dissertation
TRANSCRIPT
ULSTER
UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF SPORT
OVERCONFORMITY TO THE SPORT ETHIC AND ITS APPLICATION TO
AMATEUR BOXING
BY
CHRISTOPHER J. HOOD
Supervised by
Dr K. Liston
Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of BSc
(Honours) in Sport: Theory and Practice at the University of Ulster.
29TH APRIL 2016
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS i
DECLARATIONS iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv
ABSTRACT v
INTRODUCTION vi
CHAPTER ONE: LITERATURE REVIEW
1.1 Modern Sport as A Quest for Excitement
1.2 Positive Deviance and Overconformity of Values
1.3 Dominance by High-level Sports
1.4 Demonstrating Masculinity
1.5 The Culture of ‘Playing Hurt’ in Sport
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CHAPTER TWO: RESEARCH METHODS
2.1 Positivism and Interpretivism
2.2 Quantitative and Qualitative Methods
2.3 Semi-structured Interviews
2.4 Research Sample
2.5 Pilot Interviews
2.6 Data Analysis
2.7 Methodological Reflections and Challenges
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CHAPTER THREE: THE THICKENED SKIN OF AMATEUR BOXERS
3.1 Initial Involvement in Boxing
3.2 ‘No Glory Without Pain’
3.3 Overconformity to the Sport Ethic
3.4 ‘Your skin gets thicker’
3.5 The ‘Culture of Risk’ in Amateur Boxing
3.6 Coach-as-medic: ‘Erring on the side of caution’
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CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUSIONS
4.1 Summary of Findings
4.2 Reflections on the Scope of the Study
4.3 Redefining Cultural Beliefs
4.4 Weight Divisions
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4.5 Greater Awareness of Brain Injuries
4.6 Exploring the ‘Culture of Precaution’
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REFERENCES 29
APPENDICES
I Ethics Approval
II Information Sheet
III Participant Consent Form
IV Interview Guide
V Boxer E Transcript
VI First Order Coding
VII Second Order Coding
VIII Annual Supervision Record
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DECLARATIONS
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Katie Liston, for her energy, advice and guidance
throughout the year. I would also like to thank the boxers who took the time out of their busy
lives to participate in my interviews and contribute their valued opinions. Finally, I would
like to thank friends and family who in one way or another shared their support throughout
the year.
iii
ABSTRACT
This study explores the ways in which amateur boxers come to define and respond to pain
and injury. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with six adult amateur boxers from
one amateur boxing club in Northern Ireland. Findings indicate that amateur boxers
overconform to the sport ethic, which involves an unquestioned acceptance of fighting in pain
and risking injury. This demonstrates that similar risk-taking behaviours are present to that
found among professional and elite athletes, void of commercial and financial pressures. A
‘culture of risk’ appears to exists, where the practice of ‘fighting hurt’ is normalised among
the boxers. It was also found that the main coach acts to moderate risk-taking behaviour. That
is to say, the coach would be more health-cautious in negotiations with an injured boxer.
Although this would indicate the existence of a ‘culture of precaution’ within the club, these
finding were representative of the boxers’ interpretation of how the coach would respond to
pain and injury. As such, future research is required to explore the views of the coach in
regards to pain, injury and sensible risk-taking. The findings in this study also have
implications for current and future practices in amateur boxing and provide potential
recommendations for the Ulster Boxing Council. This includes the revision of weight
divisions as well as the creation of guidelines that promote the act of stopping participation
when injuries are suffered as courageous, particularly in cases when brain-related injuries are
suspected or suffered.
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INTRODUCTION
The socio-cultural study of pain and injury in sport has taken place since the early 1990s.
Prior to this, the study of sports injuries was dominated by the fields within the biomedical
sciences, including sports medicine and physiology (Roderick, 2006). Experiences of pain
and injury are considered to be more frequent in sport than in other forms of exercise and
particularly in the shift from mass participation levels towards professional and elite level
(Waddington, 2000). For example, Hawkins and Fuller (1999) found that the risk of injury in
professional football is 1000 times the risk of injury in occupations typically considered high
risk, such as construction and mining. The greater risk of injury in sport, along with the
increased social and economic significance of sports injuries, have been key factors in the
growth of the socio-cultural study of pain and injury. Such research has taken place in an
attempt to explore the meanings of and responses to pain and injury by individuals as a ‘lived
experience’, and as shaped by and within particular social conditions (Roderick, 2006). Much
of the existing literature, however, has explored the experiences of pain and injury in
professional and elite level contexts, with fewer studies focusing on that of amateur
sportspersons. The central object of this study is to gain an understanding as to how amateur
boxers understand pain and injury. Due to the nature of boxing, where the aim is to knockout
one’s opponent, it is reasonable to suggest that pain is likely to occur. In Northern Ireland,
boxing has presented an environment in which discipline and self-control can be instilled.
