UML.

But no one else thinks this is a good idea, especially not the UMLand the Election Commission. The UML claims it would be againstthe constitution and the Local Governance Act, and says that itsuspects these committees will be used to install Congress cadresin the districts in order to manipulate the parliamentary elections inNovember. The party has also stated that government appointeesand political nominees are not empowered by the people to run localbodies, and that the term of the local bodies should be extended, orlocal elections should be held. The UML and other political partiessay that the government is playing right into the hands of theMaoists, who have been trying to displace locally-elected repre-sentatives and establish their own government at the local level. Inall, 3,913 VDCs, 75 DDCs, and 58 municipalities are now virtuallynon-functional.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Once bittenPrime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba isn’t taking chances. Followingthe breakdown of the third round of talks with the Maoists last year,when the insurgents withdrew from negotiations and resorted toextreme violence, Deuba has been viewing every Maoist move withsuspicion. At a recent gathering of political cadres in Birganj, heannounced that the Maoists would have to lay down their arms andindulge in a little self-criticism before they come to talks. Deuba wassceptical about Maoist supremo Prachanda’s recent press releaseindicating the Maoists’ desire for a political solution and the possibil-ity of participating in the November elections. This is anotherunderhanded step to undermine the government, Deuba toldlisteners. He doesn’t believe the Maoists will give up violencewillingly, and is concerned about a repeat of last November.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

State of NepalFinally, some insightful reading on Nepal. State of Nepal, a collectionof sixteen essays by 14 Nepalis, one Nepali-Indian, and one Indianwas released Tuesday.The original, unpublishedwritings deal with a broadspectrum of issues—education, the economy,gender, ethnicity, democ-racy, development, theMaobadi, water, Indianperceptions of Nepal, theinsularity of contemporary Nepali literature, the notion of the Hindustate, the role of the new king, and Nepal’s media boom. The book,published by Himal Books, is edited by Kanak Mani Dixit, publisher ofHimal Khabarpatrika, and Shastri Ramachandaran, Senior Assist-ant Editor at The Times of India.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

A small worldYoung Danish students will labour for one day in Denmark and sendtheir earnings to aid in the education of Kamaiya children. Elevenschool-age Danes visited Kamaiya camps last week to meet theirNepali counterparts. Their conclusion: Kamaiya children will beenslaved again if they are not provided opportunities for education.The Danish students expect to collect $ 700,000, which they willhand over to Backward Society Education, a Nepali NGO workingwith Kamaiyas that works with the Danish international cooperationagency MS/Nepal.

Peace will only return when there is a genuine effort to redress past wrongs.

but there are still four a week withcrushed legs. The victims are nearlyalways Nepali Congress supporters,or they are teachers who refuse tojoin the Maoists. Some schools inRolpa abandoned by teachershave been replaced with Maoistinstructors.

After a week walking throughthe villages of Rolpa, it is clear tous that the people desperatelyneed help. Not to fight theMaoists, but to give the Maoistsnothing to fight about. A place tostart would be to start rebuildingschools, healthposts, bring backelectricity, finish the half-

complete road projects.The blockade of food and

consumer goods has affected localpeople badly. Bread, instantnoodles, shoes are all contrabanditems. There is a severe foodshortage right across the districts.More than elsewhere, it is in thisheartland of the Maoists’ revolutionthat ordinary Nepalis are trappedbetween the security forces and therebels. There is extreme fear aboutwhat both will do, and there areenough instances of disappearancesand torture for the fear to be real.

Out here in the remote hills ofRolpa, peace has never seemedfurther away. The villagers are fedup of the Maoists, they are fed upof the police and now they are fedup of the war. Four years afterKilo Sierra Two, the methods arestill the same.

As I walked out of Rolpa, mymind raced ahead. Who will bringus out of this? The same peoplewho got us here? What will bringan end to this? When will Rolpastop being a war zone? When willNepal stop being a battlefield?

The way out of this is notbrute force. Peace can only comewhen there is development, agenuine effort to right pastwrongs, and make up for pastneglect.

(A longer version of thisarticle will appear in theAugust issue of the youthmagazine Wave, of whichKashish Das Shresta isstaff writer.)

Clockwise from left:Grade Two students, Gaushala and Bandana, at the KrishnaMadhyamik Gharti School in Ghartigaun, which is runningeven though two teachers have fled.Army checkpoint en route to Libang.A policeman showing us the emergency evacuation procedurefrom his sentry tower in Libang.Two Maoist teenagers at the Budagaun Mela.Comrade Sushil was assigned to be our security detail.

PIC

S:

KA

SH

ISH

DA

S S

HR

ES

TH

A

Ashok (right) being interviewed.

66666 NATION 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES

by PUSKAR BHUSALSOMEWHERE IN NEPAL

he struggle to save democracy isstuck in the stage of identifyingwho’s shielding whom. From

the trajectories of the sparks flyingaround, you would have thought themajor targets were clear. But thevolatility of political alliances hasalways diluted battle plans in Nepal.Consider the developments of the lastthree months. The seven partners ofthe budding broader democraticalliance were gearing up for theirultimate showdown with theirshadowy foes. Their concentrationon the cause was so compelling thatthey barely realised they hadditched a partner for trying toaddress the Open Theatre massmeeting in the only non-Englishforeign language Radio Nepalbroadcasts in.

The resolve to defeat the demonsof dictatorship melted away themoment the House of Representativeswas dissolved. Prime Minister SherBahadur Deuba’s late-night pre-emptive strike threw the power-sharing formula Nepali Congresspresident Girija Prasad Koirala hadpainstakingly worked out with UMLgeneral secretary Madhav KumarNepal into a tailspin. Nepal’s supportfor Deuba’s decision to seek a freshpopular mandate startled somesenior comrades who thought thiswasn’t quite the time to bedreaming about a UML majoritygovernment. The constraints ofconformity kept them quiet.

The Nepal-Deuba bonhomie hasevaporated with the evisceration of

Who’s shielding whom?Covering up

local governance. The UML chief’solfactory alertness comes nowherenear Koirala’s when it comes tosensing conspiracies. But Nepal hasgrown more suspicious of Deuba’smotives after the government snubbedlocal elected representatives expectinga one-year term extension. With keyDeuba lieutenants suggesting that

doesn’t want to seriously think aboutthem before the honourable SupremeCourt justices do.

Political flux has flustered those inpower, too. Home Minister KhumBahadur Khadka was perhaps toocandid in explaining the government’sreluctance to extend the local bodies’tenure. By questioning the legitimacyof the mandate garnered underGautam’s watch, Khadka added insultto the UML’s injury. But this mustnot obscure his larger point. IfGautam was so good at organisingelection campaigns, his Marxist-Leninist faction couldn’t havefloundered in the 1999 generalelection just because he happenedto be out of power, could it?Moreover, we don’t know for surewhether the drafters of the “one-year-extension” and “other-arrangements” options in the localgovernance statute had listed them inorder of priority or meant to leavematters to the discretion of thegovernment. We’ll probably neverknow whether the UML’s prolonga-tion plea would have been as ferventhad Ram Chandra Poudel been thedeputy premier and home ministerwho oversaw the 1997 local polls.Whether Deuba could have rejectedthe extension option if his support-ers had been in control of two-thirds of the positions is equallyworthy of speculation.

Will the political clouds lift after

Koirala and Nepal could be arrestedfor having maintained links withMaoists leaders, the two men havemoved closer. Rastriya PrajatantraParty (RPP) president Surya BahadurThapa is warning us that even if theNovember elections were free andfair, the political climate still wouldnot be conducive to resolving the

country’s problems.Until a fortnight ago, it looked

like Koirala’s was the only majorcamp keen on seeing the SupremeCourt reinstate the lower house. TheUML and the RPP have now mappedtheir Plan B. Before you conclude thatthis shift might presage a revival of thebroader democratic alliance, considerwhere the main players are comingfrom. Nepal is compelled to strike aposture that would set him apart fromBam Dev Gautam and Khadga PrasadSharma Oli. Thapa is disoriented byhis desire to serve a third term as partypresident without having to be theone proposing an amendment to theRPP charter to make that possible.The reason why Koirala sounds soincoherent about the polls is that he

the Supreme Court rules on thedissolution order? Not if youexamine the other elements at play.Comrade Prachanda starts praisingthe Koiralas’ democratic convic-tions to provoke Deuba—andsucceeds. The prime minister, afterconsistently ruling out a resumptionof peace talks, says he won’t mindsquare up to Comrade Badal. Thenext thing you know, Prachandasends out feelers that he might bewilling to contest elections underan interim government. Then aweekly known to reflect the viewsof the Koirala clan quotes “areliable security source” as sayingDeuba and Khadka have alreadybegun negotiations with a Maoistteam including the man Poudel wascultivating as deputy primeminister. So, who’s shieldingwhom? Keep trying.

T

Godavari Village Resort invites applications from qualified Nepalese citizens for thefollowing positions.

1) PPPPPosi t ionosi t ionosi t ionosi t ionosi t ion : Manager-Sales & Marketing (Female)Manager-Sales & Marketing (Female)Manager-Sales & Marketing (Female)Manager-Sales & Marketing (Female)Manager-Sales & Marketing (Female)Qualification : Should be a graduate from a reputed Hotel Management

& Catering School OR Graduate from any Managementfoculty.

ExperienceExperienceExperienceExperienceExperience : • 6-7 years working experience in 4-5 star hotel• Good public relations• Strong negotiation skills• Should be able to plan and hondle marketing

operations independently• Excellent command over English language both

written and spokenSalary & Benefits Negotiable

2)2 )2 )2 )2 ) PPPPPosi t ionosi t ionosi t ionosi t ionosi t ion : Junior Sales OfficerJunior Sales OfficerJunior Sales OfficerJunior Sales OfficerJunior Sales OfficerQualification : Diploma in Hotel Management OR Graduate from any other

Management faculty.ExperienceExperienceExperienceExperienceExperience : • 2-3 years working experience in related field

• Good skill in computer application with publicrelations

• Excellent command over English language bothwritten and spoken

SalarySalarySalarySalarySalary : As per company’s rule

Interested candidates should apply with detailed Bio-data, recent PP size photographnterested candidates should apply with detailed Bio-data, recent PP size photographnterested candidates should apply with detailed Bio-data, recent PP size photographnterested candidates should apply with detailed Bio-data, recent PP size photographnterested candidates should apply with detailed Bio-data, recent PP size photographand copies of relevant documents within 10 days.and copies of relevant documents within 10 days.and copies of relevant documents within 10 days.and copies of relevant documents within 10 days.and copies of relevant documents within 10 days.

Manager-Human Resource & AdministrationManager-Human Resource & AdministrationManager-Human Resource & AdministrationManager-Human Resource & AdministrationManager-Human Resource & AdministrationGodavari Village ResortGodavari Village ResortGodavari Village ResortGodavari Village ResortGodavari Village ResortPPPPP.O.O.O.O.O. Box 12446. Box 12446. Box 12446. Box 12446. Box 12446Kathmandu, NepalKathmandu, NepalKathmandu, NepalKathmandu, NepalKathmandu, Nepal

VACANCY ANNOUNCEMENT

MIN

77777ECONOMY 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES

BIZ NEWS

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Monetary policyIn accordance with the new Nepal Rastra Bank law, the central bank has loosened up monetary policy. This is anextension of its earlier decision to slash the compulsory cash holdings requirements for commercial banks.Effective mid-July, the NRB has allowed commercial banks to lower their Cash Reserve Ratios (CRR) by onepercentage point, which it says would reduce the cost of funds and help lower lending rates without affecting thealready low interest on deposits. The central bank’s decision is expected to free up Rs 2 billion for investment.Last year the bank had taken similar policy measures to lower inter-bank lending rates and refinancing for loansfor exports, as well as those dispensed by rural development banks. In late December last year the NRB loweredthe refinancing rates further: from 4 to 2 percent for export loans, from 4.5 to 3 percent for loans to sickindustries and from 5.5 to 4.5 percent for loans provided by rural development banks. The refinancing rate forall other types of lending was lowered from 6.5 to 5.5 percent. The NRB had also lowered the CRR in December:

The goal of the policy is to help support the government’s plan of raising economic growth from 0.8 percentin the last fiscal year to about 4 percent, as announced in the budget. The bank has already drafted two lawsgoverning banking, the Bank and Financial Institutions Act and the Anti-Money Laundering Act. The centralbank and the government have also agreed on the overdrafts the government can obtain—they are to berestricted to under five percent of the revenue collected by the government in the previous year. The govern-ment would have to convert all overdraft amounts over the permissible levels into treasury bills.

The central bank has also made two other long overdue decisions: calling back its employees assigned toserve as directors in banks and financial institutions under its supervision, and begin divesting from ruraldevelopment banks.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Supply creditThe Laxmi Bank Ltd, the youngest commercial bank, has launched a new scheme to finance the working capitalrequirements of small and mid-sized short-term borrowers. The bank says that the Supply Finance seeks to meetthe funding gaps that arise after the dispatch of goods until the receipt of payment. The scheme aims to reachout to raw material suppliers, traders and inventory holders. Eligibility for the financing would require presenta-tion of buyer-accepted sales invoices (credit notes), and the loans will be made against the final payments duesuch borrowers. The bank says this approach to financing helps its customers avoid going through the lengthyprocedures to establish a line of credit. Laxmi Bank is the country’s 16th commercial bank, and focuses on thetrade and retail segments.

“Strong potential for growth.”

What was your Kathmandu trip all about?We were in Nepal to firm up our associationwith Prisma and assess the potential for growthin Nepal.

Does that mean you see a potential for moregrowth in Nepalís advertising market?Nepal is exhibiting a strong potential for growth.This will not only come from advertising, but alsofrom PR, direct and rural communications—areasOgilvy India is particularly strong in.

But isnít there a danger that there arealready too many players trying to carve outshrinking slices from the same pie?Actually, we feel the pie is growing, and there areopportunities. The Nepali economy has showntremendous resilience and the fundamentals forgrowth are inherent in the system.

How do you think has the advertising

Ranjan Kapur, vice chairman ofOgilvy & Mather, Asia-Pacific was inKathmandu recently to assess thepotential for business here and forconsultation with Nepali partners. Wecaught up with Kapur, who is alsoexecutive chairman, Ogilvy & Mather,India and asked him whether he haddoubts that there are already toomany players sharing the advertisingpie and whether the slices areshrinking. Excerpts:

industry been faring business-wise?As in most emerging economies the entrepreneurdoes well. I can only comment on Prisma,which has grown exponentially these lastcouple of years.

Did you see much indigenous capacity for thecreative and production aspects?This is a very subjective area. Creative standardshave some way to go, relative to India, but I believeNepal has the potential to become an offshoreproduction centre.

Doesnít that mean there may not be enoughwork domestically within Nepal to justify theentry of large advertising companies such asyours?I don’t think so, we have demonstrated that we areserious in our partnership with Prisma. Otherlarge agencies are either there already orcontemplating entry.

by ARTHA BEEDECONOMIC SENSE

n a land where all economicdecisions are fundamentallypolitical ones, the Beed supposes,

glumly, that one ought not besurprised by the cabinet decision todissolve all local bodies. Despiteseveral calls made by multilateral andbilateral agencies, thinkers andvirtually all sane Nepalis, thegovernment went on to commit an actthat, apart from making their owncajoling of voters easier, does not serveany rational purpose. The public goodis clearly a dispensable commodity forthis partyless political dispensation.

After the Local Self GovernanceAct was enacted, the local bodies hadstarted making a lot of progress indeciding what they wanted and howthey wanted to do it. The frustrationsof the people at the centre startedbecoming increasingly evident as theselocal bodies began to show that theycould convince the donor communityof their style of functioning andvision. The emphasis on decentralisa-tion has been getting stronger andeveryone is pretty much convincedthat for Nepal, empowering local levelunits can deliver in suitable form whata top-heavy centralised planningprocess envisions.

There are more immediate, urgentramifications of this decision, too. Theanti-terrorist funding and allieddevelopment packages are now lookinga little uncertain—what fundingagency would trust a government thathas neither an identity, nor any power.Even the interim governmentsurprisingly continues with a bloatedcabinet, and with governmentappointees at the local body level,one wonders where governance shallcome from.

Nepal has, all of a sudden,become a lot less interesting to theoutside world, aid-wise. The Beed is

Economic hara-kiriOne move has reversed the most important economic gains of the past decade.

willing to wager almost anything thatwe won’t see most of the promisedfunds flow into Nepal before somesemblance of governance is restored.And when that will happen, yourguess is as good as mine. As for gettingmore pledges from donors, forgetabout it. What this fluid situationmeans is that, on the one hand,security costs are difficult to fund, andon the other, the present stagnation ofeconomic growth is going to continue.Any talk in the near future of increasesin foreign investments or tourism, orany other kind of growth will beridiculous.

Perhaps, Nepal wants to proveMurphy’s Laws true. While HisMajesty is trying to create an impres-sion on the Chinese government andbusinessmen alike by talking about theeconomic decentralisation of Nepal, thegovernment has pulled the rug fromunder his, and every other sensibleperson’s feet by doing away with thebasis of all such talk. The king musthave been considerably embarrassed inthe last month in India and Chinawhen matters of governance andpolitics arose.

Even as Nepal pleads for moreassistance, we have done away with themost efficient vehicle to use it. Asanxious Nepalis wait for some signthat this present situation could changefor the better, this vacuum ingovernance at the local level willtake away what little confidencethey have in the politicalsystem in place here. Andpeople who were slowly butsurely giving up theirsympathy for the Maoistsand their cause will certainlybe given pause whilereconsidering theiropinions.

The good stories that

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

KIRAN NEPALt’s a good thing that the laws of economics don’t alwayswork. If they did, the Nepali economy would havecrumbled after the disastrous 2001/02 fiscal year. All

major economic activities—tourism, manufacturing,investments and exports—reported major downslides andeven agricultural production and imports slackened.Revenue barely covered government spending, andcollection has almost come to a trickle. “These are signsof an economy that is becoming bankrupt,” says RaghavDhoj Pant, former vice chairman of the NationalPlanning Commission.

But not everyone agrees with Pant, especially people inthe urban areas, where consumption patterns have notchanged and where real estate transactions, in particular,have continued to rise.

The explanation lies in Nepal’s remittance economy.Employment abroad has not only helped lessen the impactof the growing unemployment problem, it also continues toinject much-needed cash into the economy. It has also beenpropping up foreign exchange reserves, helping the countryavoid a major Balance of Payments crisis. Some days agocentral bank officials said that they estimated that about Rs70 billion—almost two-thirds of the budget—was comingin as remittances every year.

The central bank’s books do not reflect this, however, asmuch of this money comes in through informal channels.Officially, in 2001/02 about Rs 16 billion came in throughproper banking channels, of which Rs 6.1 billion was sentby Nepalis working in India and another Rs 9.8 billion byworkers overseas in third countries. When Nepalis workingabroad send money back home through legal channels, theyuse Western Union and Money Gram, or commercialbanks. Those figures are from before the central bankallowed the International Money Exchange to transfer moneyfrom workers in Malaysia in May. In its first two months ofoperations the IME brought in $200,000.

Remittance economy

This is what powers the economy: Of the Nepalis working abroad, 24 percent are in India,

16.3 percent in Saudi Arabia, 6.88 percent in Qatar, SouthKorea and the United Kingdom, 5.6 percent in the UnitedArab Emirates, and 1-5 percent in Japan, Malaysia,Germany and the United States.

60 percent of those working abroad are between theages of 26-40, 20 percent over 41, and 16 percent arebelow 25.

Nepalis abroad tend to do the same thing—anoverwhelming 85 percent are labourers, 16 percent are inthe armed services and two percent are in organisedgovernment employment.

Among those working abroad, 49.4 percent earn aboutRs 10,000 per month, 20.6 percent earn Rs 10,000-25,000, 12.8 percent earn Rs 25,000-50,000, 8.1percent earn between Rs 50,000-75,000 and another 8.1percent earn over Rs 75,000 each month.

Twenty-one percent send money home through friendsand acquaintances, 19 percent through the banks, 17percent through money order and seven percent throughthe hundi (informal channel). The remaining 36 percentsaid they sent money using either one or more of thesefacilities depending on the circumstances.

I

I Nepal has been able to tell the worldabout the last decade or so have beenabout the success of forest-user groupsand self-help income-generatinggroups, both of which have beenpossible due to a devolution of thepowers of decision-making andimplementation to the local level. Thelegislation to facilitate decentralisationwas another landmark for Nepal, asmany developing countries were stillstruggling to put into place preciselythis. In terms of the future economicscenario, the devolution of politicalpower seemed possible.

The current government hassuccessfully proved that it can be veryefficient. Unfortunately, this efficiencyis limited to steps that reverse theeconomic processes in place that madeone retain some hope for this countryeven at the worst of times. Hopefullythey will realise their mistake and, ifnot actually hang their heads in shameand flagellate themselves in public,they will at least look now to damagecontrol. In this case, that can be doneby nothing short of ensuring that thelocal polls do, in fact, take place withthe parliamentary elections.

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

88888 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES 99999LEISURE 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

JANAKI GURUNGim lights, soothingmusic, an invitingbed, gentle aromasand a smiling

attendant. Robed in a comfortablegown, the guest is ushered ontothe bed, instructed to lie downand relax. A mixture of pleasant-smelling oils is poured into strong,firm hands that gently knead theirway around the knees. They slipdown the calves while workingthe muscles, and gently butfirmly, toe-by-toe, joint-by-joint, massage the nerve pointson the feet.