This has traditionally been the case among working-class young men from both Protestant
and Catholic backgrounds, particularly several decades ago, throughout times of high
political conflict and community division (Sugden, 1996). In regards to high-level contexts,
many studies have found that athletes ‘play hurt’. A second key aim is therefore to explore
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whether and why an amateur boxer may continue to participate through pain and injury. The
implications of the findings for research and for current and future amateur boxing practice
will also be discussed.
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CHAPTER ONE: LITERATURE REVIEW
This section will examine the relevant literature in relation to athletes’ responses to and
management of pain and injury. A review of the appropriate literature will provide a
theoretical context in which this study can be located (Atkinson, 2012). In the process, gaps
can be identified within the socio-cultural study of pain and injury, supporting the
requirement for this study to be conducted (Bryman, 2016). Firstly, the work of Elias and
Dunning (1986) will be outlined to explain the emergence of modern sport and leisure
activities as a ‘quest for excitement’. From this, the process of professionalization is relevant
to understanding the motivations behind players’ drive for success in sport. Next, the paper
will discuss the sport ethic (Hughes and Coakley, 1991), including an assessment of the key
factors and conditions leading to overconformity by sportspeople. Finally, through
demonstrating that much of the socio-cultural study of pain and injury has been conducted
within professional and elite level contexts, the review will support the need for more
research to be conducted at the amateur level.
1.1 Modern Sport as A Quest for Excitement
To gain a greater understanding as to why athletes continue to participate in sport when in
pain or injured, it is important to first consider the factors that have led to the increased social
significance of and participation in modern sport. As societies have become more civilised,
through greater personal and social control, sport and leisure activities have emerged as a
critically important social sphere in which individuals can generate, release and channel
emotions (Elias and Dunning, 1986). Such activities are termed as ‘mimetic’ in that they
arouse emotions that are representative of those experienced in other aspects of society. In
other words, individuals can publicly release built up tension while experiencing a ‘kind of
delight’ in doing so (Elias and Dunning, 1986, p.80). It is important to note, however, that
sport and leisure activities are not merely used to release tension but also as a unique form of
seeking excitement. Or, as Elias and Dunning (1986) state, ‘their function is not simply… a
liberation from tensions but the restoration of that measure’ (p. 89). These experiences
include pleasure-seeking through danger and personal risk, which has particular applicability
to participation in professionalised sports. Within professional sports, the drive for success
can be motivated by financial gain, representing a certain group or area as well as the
pressures to fulfil from others, such as spectators, who similarly strive to experience certain
levels of excitement. (Elias and Dunning, 1986). Different to other leisure activities, sport
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can also generate mimetic and pleasurable experiences that would otherwise be minimised in
societal contexts by social controls. This includes the excitement experienced through hatred
and celebrating victories over enemies, as well as the anxiety felt when threatened by defeat
(Dunning, 1999).
Elias and Dunning (1986) suggest that a key factor in explaining the emergence of modern
sport is due to increased social significance, particularly in more developed societies, where
routine occupational lifestyles result in a general lowering of excitement. In this sense,
modern sport can generate a controlled form of pleasurable excitement and, due to its
competitive nature, can also provide an arena in which to strive for success (Elias and
Dunning, 1986). The competitive element of sport that creates the opportunity to better an
opponent is also suggested to contribute to the increased social significance of modern sport,
particularly in top level, professionalised sports (Elias and Dunning, 1986).