You don’t have to go toThailand to get any of this, or tothe fancy new Ananda Spa nearRishikesh in the GarhwalHimalaya. There are spas and spatreatments to be had in Nepal, inKathmandu and Pokhara.

The massage at the Hyatt’sClub Oasis is sheer indulgence.Half an hour later, and Rs 850lighter, the guest heads to thesteam bath for 15 minutesbefore stepping into the jacuzzi.A rejuvenated, glowing personleaves the hotel.

Spas, those old standbys ofDickens and Thackeray novels,were once synonymous with‘taking the waters’ at springs withminerals or other curative naturalresources. Even today, many spasare based on long-term treatmentsand often used to recover fromstress, long-term illnesses or toreceive cures for specific healthproblems. But that is time-consuming, while also on the riseis the number of people who aresimply burnt-out, and just wantsome pampering. The new-generation spas offer luxurioussurroundings and exotic treat-ments, often in connection with ahotel or a resort.

In Nepal, the concept’scatching on. An increasing numberof hotels are offering facilitiesdesigned to entice jet-settingexecutives and travel-wearytourists. “Most enquiries regard-ing the Fulbari resort are accom-panied by enquiries about the spa,which opened about three yearsago,” says Ramesh Rawat, a salesofficial with the Spa Avatar at theFulbari in Pokhara. “Most of ourin-house guests use it, and manypeople visit from Kathmandu,too.” At the Fulbari, Nepal’s firstinternational-standard spa, guests

There’s plain old unwinding, and then there’s the spa. It’s sodecadently feel-good, you’ll want to be burnt out on a regular basis.

you spaI spa,I spa,you spa

are offered treatments and packagesranging from aromatherapy withexotic Himalayan incenses for theworld-weary, to a combination ofdeep-cleansing facials and specially-tailored massages for avid trekkersjust back from a rugged trek aroundthe Annapurna. Aptly named afterthe Sanskrit word meaningreincarnation, rebirth, renaissance,revival and rejuvenation, the FulbariSpa Avatar works with guests toensure they get the best combina-tion of massages, facials, bodymasques and complementarytherapies such as reflexology,ranging from $ 20-$130 for singlesand from $32-$209 for couples.

The whimsically-namedAnnapurna Adventure package

includes an aromatic steam bath,followed by a stimulating cleansingand anti-oxidant treatment withbody stimulating polish. Thencomes an energising body masqueand deep tissue sports massage toease tired joints and sore muscles.You then fall asleep in the Jacuzzi,and emerge to a deep-cleansing,purifying facial. The cost for fourhours: $122 for a single person, and$195 for a couple. The ExoticHimalayan Discovery sees a guestspend 15 minutes in the herbalsteam room. An aromaticHimalayan Honey Seed Rub isfollowed by a dip in an aromaticjacuzzi, and a “Himalayan Massage”and rounded off with a facial usingHimalayan herbs.

Nearer here in the Valley, theRoyal Hana Garden on Lazimpatensures that you don’t have totravel to Tatopani. The restaurant’sJapanese-style outdoor tub has aconstant flow of warm, calmingwater, and holds two people at atime. After half-an-hour ofsoaking in it, the last thing youwant to do is leave.

Also available soon will be thespa at the luxurious Le MeridienGokarna. “In the modern world,”explains Samira Wadi, manager of

the Le Meridien Gokarna, “it isdifficult to find the time and spaceto pamper oneself, but there is agrowing awareness of the necessityof fitness. Personal wellness, such asa rejuvenating massage aren’t onlyphysical pleasures they’re alsomentally reviving, a recharge of ourbatteries.” Le Meridien KathmanduGokarna Forest Resort Spa’s USPwill be its traditional ayurvedictreatments, adapted for the leisuremarket. There will be the usualvariety of relaxing massages andgeneral fitness and diet develop-ment programs, but the residentayurvedic doctor will also take onailments such as arthritis,spondilytis, paralysis, obesity,sinusitis, and migraine headaches.

Other options at the LeMeridien include aromatherapy,reflexology, and other puretreatment based on European,Indonesian or Thai traditions. Thespa’s treatment products will betested in-house before being used,and there are plans to also start aspa boutique to retail Le MeridienKathmandu Gokarna Forest Spa-branded products such as massageoils, incenses, aromatic oils and oilburners, bathrobes, towels, soaps,lotions, herbal teas and the like. In

addition, the special juice bar andhealthy food menu will be offeredto all spa guests, as well as medita-tion courses, healthy eatingsessions, massage therapy trainingand yoga classes

Ayurveda in three wordsAyurveda, or the ‘science of life’,aims to prevent illness in thehealthy, and cure disease in theailing. The science works on thenotion that the body is governedby three functioning principles,or tridosas.

Vatta: Phenomena that comeunder the rubric of the Central andSympathetic Nervous Systems.

Pitta: The functions of heatproduction and metabolism, such asdigestion, the circulatory systemand the various secretions andexcretions that are either the meansor the ends of tissue combustion.

Kapha: The functions of heatregulation and secondary formationof various preservative fluids such asmucus, synovial fluid etc.

The tridosas have their owndefinite Pramana (quantity), Guna(quality) and Karma (function).In a normal form they attend todifferent functions of the bodyand maintain it.

The scent of contentThe healing, cleaning, preservativeand mood-enhancing properties ofnatural plant oils have beenrecognised for over 6,000 years.Stress, pollution, unhealthy diet,hectic, yet sedentary lifestyles—allthese factors have adverse effects onour bodies and spirits. The art ofaromatherapy harnesses the pureessences of aromatic plants, flowersand resins, to work on the mostpowerful of the senses—smell andtouch – to restore the harmony ofbody and mind. Essential oils canbe used to treat common ailments,and promote good health andemotional well-being.

Essential oils can be burnt, orapplied to the body. Before youchoose an essential oil for massagepurposes, you need to identify acarrier oil. Choosing the appropri-ate carrier oil adds considerably tothe dynamic nature of anaromatherapy massage and can havespecific benefits, such as helping toguard against heart disease orinflammatory diseases such asarthritis.

Almond oil is a good sourceof vitamin D and suitable for allskin types, especially dry orirritated skin.

Avocado oil is easily absorbedinto the deep tissues and so isexcellent for mature skin. It canhelp to relieve the dryness anditching of psoriasis and eczema.

Jojoba oil is rich in vitamin E,and good for sensitive or oilycomplexions. It contains bacteri-cidal properties, making it useful oilfor the treatment of acne.

Sesame oil, when made fromuntoasted seeds, sesame oil is goodfor skin conditions, and can be usedas a sun-screen.

Olive oil is too sticky formassage, but a good addition to ablend for mature or dry skin.There are many essential oils inuse, but some are more popularthan others.

Geranium The rose-scentedgeranium has useful properties,including its ability to bring a blendtogether for a more harmoniousscent. Geranium has an antidepres-sant quality, and is good for nervoustension, exhaustion, and circulatoryand skin problems.

Lavender is one of the safestand most versatile of all essentialoils. For centuries it has beenused as a refreshing fragrance and

Rose oil has a wide reputationas an aphrodisiac, and whereanxiety is a factor, it can bevery beneficial.

Sandalwood Probably theoldest perfume in history,sandalwood has been used for over4,000 years. It has a relaxing,antidepressant effect, and wheredepression causes sexual problems,sandalwood can be an aphrodisiac.

Ylang ylang is an intenselysweet essential oil that sedates andeases symptoms of excessivetension, such as insomnia, panicattacks, anxiety and depression.

Henna is a somewhatuncommon Indian oil, oftendistilled with sandalwood as anattar. It is excellent for devo-tion, and to open up psychicabilities. The herb itself is usedto dye hair and make it stronger.

Saffron helps balance thenervous system, and promotesdigestion and quietness of the

mind. It also rejuvenates alltissues of the body.

Get to the pointMuch eastern medicine believesthat the body runs on a kind of‘vital energy’, imbalances in whichcause illness. In forms of Indianmedicines this is called prana, andin Chinese and Japanese medicine,chi, or qi. This energy is said torun to every part of the blood,and is carried to and from theheart in veins and arteries. Themovement of qi can be affected bymassaging an acupressure point ona meridian line, or by inserting anacupuncture needle a fewmillimetres in, or by burningmoxa herbs on the appropriatepoint. Working on the right spotcan free trapped chi, slow it downif it is moving too fast or encour-age it into an area that it hasbeen bypassing.

Reflexology works with a

different map that divides thebody into 10 vertical zones,starting from the top of the head,branching out to end in the 10fingers, with the main branchesending in the toes. According tothis system, each part of the bodyis represented by a reflex point onthe foot or the hand. Likeacupressure, the aim of reflexol-ogy is to help the body’s energycirculate effectively withoutblockages, energy loss orstagnation. Reflexology has beenfound useful for stress-relatedconditions such as allergies,asthma, insomnia, depression,anxiety and migraine; disorderscaused by muscle tension such asback pain and fibrosis; andwomen’s conditions such asPMS, pregnancy, childbirth andmenopause. It is said to haveeased the symptoms of chronicfatigue syndrome (CFS), multiplesclerosis and even cancer.

We take pride in jobs well done.japray@mos.com.np

Phone: (01) 521393, 543017, 547018

Fax: 977-1-536390JAGADAMBA PRESS

as a remedy for stress-relatedailments. It is especially helpfulfor tension headaches and nervousdigestive upsets.

Neroli is uplifting and calming.

It is useful during times of anxiety,panic, hysteria, shock and fear. Itcan help promote self-esteem andis particularly effective for

nervous diarrhoea and otherstress-related conditions.

Rose evokes a general sense ofpleasure and happiness. It issedating and anti-inflammatory.

D

Ask for this brand new collectionof Kunda Dixit’s

Under My Hat columns ata bookshop near you.

Rs 200. To order,email:

subscription@himalmedia.comor

call (01) 543333-7 and just giveyour

phone number and address.

Available at allleading pharmacies

Nepali Times subscribers get a 20 percent discount for their copy.

1010101010 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMESWORLD

by GEORGE P FLETCHERCOMMENT

ivilised people are loath toadmit that they are racist,sexist, or anti-Semitic. But they

disagree about when these taboos areviolated. If they think that blacks makebetter athletes or that women makebetter caretakers, they deny that this isbias. But what about those who believethat “rich Jews” control, say, themedia? Are they merely mistaken, or isthat “mistake” a moral vice?

Today, drawing the boundaries ofanti-Semitism is difficult, becausemuch of the world disapproves ofIsrael’s military crackdown in theoccupied West Bank and Gaza strip.Whether criticism of Israeli policies isright or wrong, pundits and politi-cians who speak out on the issueshould not be lumped together withthose who say that Hitler should havefinished the job.

Yet many Americans think thatmuch of Europe’s critique of Israelipolicies expresses a zeal that cannot beexplained simply by Europeans’renunciation of their own colonial pastand thus their sensitivity to an Israelioccupation that looks like annexation.As one commentator put it, Europeansfeel a collective guilt about theHolocaust that makes them eager tohave Israel stamped as an aggressorcontemptuous of Palestinianhumanity. The Germans, as onequip puts it, will never forgive theJews for Auschwitz.

But guilt and anger have deeperroots in Europe’s image of the Jew.More than most people realise, theGospels treat recalcitrant Jews—thosewho refused to accept Jesus as theirMessiah—as perpetrators of a crimethat lives on in every generation. Justas whites attribute extraordinary sexualpowers to black men, the Christianwest’s instinct is to treat Jews as themasters of extraordinary forces—including the power to kill deities andcontrol world finance. A cartoon earlierthis year in the Italian newspaper La

Anti-Semitism nowadays is more subtle than spray-painting swastikas.The boundaries of anti-Semitism

Stampa captured this latentsentiment perfectly. A group ofIsraeli soldiers surround a mangerwith a baby. The caption reads:Will they kill him again?

To be sure, at the time of Jesus,Jews constituted a hegemonic majorityin Jerusalem. Jews who rejected Jesuswere, indeed, among the first to beintolerant toward the early Christians.But other hostilities soon took hold,and by the fourth century, Christianshad more to fear from each other thanfrom outsiders. Yet the fear of Jewishprowess continued to shape thethinking of the west, both consciously

and unconsciously. In the fall of 2001the Parisian Comedie Francaise stageda brilliant production of Shakespeare’sMerchant of Venice. As though it weresecond nature in French culture, thedirector presented Shylock’s attempt tocollect his pound of flesh by recallingthe image of the crucifixion. Antonio isstretched out on a rock with armsperpendicular, the Jew Shylock leaningover his breast with his knife drawn.

This is apparently the natural wayfor Christians to think of Jews—reenacting in every generation thecrime described by Matthew. It is asthough a form of original sin entered a

by VLADIMIR MAUANALYSIS

n less than four years, Russia has undergone an astonishing change. Macroeco-nomic stabilisation is but the start. A common set of fundamental politicalvalues has emerged, and the ideological vestiges of communist economics have

been swept away. The achievement of broad political consensus means thatinstitutional change can now become more purpose-oriented and consistent. Theconsolidation of political parties has given Russia’s government a stable parliamen-tary majority for the first time since the post-communist transition began.

But, unlike economic stabilisation, near-universal rules do not apply toinstitutional reform. While there has been noticeable progress on the legalframework of the strategic plan that the government unveiled in 2000, a break-through has not been achieved. Many in Russia now seek to accelerate the pace ofreform by pursuing closer ties with the EU. Just as the global strategic realignmentthat has marked the war against terrorism led to quasi-membership for Russia inNATO, the attraction is mutual. The EU’s Common Strategy on Russia referred in1999 to “the future establishment of an EU-RF free-trade area.” By 2001, the EUdeclared an even more ambitious goal: a Common European Economic Area basedon gradual approximation of EU legislation and standards. Romano Prodi’sdeclaration last week that Russia was now a fully-fledged “market economy” is a steptoward this cooperative notion.

A common economic area with the EU promises to provide fundamentalinstitutional guidelines for Russia’s socioeconomic transformation. Russia can nowformulate its own long-term development path, with criteria for appraising policydecisions. Adapting European standards to Russian conditions can now be viewedas a set of medium-term strategic targets—institutional objectives to be achievedwithin the next 10–15 years. These targets are increasingly compatible withRussia’s social and economic development, as well as its strategic rapprochementwith the west. The level of educational attainment, the evolution of the politicalsystem, and the structure of GDP make the choice of European standards the mostnatural and appropriate.

But several caveats are in order. First, the use of EU institutional criteria mustnot be confused with the goal of EU accession. The latter is a political issue, andRussian society is not ready to discuss it. Russia needs standards developed inRussia and for Russia. Russia should determine its own targets and goals ratherthan formalise its desire to join

Russia doesn’t need to join the EU tocreate institutions worthy of Europe.

Russia’s Europeanisationthe EU. Second, there should be no formal approximation to EU institutions whenthis would impair Russia’s competitive advantages. Reforms of the past few yearshave already put Russia ahead of the EU in several areas, including tax legislation,fiscal policy (which aims at balanced budgets), and labour rules. Russia’sagricultural policy is similarly more efficiency-oriented than that of the EU.

Third, the legal and technical parameters of the proposed Common EuropeanEconomic Area remain vague. More work is needed to develop detailed targets forRussia. The European Economic Area (EAA), which incorporates EU countriesalong with Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein. EEA membership implies acommon market and substantial progress towards legislative harmonisation withthe EU, but does not envisage the establishment of supranational bodies (exceptfor a dispute resolution mechanism).

Adaptating the EU’s economic criteria should focus on the following areas: existence of a functioning market economy; effective competition and operation of market forces; structural reforms aimed at establishing secure property rights, meaningful

bankruptcy legislation, an efficient tax system, and a stable financial sector; monetary and fiscal policies that promote sustainable growth; establishment of strong administrative and regulatory institutions.

It’s unrealistic to believe this will happen any time soon, or that Russia willcome close to meeting the EU’s Maastricht criteria for macroeconomic performance.Russia’s fiscal balance has improved dramatically over the last two years, but therapid economic growth and moderate currency depreciation that Russia needs tocatch up with Europe will keep inflation higher than the Maastricht ceiling.

Higher inflation invariably means long-term interest rates will also exceedEU limits. The establishment of a CommonEuropean Economic Area with Russia meansRussia can aim for a position in Europe

similar to Norway’s. Russia does not need tojoin the EU to create institutions worthy of

Europe. (Project Syndicate)

(Vladimir Mau is director of the Russian Academy of National Economyand co-author of The Challenge of Revolution.)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Sending back ‘illegals’BRUSSELS - The European Union is planning to adopt a commonpolicy on the return of illegal residents to their country of origin by theend of this year. The European Commission (EC), the executive armof the European Union (EU), is urging member states to harmonisedeportation practices towards creating a common policy on asylumand immigration. EU leaders in June endorsed a common immigra-tion policy in principle at a summit in Seville, Spain. Under ECproposals if someone is ordered to leave the territory of one memberstate, the removal order would also apply in all other member states,Borchardt said. Common standards would lead to mutual recognitionof deportation decisions, he said. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Crime: noneCANBERRA – “Imprisoned behind razor wire indefinitely. Age: 6 years.Crime: None,” reads one of the advertisements that was launched lastweek to kick off a new, high-profile community campaign against theAustralian government’s hardline policy against asylum seekers. Thecampaign was launched by Australians for Just Refugee Programmesto enlist new supporters and mobilise support to change governmentpolicy on asylum seekers, one that has earned Canberra the ire ofmany rights activists and the United Nations.

The advertisements, which have a common rallying call for ‘A JustAustralia, are the latest development in a groundswell againstgovernment policy on asylum seekers. Howard Glenn, director of theprogram, has no illusions that the support for Australia’s decade-oldpolicy of detaining asylum seekers will change quickly. Glenn hopesthat a community-based campaign in key marginal electorates willsoon gain momentum and diffuse racial prejudices that were power-fully exploited by Australian Prime Minister John Howard in last year’selection campaign. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Succour for the dyingUNITED NATIONS - Warning of a major humanitarian crisis in sub-Saharan Africa, the United Nations appealed last Thursday forimmediate food and relief supplies for nearly 13 million people livingin Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.A “severe food crisis” is developing in a region already struggling toovercome the legacy of conflict and the debilitating effects of HIV/AIDS, said Secretary-General Kofi Annan. “There is still an opportu-nity to avert famine and to save lives, but this window is closingrapidly,” he warned delegates. Annan appealed to western donors for$611 million for immediate food and other life-sustaining support.This assistance would meet urgent and non-urgent needs in the sixaffected countries over the next year. But African diplomats remainedsceptical that donor nations would respond to the appeal. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Double standardsWASHINGTON - In a victory for Pentagon hard-liners, a key Congres-sional committee has voted to drop conditions on providing USmilitary training to the Indonesian armed forces (TNI). The Senateappropriations committee went along with the Pentagon’s argumentsthat the TNI’s co-operation in the global “war on terrorism” waged byUS President George W Bush should take precedence over humanrights and related considerations. “We can provide some of thetraining they need so their people can prevent some of the things thathappened to us,” said Alaska Republican Senator Ted Stevens.

“This is a huge step backward,” said Mike Jendrzejczyk, anIndonesia expert at Human Rights Watch (HRW). He said activistshope that at least some of the conditions will be re-attached when thebill reaches the Senate floor or the House of Representatives. “Thiswill be trumpeted by the TNI in Indonesia [as meaning] that thestigma of what it did in East Timor in 1999 has finally been removed,”he said. “Many in Indonesia will read it as a signal that human rightsare lower on the US agenda.”

Indonesia, the world’s most populous predominantly Muslimnation, served as a close US ally during the Cold War. But military tieswere reduced during the 1990s due to growing concern about thearmy’s human rights abuses in East Timor, and were cut altogether bythe administration of former president Bill Clinton in 1999 when TNI-organised and armed militias devastated the former Portuguesecolony after its inhabitants voted overwhelmingly for independence.Congress subsequently enacted laws making any resumption ofmilitary ties contingent on Jakarta meeting several conditions. Theseincluded: bringing to justice those responsible for the mayhem in EastTimor and other islands where the TNI has been accused of atrocities;releasing political detainees; giving international organisations accessto conflict regions, such as Aceh and West Papua, and ensuringcivilian control of the military, including its sprawling budget andbusiness interests. Even the State Department admits that Jakarta hasmade little or no progress on all of these conditions. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

A new, hawkish relationshipNEW DELHI - British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, on his third visit toIndia this year amid tensions on the sub-continent, is expected tofinally clinch a 15-year-old proposal worth $3 billion to sell thiscountry a fleet of Hawk trainer jets. The bonhomie characterising Indo-British relations in recent times has not helped the arms deal, underwhich India is to buy 66 Hawk trainer jets manufactured by BritishAerospace (BAe). The matter has been bedevilled, among otherthings, by sanctions imposed by the United States after India carriedthrough another round of nuclear tests in May 1998. However, thesanctions on defence supplies to India—and Pakistan which carriedout tit-for-tat tests in May 1998—were lifted when Washington neededstrategic support form the South Asian countries in its ‘war againstterror’ in Afghanistan. India’s defence establishment has been wary ofbuying British equipment like the Hawk, which sources critical compo-nents from US manufacturers. American suppliers have been tardy,often at critical times. (IPS)

subspecies of humanity descendedfrom Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Thebelief in both the diabolical power andthe permanent guilt of the Jews is, tomy mind, the essence of anti-Semitism. It is when this image isinvoked in politics that critics cross theline between the constructive and thevicious. A good example of thispoliticised imagery is a posterdistributed by Amnesty Internationalin Switzerland. It displayed a compos-ite picture of an Israeli tank and asoldier taking aim at a defencelessPalestinian. The caption read: Let thekilling stop. Only Palestinian victimsare listed. Under protest, the posterwas withdrawn.