1.2 Positive Deviance and Overconformity of Values
Hughes and Coakley (1991) explain that through striving for success, sportspeople, and most
notably those in professional and highly commercialised sports, have displayed particular
behaviours in order to continue and prolong participation. Termed the ‘sport ethic’, this
concept details the key factors and conditions that lead to competing when in pain and
injured. It is important to point out that, as a theory, the sport ethic is set forth a working
paper with the requirement for empirical testing (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). It is therefore
open to being challenged alongside new evidence, with the aim of complimenting previous
studies to achieve greater reliability as a theory. Previous concepts, of which the sport ethic
has developed from, include the positive deviance models proposed by Ewald and Jiobu
(1985) and Dodge (1987). These models similarly argue that simplistic claims of athletes
rejecting social norms cannot explain the particular type of behaviours that athletes display.
The term ‘positive deviance’ is used to describe such behaviours, as they do not involve
rejecting norms held in society, which would be seen as negative and deviant. Instead,
positive deviance relates to overconforming to a set of beliefs held in sport that are typically
seen as positive. Such beliefs are generally accepted and followed, consisting of criteria such
as ‘being an athlete involves accepting risks and playing through pain’ and ‘being an athlete
involves making sacrifices for the game’ (Hughes and Coakley, 1991, p.309).
Overconformity to these values display courage to others and establish identity as a ‘real
athlete’ (Hughes and Coakley, 1991).
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Hughes and Coakley (1991) explain that an athlete’s decision to overconform to, or follow
too completely, the values within the sport ethic can be best understood as affected by and
within the complex social relationships in which they form. The relationships referred to in
the sport ethic are typically those that are regarded as significant within the context of sport,
such as coaches and teammates. With particular reference to high level, professional sports,
Nixon (1992) terms these networks of relationships as ‘sportsnets’. The social interaction that
takes place within these networks can generate biased social support (Nixon, 1994) that can
encourage the normalised acceptance of pain and injury in sport. This, in turn, reaffirms
overconformity to the sport ethic. Messages are circulated throughout the sportsnet, and as
part of a long-term socialisation process, the views, attitudes and beliefs of those within it are
shaped towards accepting the practice of competing through pain and taking risks with
injuries (Nixon, 1992). This practice is so prevalent within professional sports that Nixon
(1992) terms it a ‘culture of risk’. Nixon (1992) adds that sportsnets members are more likely
to display risk-taking behaviour when the network contains certain structural properties. This
includes when the network is large, members share similar beliefs in regards to accepting
pain and injury, others are highly reachable within the network and when there is close social
distance between athletes and those with authority, such as coaches. With that said, Roderick
(1998) points out that Nixon does not explain ‘how it has come to be’ (p.72) that these
particular properties exist in contemporary sportsnets. Therefore, any developmental features
that have been effected by wider social processes, such as commercialisation and
professionalisation of sports, cannot be identified and understood. In addition, the risk-taking
behaviours that are displayed by athletes have been explained with particular to reference to
professional and elite level sports. Thus, it can be argued that the main conditions and factors
described as leading to overconformity of the sport ethic do not appropriately capture the
ways in which amateur sportspersons are affected by and within complex social relationships.
1.3 Dominance by High-level Sports
It is pointed out that a key factor leading to overconformity to the sport ethic is simply due to
developing a love for sport, which can give reason as to why athletes of all levels may decide
to take painkillers or heavily bandage a wounded area prior to participation (Hughes and
Coakley, 1991). With that said, it is also noted that the potential for financial gain is a
powerful incentive to ‘do whatever it takes’ in order to be successful (Hughes and Coakley,
1991). The latter factor, however, does not provide appropriate reasoning as to why amateur
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sportspersons accept the risk of injury or continue to participate through pain, as unlike
professional athletes, participation in amateur sport is typically unpaid.
Hughes and Coakley (1991) add that feeling a unique sense of togetherness among athletes in
the same sports is a key condition in which overconformity to the sport ethic can be
reaffirmed. They term this collective identity as the ‘elite athletic fraternity’ (p.314). It is
explained that feeling superior to non-athletes positively contributes to identifying oneself in
this group. However, it is then suggested that this feeling is a result of extensive media
attention, which bears significantly less relevance within the context of amateur sport in
comparison with non-amateur sport. In other words, an amateur athlete’s display of
overconformity to the sport ethic ‘cannot be understood simply in terms of the
commercialization of elite sport but that it is perhaps a more deeply rooted part of sporting
culture at all levels’ (Liston, Reacher, Smith and Waddington, 2006, p.391).