The Catholic Church hasabandoned its anti-Jewish teachings,but this does not that mean that theculture engendered by Christianity caneasily redefine its premises. In fact, theChristian image of the all-powerful Jewfeeds the conspiracy theories that infectthe way Muslims regard Jews. In theArab media, Jewish conspiraciesconstitute the single most popularexplanation for everything from the 11September terrorist attacks to theMonica Lewinsky affair during theClinton presidency (Miss Lewinskybeing the Jewish spy who infiltrates theWhite House).

Israelis blame their critics for notshedding these irrational beliefs. Theyfind it hard to negotiate peace in aworld that approaches them armedwith the hateful echoes of medievalsuperstition. In contrast to the Muslimworld, Europeans pride themselves onbeing objective. But it is time that theycome to grips with their inner conflictsabout Jewish guilt—and their own. (Project Syndicate)

(George P Fletcher is Professor ofJurisprudence at ColumbiaUniversity.)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

I

The eternal Jew: The stereotypes remain, and they keep popping up.

C

1111111111ASIA 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES

by MUSHAHID HUSSAINCOMMENT

ISLAMABAD - President GeneralPervez Musharraf has unveiledOctober elections as part of a plan tonudge Pakistan back to democracy, butthe country’s biggest challengeremains its inability to fashion aninstitutional political structure that cansurvive individuals and providedurable stability. The internationalcommunity has now a strategic interestin preserving Pakistan’s unity andstability while at the same timeprodding it in a ‘moderate andmodern’ direction.

Reforming the Pakistani state isnow part of a global agenda, lesser inscope and intensity but certainlysimilar to the manner in which thePalestinian Authority is beingoverhauled. This restructuring willextend to various domains of thePakistani state including foreign policyparticularly relations with India,Afghanistan and Central Asia, lawenforcement, education, police andsecurity services, economy and the

Can Pakistan forge a stable political systemthat doesn’t depend on individuals?

Wanted: a new model

domestic roots of terrorism andreligious extremism.

The west, particularly the UnitedStates, is dealing with challenges in theMuslim world through a two-trackapproach: ‘regime change’ and reform.Afghanistan has already had bothwhile the Palestinian Authority andIraq are next on this list, but thisagenda will extend to other Muslimcountries as well. Pakistan isn’t doingtoo badly—it is the only country inthe region without an insurgency or asecessionist movement. There is noelectoral constituency for any extremistpolitical ideology, and there is broadconsensus on issues like democracy,economy and the necessity for themilitary’s return to the barracks.

But despite these apparent pluses,Pakistan’s biggest failure has been inthe domain of politics: its failure tofashion new rules of the game thatcould provide the basis for enduringstability. Musharraf’s new politicalpackage, unveiled on 26 June, is a

political step backward since theprevious quest for a pliant parliamentand prime minister has been replacedby one for a virtual puppet, somebodylike the prime minister of Egypt, Jordanor South Korea. And prior to theannouncement of the 10 Octoberelection date Musharraf decreed that anyperson who has twice held the office ofprime minister would be barred fromseeking a third term for that office. Thiswas specifically aimed at ousting formerprime ministers and rivals BenazirBhutto and Nawaz Sharif from theoption of contesting.

Likewise, instead of devolution ofpower to the provinces, centralisedcontrol would be the key underMusharraf’s political package, withpresidential nominees as governorsappointing chief ministers of provinces.By no means does this package beareven a remote resemblance to a federal,parliamentary model. Rather, this ismore the ‘Indonesia model’, certainlynot the Turkish model. Under GeneralSuharto, who tried the Indonesia modelfor 32 years before it collapsed with apopular uprising in 1998, a‘strongman’ was president-for-life. Thearmy and America were the props forthe Indonesian model, since thegoverning ideology was a strident anti-communism with 500,000 Commu-nist Party members and sympathiserskilled decades earlier, in one of thebloodiest political pogroms in the post-World War II period. The armygoverned directly, influencing virtually

sectors of Indonesian life and societylargely through the pervasivepresence of military officers and anintrusive role of intelligence. Theparliament was pliant, selectedrather than elected, while politicalparty activity was curbed, withIndonesia functioning as a unitary,presidential republic.

Pakistan’s military regime needsto understand some ground realitiesthat would influence any politicaldispensation. Three are particularlyrelevant as lessons to be learnt. First,unlike a host of East Asian authori-tarian regimes like Indonesia, SouthKorea, Singapore and Taiwan at somepoint, Pakistan has not had any‘benefits’ of dictatorship—betterquality of life for the majority of thepeople or control over law and order.Second, given the developingregional scenario and the Americanstakes in Pakistan, the room formanoeuvre and the margin of errorby Islamabad is extremely limited.What could be sustained by previousmilitary regimes will no longer bepossible or acceptable given thechanged international context. Third,the khaki would very much like to‘monitor’ the mufti in this military-managed democracy that is beingenvisaged by Islamabad at present.

But if the past track record ofmilitary regimes is any guide, aquestion lurking in the mind of mostPakistanis is: who will monitor themonitors? (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

MARWAAN MACAN-MARKARBANGKOK - When the UN special envoy to Burma arrives in that South-eastAsian nation early August, Burma watchers and exiles will be looking to seewhat pressure he puts on Rangoon’s military junta to end the flagrant attacks onthe country’s many ethnic groups. Former Malaysian diplomat Razali Ismail’sbehind-the-scenes nudging is believed to have played a key, if quiet, role in therelease from house arrest of Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi inearly May. Since October 2000, Razali has made seven visits to Burma to steerthe UN-brokered reconciliation talks between the State Peace and DevelopmentCouncil (SPDC), as the Burmese government is known, and Suu Kyi’sNational League for Democracy (NLD) party.

Whether he is able to make some headway on the issue of the treatment ofethnic minorities— a sensitive matter for Rangoon —is up in the air. Neverthe-less, many say that it is time to push for progress in this area, especially in thelight of reports by local and international rights lobbies about the extent ofthese rights violations and the upcoming meeting of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 29-30 July. “The fate of the ethnic nationali-ties has not figured in the talks Razali has held,” says Soe Aung, a directorat the Network for Democracy and Development, a group made up ofexiled Burmese. He says the reports by Human Rights Watch (HRW),Amnesty International (AI) and the local Shan Human Rights Foundation(SHRF), which cover the armed forces’ operations against ethnic groupsand minorities to quell dissent and insurgencies, “make it difficult forRazali to ignore them”. Soe Aung urged an “inclusive approach” to restoredemocracy, peace and stability in Burma. “Democracy and the problemsfaced by ethnic nationalities have to be addressed together.” Srirak Plipat,head of Amnesty’s Thailand office, agrees that Razali’s attention is needed:“It is important, because there has been little international attention tothese violations.”

On Thursday, HRW drew attention to the violent attacks against Burma’sMuslim minority. ‘’The government has failed to take effective action to protectMuslims in Burma, imposed restrictions on Muslim religious activities andtravel both inside the country and abroad, and taken no action to punish thoseresponsible for destroying Muslim homes and mosques,” the HRW studydeclares. In Arakan, a state with a predominant Muslim population, abuse is“commonplace”, including forced labour, destruction of mosques and restric-tion on freedom of movement, HRW charges in the report Crackdown onBurmese Muslims. Two days before that, Amnesty accused Burma’s armedforces, the ‘Tatmadaw’, of perpetrating attacks and abuse against membersof seven other ethnic nationalities in Burma, which was renamedMyanmar by the military rulers years ago.

The human rights violations committed by the armed forces againstcivilians include “extrajudicial executions, torture, forced labour, land

Aung San Suu Kyi is free, but Burma’sethnic minorities still aren’t.

confiscation made in the context of violent threats and threatening demands formoney and food,” AI reveals in its report, Myanmar: Lack of Security inCounter-Insurgency Areas. The violations documented in the report occurredfrom early 2001 to early 2002 in the country’s east, and affected ethnic groupssuch as the Mon, Karen, Akha, Shan and Palaung. Prior to HRW and AIreports, SHRF released a disturbing report that exposed the Burma’s militaryuse of rape as a weapon of war against the Shan community. Raping Shanwomen appears to be “a concerted strategy by the Burmese army troops” as part oftheir anti-insurgency activities, it added. “Eighty-three percent of the rapes werecommitted by officers, usually in front of their own troops. The rapes involvedextreme brutality and often torture such as beating, mutilation and suffocation.”

Burma is an ethnically diverse country with more than 130 communities.While the Burmans are the largest group, seven others—the Chin, Kachin,Karen, Karenni, Mon, Rakhine and Shan—have sizable numbers in regionsmostly along the country’s borders. The idea of equality among all ethnicgroups is supposedly a pillar of this country—a feature recognised in the 1947Panglong Accord, the document that defined independent Burma—but theBurman-dominated military regimes have failed to uphold it in practice.

While Burmese activists and Suu Kyi have regularly made appeals toASEAN in the past, it has traditionally shirked addressing the matter openly. Itsstatements generally encourage political dialogue in Burma, opting for quieterdiplomacy in dealing with the junta. If it listens this time, Razali will have hiswork cut out for him. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

What price ‘negligence’?NEW DELHI – Last week saw hunger strikes and a march on the Indianparliament by a group of 400 survivors of the world’s worst industrialdisaster in Bhopal in 1984, and activists campaigning in the capital toprod the government into bringing to justice Warren Anderson, thenboss of Union Carbide, and eight other top executives of the US-basedcompany. At least 10,000 people died and another 500,000 wereseriously injured in the disaster. Most survivors, who might have lost theirentire immediate family to cancer in the 18 years after deadly methyl-isocyanate gas leaked out of storage tanks at Union Carbide’s pesticideplant in Bhopal, have not received more than $500 as lifelongcompensation, despite promises from the Union Carbide management.

The Bhopal Group for Information and Action (BGIA) says thatdiscussions with three key union ministers have led it to believe that thecentral government is keen on accommodating Dow Chemicals, whichearlier acquired Union Carbide’s assets, in using compensation moneydue the victims for detoxifying the factory site. Dow, which has acceptedUnion Carbide’s asbestos related and other liabilities in the UnitedStates, has so far refused to accept pending liabilities of Union Carbidein Bhopal. They also say that although charges of culpable homicideagainst Warren Andersen and several other company executives werefiled in 1987, there has been no move to seek their extradition fromthe United States. Instead, the Central Bureau of Investigation(CBI), India’s main investigating agency, moved court to reduce thecharges from culpable homicide to one of negligence, “somethingakin to a car accident”.