In addition, it can be argued that the sport ethic infers a specific reference to elite athletes
when discussing the possibility of losing identity in this elite athletic fraternity. It is noted
that the threat of losing one’s status in belonging to this group further reaffirms
overconformity to the sport ethic, due to the fact that the individual would no longer share
identity with those ‘few others who truly understand what it means to be an athlete’ (Hughes
and Coakley, 1991, p.314). Differently put, for professional and elite athletes their collective
sporting identity can often be their primary identity as an individual. As such, establishing
and maintaining identity in the elite athletic fraternity becomes a powerful motive when risk-
taking behaviours are displayed. In the case of amateur athletes however, the desire to
maintain a sporting identity is not the same, as their primary identity is not exclusively tied to
sport, or at least not to the same extent as an elite athlete. As well as a sporting identity, there
are particular gender dimensions that can generate risk-taking behaviour.
1.4 Demonstrating Masculinity
Young, McTeer and White (1994) aimed to explore the views of adult male Canadian athletes
in relation to their views of pain and injury. This consisted of sixteen semi-structured
interviews with athletes from ‘violent’ sports such as American football, whom with the
exception of one, were non-professionals. Young et al (1994) found a general unquestioned
acceptance of participating when in pain or injured and that this practice was valued as a
‘masculinising experience’. In exploring the initial involvement in sport, Young et al (1994)
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note that the fathers of the athletes were significant in encouraging participation and forming
an aspect of gender socialisation where sons are taught to be tough, while close female family
members had no influence on initial involvement. In terms of developing self-identity, it was
found that violent, contact sports provide an opportunity to demonstrate physicality through
displays of strength and aggression. With reference to the biased social support that Nixon
(1994) explains, Young et al (1994) highlight that playing in pain and risking injury is a
valued aspect of male sport and that social interaction takes place to reinforce this as the
expected male behaviour and primary demonstration of ‘maleness’. This includes the belief
that, as ‘real men’, pain should be overcome, ignored and hidden. In cases where personal
concerns over injury are brought to the attention of others, athletes can be treated with
scrutiny by coaches and viewed as being ‘soft’ by teammates, which acts to reaffirm the
unquestioned acceptance of risking. Young et al (1994) add that depersonalising pain
becomes common practice within male sport, where injured areas are referred to as though
external to their bodies. Messner (1992) similarly notes that male professional American
football player often learn to become emotionally detached from their feelings towards pain
and injury. In such cases, players who ‘give up’ there bodies would often be aware of the
potential health implications, yet the reward would come in the form of establishing a
masculine identity within the team.
1.5 The Culture of ‘Playing Hurt’ in Sport
Roderick, Waddington and Parker (2000) have explored players’ responses to pain and injury
in professional football in England. The study consisted of semi-structured interviews with
former and current professional footballers. It was found that playing on through pain and
injury is commonplace and represents what it means to be ‘the good professional’. Roderick
et al (2000) highlight that such attitudes and beliefs are learned and accepted from a young
age, creating a ‘culture of risk’ (Nixon, 1992). The display of risk-taking behaviour is seen to
‘set an example’ to other players, which further normalises ‘playing hurt’ among the team
(Roderick et al, 2000, p.171). Players are also praised for having the ‘right attitude’ if they
play through pain and injury, which Young (1993) similarly points takes place with Canadian
professional athletes in the form of receiving ‘official recognition’ from coaches and others
within the club. As such, the risk of injury that comes with displays of violence and
aggression is legitimised. This, in turn, creates an acceptance of such behaviour in the view
that playing hurt is admirable (Young, 1993). Equally, Roderick et al (2000) point out that
professional footballers share the view that coaches – significant others in Nixon’s model
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(1992) – would treat players with less respect, or have them ‘inconvenienced’, if they were to
think more critically about the health implications of playing hurt. As a result, there is a
desire by players to demonstrate a willingness to the coach of playing when injured, which
further reaffirms the practice of playing hurt and overconformity to the sport ethic. Along
with self-identity and pride as a footballer, financial pressures become a key factor in playing
through pain and injuries, mainly over concerns regarding loss of bonuses (Roderick et al,
2000).
Void of financial pressures and commercial interests, Liston et al (2006) suggest that the
culture of ‘playing hurt’ similarly exists at the non-elite level. Specifically, this study by
Liston et al (2006) consisted of rugby union and rugby league players at a British university
and explored players’ responses to pain and injury. Semi-structured interviews were
conducted with a selection of total sample size, similar to that of Roderick et al (2000). Liston
et al (2006) identified that there was a general agreement towards the practice of playing hurt
as a demonstration of commitment to teammates, which is alike to the findings noted in
professional football (Roderick et al, 2000). A factor leading to this included the desire to not
let down teammates, where playing hurt is done so in the belief that it is ‘for the good of the
team’ (Liston et al, 2006, p.394). In terms of defining injury, Liston et al (2006) found that
there was a strong belief in favour of playing with ‘minor’ injuries, which included strains
and sprains. Players typically continued to play in light of any health implications, even in
cases where they were aware of the potential implications, while being ‘injured’ related
exclusively to circumstances were playing was prevented (Liston et al, 2006).
In identifying similar responses from non-elite rugby players towards pain and injury, Fenton
and Pitter (2010) note that only that which players deem to be physically unbearable would
result in participation being stopped. Until that point, it is believed that injury should be
overcome, typically in the form of ignoring the injury and hiding it from teammates and
coaches. Different to the research approach by Liston et al (2006), Fenton and Pitter (2010)
examine the socialisation process that exists in rugby at high school level (where involvement
typically begins in Canada) versus university level. It was found that there was a shared and
expected belief within both levels that playing through pain and injury is part of the sport.
Significant others, including teammates and coaches, reinforce this behaviour and, as part of
the socialisation process, players learn to accept the risk of pain and injury. Perhaps more
importantly, however, comparing two levels of rugby enabled Fenton and Pitter (2010) to
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identify that players adapt over time ‘with increased pain thresholds and tolerance levels’
(p.220), which suggests that the social interaction that takes place among the sportsnet
(Nixon, 1992) shapes the members’ responses to pain and injury towards normalising risk-
taking behaviour.
Such attitudes can also become ‘progressively instilled and inscribed’ (Wacquant, 1995a,
p.173) in the identity of a professional boxer. So much is the case that boxing becomes the
primary identity of the individual through prolonged involvement, and most particularly in
the case for male boxers. As such, beliefs are accepted and held in favour of sacrificing the
body, including risking injury in light of the recognised health implications. Wacquant
(1995b) adds that boxers fail to find reason to stop their involvement despite this, as ‘he is
inhabited by the game he inhabits’ (p.88).
Conclusion
As previously mentioned, the sport ethic is a working paper. This indicates the requirement
for empirical testing (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). Although studies have since been
conducted that support the sport ethic as a concept, it has been pointed out that there has been
a lack of research specifically focusing on amateur sport (Liston et al, 2006). In an attempt to
test the merits of the sport ethic within the context of amateur sport, this research will
therefore aim to explore the attitudes of amateur boxers in Northern Ireland in relation to the
management of pain and injury. In order to do so effectively, it is important that the
appropriate research method is used that will facilitate the explorative nature of this research.
The next section will explain the methods used for data collection and analysis of findings.
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CHAPTER TWO: RESEARCH METHODS
Given that the aims of this research were focused on understanding pain and injury by
amateur boxers as a lived experience, the semi-structured interview was identified as the most
appropriate research method. This chapter explains why this method was utilised by first
considering the two general approaches to obtaining knowledge - positivism and
interpretivism. This will be followed by an examination of the two main research methods
emating from these paradigms - quantitative and qualitative research methods. Following this
are details of the research sample, including the sample size and relevant interviewee
information. Data analysis is outlined in terms of the first and second order themes that
emerged from the concepts used as sensitizers. Finally, the limitations and challenges that
were faced during the research process will be discussed.
2.1 Positivism and Interpretivism
Consideration of positivism and interpretivism in relation to philosophical approaches is
important in providing a framework in which the key research paradigms can be located and,
in turn, selected as the most appropriate approach for the overall study (Gratton and Jones,
2015). Both positivism and interpretivism are epistemological positions, that is, differing
approaches to obtaining knowledge about the social world. Equally, as an ontological issue,
questions would be raised of whether knowledge is something that can be observed and
measured, or whether it is something that is a lived experience (Bryman, 2016).