The state government in central Madhya Pradesh state, where thedisaster occurred, also filed objections to the dilution of charges againstWarren Andersen when the case came up for hearing last Wednesday.The present move to dilute the case would mean that Anderson cannotbe extradited because the present extradition treaty between India andthe US covers cases of homicide but not negligence that caused therunaway reaction in the Union Carbide plant. It has now been estab-lished by scientists that had the Bhopal plant’s refrigeration units notbeen shut off as an economy measure to save about $50 per day, therunaway reaction in the storage tanks would have been retarded andperhaps even prevented. Various Indian governments appear to havecolluded with Union Carbide in a cover-up and in watering down theoriginal damage suit filed for $15 billion, activists say. After arrogatingto itself the right to represent the victims, the Indian government filed aclaim for $3 billion and finally settled for $470 million.

Nearly a fifth of the 500,000 survivors continue to suffer from a hostof maladies, including lung fibrosis, impaired vision, asthma, bodypains, loss of appetite and neurological disorders. But experts say theworst may yet to come in the shape of chromosomal aberrations infuture generations. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

No mercy for blasphemersISLAMABAD – The Pakistan government’s efforts to curtail the misuseof the blasphemy law has been running into trouble. Since 1981, whenthe law was enacted by former dictator Zia ul Haq, the religious lobbyhas acted as both the abuser and custodian of the law, critics say. Thelaw carries a maximum punishment of death. The room for abuse hasbeen such that police often quickly arrest alleged blasphemers andkeep them in jail for long periods to protect them from outragedmullahs, who have been known to take the law in their own hands. Theindependent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan said that sixpersons were convicted under the law last year. Of these, three weregiven death sentences and the others face long imprisonment. Fifty-onenew cases were registered under the law last year. Three were againstwomen and the accused were both Muslims and non-Muslims. But often,the accused are not safe even in jail. Yousaf Ali, known as a humanist inmany circles, was shot dead by his fellow prisoners in northern Lahorecity on 11 June. (IPS)

Burma’s next problem

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Karen insurgents

1212121212 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMESFROM THE NEPALI PRESS THIS PAGE CONTAINS MATERIAL SELECTED FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

Carrot: DemocracyHimal Khabarpatrika, 17-31 July

QUOTE OF THE WEEK

“Nepal’s democracy deserves help in fighting off the insurgents’ attacks, but it also needs to beprodded towards policies that will remedy some of the misery on which such movements havealways fed.”

—Editorial in The Washington Post, from the International Herald Tribune, 23 July.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Behind the scenesDeshantar, 21 July

Very reliable security sources tell usthat on Thursday evening [18 July] around of talks was held betweenPrime Minister Sher Bahadur Deubaand Home Minister Khum BahadurKhadka, and a group of Maoists,including Rabindra Shrestha (whowas arrested after the emergency wasdeclared), Ram Karki, (who wasarrested in India and deported toNepal), Mohan Vaidya alias Kiran(whose head carries a price of Rs 5million) and Suresh Ale Magar. Oursource told us they were brought overfor talks in a private car that bore thelicense plate 4415)…

…Now it has become a matter ofwidespread discussion what topicswere brought up at the meeting whereboth prime minister and homeminister were present. Mainly, theMaoists are believed to have said thatthey would take part in the electionsif the interim government wereheaded by a former judge, or someonenot contesting the elections, and ifthey could decide on the process.Since most of the Maoists killed losttheir lives under this primeminister’s rule, it is difficult forthem to accept him as the head ofthe government. There is also littlechance of the interim governmenthaving the “tainted” faces now ingovernment. Sources say Deuba’sterm in government could expire byAugust-end.

The source added that theinterim government would be formedoutside the framework of the presentconstitution, and that it would alsoformulate a new constitution. Thismay have been the motive behindasking Deuba to split the Congressparty, because without that there’dhave been no constitutional deadlock,and no need for an interim govern-ment outside the constitution.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Double standardsTarun, 22 July

Excerpts of an interview withgovernment spokesman JP Gupta.On the dissolution of localgovernance institutions and the“possibility” of donors stoppingaid: Firstly, donors do not have [sucha] mindset. They believe in independ-ent local governance, that these

institutions should be led by electedrepresentatives, but not the samerepresentatives whose elected termshave ended. Donors in Nepal knowwell that the parliamentary electionsare being held in some months, andthat if we are able to hold thoseelections, that would open the doorfor local elections in the near future.As the donors are assured of that, theydon’t have any negative feelings. Thegovernment has no desire to keeplocal institutions without electedrepresentatives… The UML had wonthe elections in most VDCs, and hasbeen hoping it could keep on thesame representatives even after theirterms expired, in order to use theresources to influence the elections forthe party’s benefit. From what moralground does the UML speak when itasks for the extension of the term oflocal institutions, when at the sametime it sees a violation of the electioncode the moment there is a politicalappointment in the centre? The sameparty that seems fine with the rule ofsecretaries in the centre sees possiblemisdoing when the same thing is doneby independent administrators inorder to take development forward atthe local level. This shows the UML’sdouble standards…

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Meeting MaoistsBudhabar, 24 July

It has been revealed that Minister forWater Resources Bijay KumarGachchhedar has been offeringdonations to the Maoists, which isagainst the government’s declarationthat it would not let off anyone whohas established contact with theterrorist group. It is learnt thatGachchhedar paid Rs 50,200 to theMaoists for the protection of hishouse in Biratnagar when he wentthere to prepare for the easternregional meeting of the Deuba factionof the Nepali Congress. Our sourcestold us that he secretly met withBishweshor Khawas, coordinator ofthe Maoist sister organisation TharuMukti Morcha, and pledged morefunds in the future.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Local electionsBudhabar, 24 July

Excerpts from an interview withRajendra Prasad Pandey, head of theDepartment for Local Government,CPN-UML.

The government has indicatedit is willing to talk with theCPN-UML and the ElectionCommission about an all-partypolitical committee. Wouldyour party agree to an all-partysharing of constituencies?We met Prime Minister Sher BahadurDeuba in February and requested himto fix a date for local governmentelections. He told us elections werenot possible, and that he wouldtherefore extend the tenure of thelocal bodies by one year in accordancewith the laws. His abrupt decision todissolve the house came around inMay, and was followed by hisproposal to create an all-party

political committee. In the mean-time, he split the Nepali Congresswith a plan to place his cadres in theVDCs, DDCs and municipalities,which is against the ElectionCommission’s code of conduct. Wehave reiterated our demand that thetenure of the local bodies beextended if elections cannot be held.Now the government has madeallegations in public that the UML isnot cooperating in the creation of apolitical committee. Creating an all-party political committee is againstthe code of conduct for elections.

Is it constitutionally right, orpossible to hand over the localbodies to the bureaucracy?Even now we demand that the tenureof the local bodies be extended. It isextremely irresponsible of the primeminister to publicly deny thisprovision just because UML has amajority at the grassroots level, andfor his minister to allege that BamDev Gautam has rigged elections. Ifthe government has even a bit of faithin the people, it should allow thelocal bodies to function.

It is not possible for thebureaucracy to take up the responsi-bilities of elected people’s representa-tives. Low-level civil servants wouldnot be able to carry out theseresponsibilities. It would beconstitutionally improper to letbureaucracy run the local govern-ment, and it isn’t right to create apolitical committee either.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Arrested studentsBudhabar , 24 July

Since the declaration of the emer-gency, the student organisationaffiliated with the Nepal CommunistParty (Maoists) has sufferednumerous losses at the hands of thegovernment. According to the All-Nepal National Free Students’ Union(Revolutionary), eight of its centralmembers, including the Union’s vicechairman have been killed and 12other members arrested. DevendraParajuli, chairman of the ANNFSU(R) has called for the safety of themembers arrested. In a letter faxed toBudhabar, the names of 98 individu-als, along with their educationalassociations, districts, and the placesof their arrest have been mentioned.Since the emergency, ANNFSU (R)vice chairman Benoj Adhikari, centralcommittee members Janam Baral,Tika Gautam, Ganesh Dhakal,Shankar Tamu, Janak Buda, RishiGhimire and Kamal PM have died,while general secretary Purna Poudel,secretariat members Nabin Rai, ShivaKumar Dangi, Bipin Bhandari andcentral members Tara Bhandari, RamKaji Maharjan, Raju Nepal, YuvarajBhattarai, Saraswati Pokhrel, DilBahadur Rai, Katak Rai, and KomalPande have been arrested. Mostmembers of the Kathmandu DistrictCommittee of the ANNFSU (R) havebeen arrested.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Hold talksChalphal, 21 July

Excerpts from an interview withNarahari Acharya.

The Maoists seem ready totalk, how do you feel aboutthis?It’s a positive sign, but we still haveto be clear about their motive. Theyappear to be more flexible this time,indicating a change in their view-point. But until we figure out whythey switched suddenly from talks toviolence in the past, people will

Himal Khabarpatrika, 17-31 July

“We’ve completed all procedures, still the forests have not beenhanded over to us.” That was the lament of Pusparaj Parajuli, secre-tary of the Hadaiya Paluwatar community forest in Udayapur. Now weare hearing similar comments from other community forestry groupmembers around the country. This problem began about a year agoafter the government made new rules for both the renewal ofcommunity forest papers, and for new approvals. The two newrequirements are the preparation of a work plan, and an inventory ofthe forest resources. The fact is, this rule has made it impossible toget renewal papers for Nepal’s oldest community forestry group inKavrepalanchowk district. Now its chairperson, who has beeninvolved with the forest group for the past 30 years, is being forcedto watch the forests being destroyed once again. Nepal has over11,000 community forest user groups who protect and manage about865,000 hectares of forests near their homes and villages.

The forest inventory records the resources in the forests, the rateof regeneration, and other information needed to calculate the levelsfor sustainable harvesting. For instance, community groups areallowed to use 30 percent of the timber (50 percent for some spe-cies). People are not opposed to the surveys, but the government,which is already short of rangers, requires that they carry out thestudies. The numbers of rangers who actually know how to preparethe inventories are still fewer. “After this rule came into effect, onlytwo community forests were handed over [to the communities] inKathmandu [district],” ranger Guru Prasad Dahal told us. Of 13rangers in Kavre district, only five know how to prepare inventories.Based on this number—in a place where the community forestrymovement began—we can safely assume that only 400-500 of the 1,200government rangers are likely to be adept at preparing inventories.

This problem could be easily solved if the government were toallow all those technicians who have completed the intermediate levelin forestry to do the surveys, says Hari Prasad Neupane, formerchairman of the Federation of Community Forestry Groups. “In otherministries, the work of technicians who are not in government serviceis acceptable. Why is this not the case for forests?” More ironic is thatthe guidelines for preparing the inventory are only available in English,which perhaps gives some reason to cast aspersions on the motivesof forestry officials….

Others question the rationale for insisting on the inventory. “Theway it is being implemented [makes you believe] that forests arelooked upon only as sources of timber,” says Sagendra Tiwari of theWorld Conservation Union … There is more to the inventory. ParbatiShrestha, secretary of the Janapriya Communist Forest User Group inUdayapur told us that the ranger had asked for Rs 16,000 to do thesurvey. Eventually, the survey could not be prepared because thegroup had only Rs 3,000…

Paper forests

suspect their motives. Perhapsthey are trying to correct theirpast wrongs.

Should the government agreeto the Maoists’ proposal?The government should use this tomove the process of talks forward. Ithas to try and gauge whether theMaoists’ proposal is sincere. Thegovernment should not reject theproposal outright, but I feel theprime minister is doing so.

Is there a greater need fortalks now?Of course. We can’t continue withthe damage that is going on. TheMaoists must also understand thatthere is no possibility of takingcontrol of the state. From a nationaland international point of view, itjust isn’t possible. And I think it willbe hard for the government to quellthe situation with force.

The Maoists’ and govern-ment’s actions have madetrust impossible. In thiscontext, if talks are held andno resolution is reached,won’t other political powersbe suspicious?We have to learn lessons from pastexperiences, correct past weaknesses,and move the talks in the rightdirection, even if it means changingtheir format. An all-party meetingwill likely raise questions about thefailure of earlier talks in the very firstround. And they should rightly beable to do so.

Responsible individuals ingovernment have said thatUML and Congress leaderswho make contact withMaoists should be imprisoned.Does this indicate govern-ment opposition to talks?It indicates government leaders areputting forward their views irrespon-sibly. There’s the internal partydispute, and there is this nationalcrisis. The government should notuse these circumstances to fulfil itsown self-interest.

Both factions [of the NepaliCongress] maintain that theyare ‘the party’. Has theCongress actually split?The Congress has been unable tosplit in a legal and formal sense.Despite his talk, the prime ministerhasn’t been able to form a separateparty. In the legal context, the caseis before the election commission.The government media expressesone point of view. Other publicmedia express another.

It isn’t good for the nationthat the Election Commissionis delaying tackling such apolitical case, is it?Not at all. We don’t know what thecommission is doing; it hasn’t soughtopinions. If they said that theyneeded time to deal with a case ofsuch national importance, thatwould be something. Their style ofworking is not transparent.

Members of the Simpani Khahare community forest in Dolakhadiscussing their conservation plan.

131313131326 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMESCULTURE AND SOCIETY

1 February, 1977SundarijalToday both Gorkhapatra and Rising Nepal carried a newsitem which gave us the information that the government hasconstituted a one man tribunal to try me on 8 counts. GM isalso involved in some of the cases with me that the tribunalwill try. After all, the King has decided not to have a dialoguewith me. Which is very unfortunate from the country’s point ofview. The problems that the country faces are numerous andrequire statesmanship in the leadership which can minimisethe political differences among groups and individuals andforge a national unity to face the crisis. We have returned toNepal in this spirit. It is most deplorable that the Kingshouldn’t read the writing on the wall and insist on his poundof flesh when his victims have themselves offered them-selves to him. He couldn’t rise above petty legalistic attitudeand adopt a broad liberal political gesture. So far as I amconcerned this news is welcome. At least the period ofuncertainty is likely to be over now. I have been living for thelast one month in extreme agony not knowing what’s happen-ing or what the future has in store for us. The decision of theKing to try us is some kind of thaw. I think within 2 or 3 daysthe court will sit and the legal process will start. We don’tknow how the court will sit—whether it will open court or thetrial will be in camera. More likely the latter. Whether we canengage advocates, whether we can meet our people toconsult about our case in the court. The one man tribunal willbe presided over by one Mr Shrestha who is a Zonal judge atthe Janakpur court. He has been authorised to hold his courtwhenever he likes in the Kingdom. This to facilitate hisholding it in Kathmandu.

Took up Sullivan’s “We are not alone”— a book on Sci-

Back at Sundarijal >15“The problems that the countryfaces require statesmanship.”

DivineCollection

Tel: 230369 Fax: 977-1-229622 Babarmahal Revisited

ence for reading. I only sized up the book today. The book isquite interesting, at least the writer, being a journalist withscientific training, has very lucid style—anecdotal, historical,with a hard kernel of science. The thesis of the book is thatliving beings inhabit other celestial bodies— other planets ofother suns. But so far as I think nobody can beat Asimov in thelucid elucidation of scientific subjects. I don’t know if I can getbooks by him here. During my last detention here I had readhis “Intelligent Man’s Guide to Science”—a must read foreverybody.

2 FebruarySundarijalIn yesterday’s paper there was a statement purported to havebeen issued by the spokesman of Back to Village CampaignCentral Committee and running a resolution passed by apolitical organisation (not named) of India. His resolution musthave been in criticism of the government’s action in arrestingus or keeping us incommunicado. We couldn’t make out whichparty is that—may be the Socialist Party. But perhaps it hasbeen merged with the Janata Party that has recently beenorganised by merging of non-communist opposition parties.It could be the new party that has passed the resolution in oursympathy. Today both the papers carried editorials colludingyesterday’s statement by the spokesman of the centralcommittee of the BVC. The news [is] so meagre and the kindof news that would interest us don’t get space in these dailiessupplied to us.

Did some washing. Bathed after three days. The sun isa wee bit warmer. Hopefully waiting for warmer days to come.Waiting also for the denouement of the decision of thegovernment to put us on trial.

BP welcomes the government’sdecision to try him and GaneshMan Singh because he says itwill at least end the period ofuncertainty in prison. But hefinds it unfortunate that thepalace does not trust his party’sgood intentions in pushing fornational reconciliation.

EASY TIMESEASY TIMESEASY TIMESEASY TIMESEASY TIMESIt’s never been easier to subscribe to

Nepali Times.Just dial this number and leave

your address. 543333

1414141414 CITY 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES

ABOUT TOWN

For inclusion in the listing send information to editors@nepalitimes.com

KATHMANDU VALLEY

Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue

26-20 27-20 28-21 28-21 27-21

by NGAMINDRA DAHALNEPALI WEATHER

by MIKUYAK YETI YAK

For insertions ring NT Marketing at 543333-36.

CLASSIFIED

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

BOOKWORM

Courtesy: Mandala Book Point, Kantipath, 227711, mandala@ccsl.com.np

Flat for rent in Thamel Four bedrooms each withattached bath, eat-in kitchen, living room, largeterrace, Rs 15,000. 9810-21981, 9692-3272.

Foot - Reflexology: stressed or tired? UPLIFTYOUR SPIRIT FROM YOUR TOES UP.email: buddhasfeet@yahoo.com or ring 425931

Nagarkot Special at Naked Chef Bed and break-fast, three-course gourmet dinner, Rs 800 perperson. Room Rs 300 only. For Nepalis and expatri-ates. 680006, 969107153

Stupa View and Restaurant & Terrace atBaudhanath Stupa. Well-appointed restaurant and

terraces with views of stupa and Himalayas.International vegetarian specialties, pizza from clayoven, ice cream, soft guitar tunes on Fridays,Saturdays, Sundays from 5PM on. Special eventson full moon. Open daily 11AM-8.30PM. 480262.

K-Too! Beer and Steakhouse not the “longest”,“highest”, “first” or any other superlative. Just arelaxed, easy-going bar and restaurant with thecoldest beer and juiciest steaks this side of themoon. By the Kathmandu Guest House. 433043

Visit Ground Zero Fine wines, designer candles,cards, silver jewellery and more. Darbar Marg,opposite Hotel de l’Annapurna

EXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONEXH IB I T IONShunya man ka sthabdha aankha haru Exhibition of paintings by Shashikala Tiwari. NAFA Art Gallery,Bal Mandir, until 12 August.

E V E N T SE V E N T SE V E N T SE V E N T SE V E N T SMonsoon momo mania Music, dance, and unlimited Japanese-style momos. 3PM-6PM, 27 July, Rs 200,children under 12 Rs 50. Gazabko Cocktail Cafe, Marcopolo Business Hotel, Kamalpokhari. 416432Chautari Sangam 2PM-5.30 PM: HIV/AIDS awareness exhibition, with food festival, outdoor disco, livemusic from The Heartbreakers. Rs 25, free to children under eight. 6PM-8.30 PM: Poornima and culturaltroupe from Bollywood. Tickets Rs 2,000, Rs 1,500, Rs 1,000, Rs 350, for numbered seats. BirendraInternational Convention Centre, 27 July. 415103Club at the Hyatt Anniversary CATH members and spouses invited to the Hyatt Regency Kathmandu,27 July, 7.30 PM – 9.30PM. Entertainment includes DJ, live band, jazz dancers. 491234Weekly dialogues on life and living and books and audiotapes at the Krishnamurti Study Center,Dhyankuti, Swoyambh. Saturdays1PM-6PM. 227704.

MUS ICMUS ICMUS ICMUS ICMUS ICPrism live at the Shangri-La Jazz Bar Friday nights starting 8PM.www.hotelshangrila.com. 412999Music and barbecue Barbecue, well-stocked bar and Amalgam VI playing avariety of music. 27 July, 5PM, poolside, Nanglo International Club. Members Rs150 (adult), Rs 75 (child), non-members Rs 200 (adult), Rs 125 (child),includes one beverage. 550861Momos and music The Heartbreakers at Nanglo Bakery Café starting 19July, 6.30 PM on. Fridays in Teku, Saturdays in Baneswor, Sundays at the NangloCafé and Pub, Darbar Marg. 434554Live music by Catch 22, Friday nights at the 40,000 ½ ft Bar, Rum Doodle Restaurant, Thamel. 414336

D R I N KD R I N KD R I N KD R I N KD R I N KBuy one get one free at the Splash Bar & Grill, Radisson Hotel, from 5.30 PM – 7.30 PM daily. Wednes-days and Fridays also live band and barbecue. 411818July Kegarne Madness One free draft beer with every meal, including Mexican specialties at the K-too! Beer & Steakhouse, Thamel. 433043

Business lunches, poolside parties, romantic dinners Fusion Bar, Dwarika’s Hotel. 479488

FOODFOODFOODFOODFOODSeafood and wines from around the world at The Olive Garden, Radisson Hotel every evening. 411818Masala Bazaar Extensive Indian buffet, lassi counter and special desserts at The Café, Hyatt RegencyKathmandu until 31 July. 491234Beer & Barbecue Special 1-4 August for lunch or dinner, unlimited beer at The Clubhouse, Le MeridienKathmandu Gokarna Forest Golf Resort. 451212Patan Museum Café Mixed menu, garden seating. Lunch only, 11AM—2PM. 25 percent off with SummitCard. 526271Improved Singaporean and Malaysian food Sing Ma, the Food Court, between Jawalakhel firestation and St Mary’s School. Foodcourt@wlink.com.np. 520004Tukche Thakali Kitchen Buckwheat, barley, bean, and dried meat specialties. Also brunch withporridge and pancakes, all raw material from Tukche village. Darbar Marg.Friday Continental BBQ at Dwarika’s Hotel 7PM on. Rs 500 per person, includes a free beer or softdrink. 479488Pasta Mania Choose from a variety of pastas for Rs 111 plus tax at lunch and dinner, and 20 percent offbottled wines. La Dolce Vita, Thamel.Fine dining and table top cooking Dinner at The Chimney, Hotel Yak & Yeti, starting 6.30 PM every-day. 248999

G E T A W A Y SG E T A W A Y SG E T A W A Y SG E T A W A Y SG E T A W A Y SMonsoon Madness Rs 5,000 worth of coupons free with every two-night package for a couple for Rs 5,000 at the Shangrila Village, Pokhara.Coupons valid at all Shangri-La Hotels. 435741Trust your sixth sense Indulge the other five at The Old Inn, Bandipur,the ancient hilltop town near Dumre, Pokhara Highway. Contact HimalayanEncounters, Thamel, 417426.Special Offer Buy one $99 overnight package, get the second night at 50percent. Valid for single or double occupancy at Dwarika’s Hotel. 479488The Great Godavari Getaway Special weekend packages including room with breakfast and dinner,25 percent discount on health club facilities. Godavari Village Resort. 560675Writing Retreat Full board package. Aesthetic living, innovative thinking, creative writing and nature atPark Village Resort, Budhanilkantha. 375280

That was what is called a monsoon trough: 177 mm of rainin 24 hours in Kathmandu Valley, a 30-year record. Anaverage of five such troughs hit the Himalaya during anaverage monsoon, but even by our standards this was amajor depression. Dammed by an impregnable highpressure zone over north India, the monsoon front wasforced to dump all its moisture over central and westernNepal. By Wednesday afternoon, as we see in this satellitesequence, the trough has been blown back into northeast-ern India by westerlies, and western Nepal remains largelydry. The monsoon is still moderately active over the Bayof Bengal, so expect more night rain over the weekendand into next week over Kathmandu.