Positivism is typically associated with knowledge that is obtained through research in natural
sciences, such as chemistry and physics (Gratton and Jones, 2010). In adopting a natural
sciences approach, positivism involves research that is carried out objectively, where facts,
and in turn, knowledge, is that which is observable, testable and subject to external validation
(Gratton and Jones, 2015). It also involves identifying causal relationships through the
isolation of variables with independent or dependent relationships. As such, certain variables
can be controlled and measured to assess their effects on others (Atkinson, 2012). The
positivist view is that ‘laws’ or theories can be developed and repeated that would predict
human behaviour (May, 2011). The function of the research is for hypothesis testing, both in
terms of proving or disproving the existence of relationships (Atkinson, 2012). This process
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of testing existing theories is known as deductive research (Bryman, 2012). A positivist
approach is in view that social reality exists independently of one’s perceptions of it (Curtis
and Curtis, 2011). It is argued, however, that experimenting with environmental conditions
alone cannot easily predict the decisions and contradictions that form one’s behaviour (May,
2011). This is due to the ability, as humans, to ‘act on’ our environment, rather than being the
product of it (May, 2011). As such, interpretivism has emerged as a key anti-positivist
paradigm (Atkinson, 2012).
Interpretivism, as a matter generally concerned with social sciences, similarly involves the
study of human behaviour (Bryman, 2012). Unlike a positivist approach, however, the aim of
interpretivism is to understand an individual’s behaviour through interpreting one’s thinking
and actions, rather than explaining the environmental forces that caused it (Bryman, 2012).
Differently put, an interpretivist approach aims to ‘makes sense of how people make sense of
the world’ (Atkinson, 2012, p.65). Social reality is also viewed as being complicated, in a
continuous state of reconstruction, and where it is not such a simple case of discovering laws
through identifying causal relationships (Bryman, 2016). Rather, human diversity, including
the meanings people attach to reality in different social contexts, is constructed and can be
more appropriately captured subjectively from the perspective of the subjects under
investigation (Gratton and Jones, 2015). Positivism and interpretivism are also generally
associated with quantitative and qualitative research respectively.
2.2 Quantitative and Qualitative Methods
Quantitative research has employed the positivist approach, most particularly in using a
deductive approach in the testing of theories, and using measurements, usually in the form of
numerical aggregated data (Bryman, 2016). These data are then analysed by the researcher to
identify causal relationships that can then predict and explain a particular social phenomenon
(Atkinson, 2012). It is then intended that findings can be generalised to the population in
which the sample are representative of (Bryman, 2016). Validity of results can also be
supported through replication of the study (Bryman, 2016). A key criticism of quantitative
methods is that, in adopting principles of a natural sciences approach, the inability of atoms
and molecules to interpret and provide meaning to social reality is similarly, and
inappropriately, applied to people (Bryman, 2016). Although the Likert scale, for example, is
a quantitative method that captures attitudes through agreement and disagreement, the ability
for individuals to differently interpret terms is ignored. In other words, testing for validity
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assumes precise and accurate measures in view that respondents of any sample will always
interpret terms similarly (Bryman, 2016).
Different to this method, Bryman (2016) explains that qualitative research is informed by
interpretivism and involves exploring feelings and experiences. Data are collected and
analysed by the researcher using a relatively small sample to provide meaning that is more
unique to the lived circumstances affecting people in differing social contexts (Sparkes and
Smith, 2014). A subjective approach also enables the researcher to ‘capture social events
from the perspective of those involved in them’, which is crucial in providing meaning
(Sparkes and Smith, 2014, p.15). Qualitative research is typically regarded as inductive,
leading to the development of theory. However, Atkinson (2012) points out that this is
common misrepresentation of this approach, as it is often the case where research questions
are conceptually guided. As such, a theory may be applied, rather than tested, to provide
understanding in a particular social context.