Pioneer Nepali Students in Japan a Century Ago Harendra B BaruaMandala Book Point, Kathmandu, 2002Rs 500 (hardback), Rs 400 (paperback)Barua traces the adoption in the early 20th century of Japan as a model of development and growthfor Nepal’s rulers, who decided to send a certain number of Nepali youth there to study. Thestudents who made the arduous journey were welcomed in Japan. This trilingual volume (English,Nepali, Japanese) contains reproductions of documents pertaining to these students, as well asperiod photographs.

Rural Development: Principles, Policies and Management Katar SinghSage Publications, New Delhi, 1986/1999

Rs 440Part of the core curriculum for Tribhuvan University’s MA program in Rural DevelopmentStudies, this volume combines economic theory with the practices of rural development, andemphasises the role of human resources. Rural development is viewed as a multidimensional

process involving the reorienting of economic and social systems and interactions between biologi-cal, technological, economic, institutional and organisational factors.

Management of Social and Natural Resource Conflict in Nepal:Realities and Alternatives Bishnu Raj UpretiAdroit Publishers, Delhi, 2002Rs 960This book, based on an analysis of social and natural resource conflicts, examines the causes ofconflict such as failure to meet the people’s social, political and economic needs due to scarcity ofresources, corruption, bad governance, changing economic conditions, etc. In addition to taking acritical look at the fundamental structural causes of conflict, Upreti assesses the performance of theconflict resolution apparatus in Nepal.

DSES-21-07-2002 09:00 GMT DSES-22-07-2002 09:00 GMT

DSES-23-07-2002 09:00 GMT DSES-24-07-2002 09:00 GMT

Sun Mon

Tue Wed Radio SagarmathaP.O. Box 6958, Bakhundole, Lalitpur, NepalTel: ++977-1-545680, 545681 Fax: ++ 977-1- 530227E-mail: radio@radiosagarmatha.orgwww.radiosagarmatha.org

Mon-Fri 0615-0645 BBC World TodaySat 0615-0645 BBC Science in ActionSun 0615-0645 BBC AgendaDaily 2045-2115 BBC g]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfDaily 2245-2300 BBC g]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jf

on FM 102.4

/]l8of] ;u/dfyf

Passion, love, adventure, fun... WatchEwan McGregor, Natalie Portman andSamuel L Jackson in the newest chapterin the Star Wars saga. As in The Phan-tom Menace, the Republic is mired instrife. The Jedi must quell a separatistmovement, and fight the Clone Wars.

2.30PM and 5.30PM daily.Phone booking: 442220Online booking:www.jainepal.com

Star Wars Episode II: Attack of the ClonesJAINEPALCINEMAGHAR

91.2

151515151526 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMESCITY

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

RAMYATA LIMBU “There are so many lights, I

don’t know which ones to look at.” “It took me 30 minutes to get

from Maiti Ghar to BhrikutiMandap on a Saturday afternoon.All because of this stupid trafficlight at Padmodaya.”

“We don’t need red lights inPatan.”

These are actual comments thisweek from angry drivers inKathmandu. They are provoked by agrand three-year plan to improveintersections in Kathmandu which, byall accounts, has so far been a disaster.

No-go on greenThe new traffic lights were supposedto make Kathmandu traffic moreorganised. But it has got worse. Why?

Even the head of the Rs 640million, Japanese-aided projectadmits things have been slow. Buthe says these are teething problemsthat will soon be resolved.

“It’s a new experience foreveryone, for pedestrians, fordrivers, and for traffic policemen,”Durga Prasad Osti, senior divisionalengineer at the Department ofRoads told us. “It will take sometime for people to get used to thenew lights. But if they’ve workedeverywhere else in the world, whyshouldn’t they work in Nepal?”

Indeed. But what if the trafficlights are not synchronised, stay redfor too long for the mainthroughfare and remain green for alittle-used side street? And whydoesn’t the Department of Roadssimulate them on a computer beforemaking Kathmandu commutersguinea pigs?

The Traffic Section says thesynchronisation work is going on,but the volume of traffic flow, andthe dynamics of intersections needlive tests. Ever since the trafficlights went into trial operation,phones at the Department of Roadsat Babar Mahal have been ringingoff the hook with complaints. Ostihas also seen some of the irreverentcartoons in the newspapers, andthinks some of them are quite funny.

The department has launchedan aggressive public informationcampaign with adverts in papersand large billboards, like the goryone with a blood-splatteredaccident victim with the message:“Rato ma gaye jyan jala, pahelo ma

gaye durghatana ma parla”.The project’s main aim is to

regulate traffic and reduce conges-tion by revamping 10 importantintersections by March 2003. Itincludes installation of traffic andstreet lights, pavement work,reconstruction of walkways,drainage, flag posts and handrailsand improving traffic signs.

Osti is confident that trafficwill be more disciplined and morestreamlined, but it means everyonehas to follow the rules. By monitor-ing traffic flow and pedestrians atdifferent times of the day, techni-cians at the department have nowbeen able to synchronise the lights.

Operated by solar cells duringthe day, the lights automaticallyswitch to city power by night andon sunless days. In case of powerfailure, there’s a 30 secondwarning period during whichtraffic follows set routes.

The current improvementworks involve Koteswor, Tinkune,Koteswor Ring Road, NayaBaneshwar, Singha Durbar, KalankiChowk, Keshar Mahal and RamShah Path-Dilli Bazar. Delays havebeen caused by property compensa-tion, coordination with otherdepartments to relocate electricitypylons, trolley bus lines anddrainage. If all goes well, and moreaid is forthcoming, the nextintersections to get revamps are:Chabihil, Gaushala, theMaharajgunj Ring Road, andPurano Baneswor.

hashikala Tiwari’s stunningcurrent show, entitledShunya man ka sthabdha

aankha haru (The bewildered eyesof a grieving mind), is a tribute toTheir Late Majesties. The 13paintings is an intense portal thatsends the viewer hurtling back intotime to relive the experience wakingup to the news of 1 June, 2001.

Each painting is like thefleshing out of a nightmare, anexorcism of the pain the artist saysshe has forcibly channelled outfrom her self and onto the canvas.They have an immediacy thatbrings on gooseflesh. Thepaintings are accompanied bylittle explanatory sentences inNepali, and even these are like

S miniature poems, giving thepaintings even more power.

Tiwari isn’t selling thepaintings—she wants them to beon display for as long aspossible. The message, she toldus, is from the late King Birendrahimself, who once told her that itis one’s duty to love one’scountry, and to do what you dobest in order to help it. Thatlong-ago message is what kepther sane, says Tiwari, andinspired her to paint throughher misery.

(Shunya man ka sthabdhaaankha haru is on at the NAFAArt Gallery, Bal Mandir until 12August.)

by SOPHIA PANDEART REVIEW

Expressions of agrieving mind

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

1616161616 26 JULY - 1 AUGUST 2002 NEPALI TIMES

CDO Regd No. 194/056/57 Lalitpur, Central Region Postal Regd. No. 04/058/59

by Kunda Dixit

Under My Hat

efore I forget, it is my duty as a responsiblecitizen to warn all minors that, as per astatutory requirement of the Bored of

Censors, this week’s column is rated ‘R’ and onlyreaders who can prove with a photo ID that theyare 18 or above are allowed to proceed (withcaution) beyond this point. You two hiding thereunder the table, run along home to Mama now.Management would also like to warn clients whoare having breakfast while reading this to stopright there, and remain in your bunkers until the

all-clear is sounded. Management will not beresponsible for any untoward incident in thevicinity of the duodenum.

OK, now that we are only adults here, let usget to the topic of the week. It is still a mysterywhy human beings find the activities of eachothers’ digestive tracts so funny. Let’s take amoment or two here to analyse why, for instance, it isthat we find someone shooting the breeze whilelifting a heavy object an event of such vast amusementthat we can’t help regurgitating the incident in aconspiratorial tone with all its gory details (evenorally imitating the exact tenor and decibel level ofthe report) to a circle of close friends and relativeswho then break into paroxysms of scatological

Do we have the guts?laughter. Really. What is so funny?

After all, it is a perfectly natural thing to do.Like all organisms on this planet (we don’t yetknow whether organisms on other planets havealimentary canals that are in working order, but thesearch is on) human beings have to eat. What theyeat has to be digested by a series of tubes knowncollectively as the gastrodrome, and eventually expelledthrough a trap door known by its Latin name, cloacamaxima. I fail to see the humour in that.

As I was saying, the bottom line here is: whathappens to food after Imasticate it is mybusiness. And youshould not be pokingyour noses into it.(Toilet etiquette Rule# 1: Never poke yournose unto others onmatters that you don’twant others to pokeunto you.) Now thatwe have that clearedup, I can now present

this photograph sent by a hard-pressed reader fromPokhara of the outside of a public loo at thelakefront. Many of you may not have the guts tolook at the categories on offer, and I have takenthe liberty of presenting below an expunged list:

10-Megaton Thermonuclear Explosion WithFallout: Rs 50Mugling Belly With Full Bonnet Wash: Rs 20Mugling Belly With Dry Cleaning Only: Rs 15Extra-long Mugling Belly: Rs 10Non-lethal Hardware: Rs 6Short-term Deposit: Rs 5Long, But Fruitless, Squat: Rs 1 (Readingmaterial will be charged extra.)

B