The traditional means of capturing such information include the one to one interview, focus
groups and ethnography. Focus groups is a method of gathering rich, detailed data and,
although guided by the researcher, the aim is to create interaction among the group as a form
of extending discussion on certain topics (May, 2011). Bryman (2016) suggests that a
possible issue with focus groups is that attitudes that might be expected by, or is more likely
to be agreeable with, that of others in the group may be expressed. This, in turn, may have
adverse effects on the findings. Ethnography similarly involves the collection of detailed data
but is collected through becoming a member of the particular culture under investigation
(Atkinson, 2012,). As such, the researcher becomes both a participant in and an observer of
daily interaction among the group that allows cultural behaviour to emerge over a number of
months or years. Due to the nature of ethnography however, there can arise an issue of
becoming too immersed in the group, which can distort the overall aim of conducting
academic enquiry (Bryman, 2016). Also, as ethnography involves developing relationships
and mixing of individual personalities, concerns over the repeatability of findings can be
raised, where other researchers are unlikely to develop exactly the same relationship as those
in previous studies (Atkinson, 2012). One to one interviews, also referred to as a ‘guided
conversations’, aim to explore or discover the feelings, meanings and values attached to
particular social contexts by individuals (Atkinson, 2012), While arguments can be created
both for and against various methods, this study used a one to one, semi-structured interview
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as it was identified as the most appropriate method for exploring the views and attitudes of
amateur boxers, pertinent to the overall aims.
2.3 Semi-structured Interviews
The semi-structured interview allowed for a series of planned questions, in the form of an
interview guide (see Appendix IV) as well as the ability to expand on particular areas, which
cannot take place in structured interviews (Sparkes and Smith, 2014). The interview guide
that was used included a number of open-ended questions, providing the interviewee with the
opportunity to share a degree of control in their responses, and in the direction of the
interview (Bryman, 2016). The flexible nature of semi-structured interviews allowed for new
and conceptually intriguing information to emerge (Atkinson, 2012). This, in turn, resulted in
a process of refinement (Beardsworth and Keil, 1992), where new topics and questions were
added that had not previously been prepared. The most prominent example of this included
information that was discussed in relation to the coach being ‘more hesitant’ than the boxers
in situations where injuries occurred. This allowed for probing on the topic when it was first
brought up during one of the initial interviews and later allowed for questions to be added for
interviews that followed. For example, this included the addition of questions such as ‘How
would the coach react to injuries in training?’ and ‘Do you think the coach is more cautious
than boxers when it comes to injury?’.
This process of refinement was also combined with concept elaboration (Atkinson, 2012). In
the example above, the questions in the interview guide were initially framed to potentially
apply conceptual understanding to the context under investigation using Nixon’s notion of a
‘culture of risk’ (1992). Once new, conceptually intriguing information was discovered,
questions were then framed in a way that would additionally explore the existence of a
‘culture of precaution’ (Safai, 2003). Probing was also used in some cases to follow up on
participant responses to verify the interpretation (Bryman, 2016). This included, for example,
tentative summaries such as ‘To clarify, would pain and minor injuries be experiences you
would continue to fight through?’, followed by probing on ‘major injuries’, as earlier
described by the participant in this instance. This encouraged the participants to make
possible distinctions between pain, minor and major injuries. This, in turn, also aided in
obtaining validity in the research as it was collected, as probing for clarification confirmed
the accuracy of the interpretation (Denscombe, 2007).
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To further support the decision to use semi-structured interviews, it can be useful to consider
the methods employed by studies that have been included in the literature review. Semi-
structured interviews have been used in professional football in England (Roderick et al,
2000), as well as in amateur settings (Young et al, 1994; Liston et al, 2006).
2.4 Research Sample
Choak (2012) suggests that an appropriate point to conclude the interview process is when
saturation occurs, that is, where new participants are no longer providing additional data that
will contribute to the study and data are at the point of being ‘saturated’. In relation to the
research questions set forth, saturation occurred when it was identified that no new
information was developing in terms of gaining an understanding of how amateur boxers
understand pain and injury and why it is the case that they continue to participate when in
pain or injured.
In total, six amateur boxers participated in the semi-structured interview. All interviews took
place in a private classroom in the boxing club. All participants were male and belonged to
the same amateur boxing club. One was aged 21, two were aged 22 and three were aged 26.
In terms of boxing experience, one boxer had been a member for four years and had eight
official amateur fights, followed by nine years and 22 fights, 14 years and approximately 50
fights, 14 years and approximately 100 fights, 15 years and approximately 180 fights and 16
years and approximately 70 fights. While all fights were officially amateur, the level ranged
from provincial competition to international competition. Akin to Young et al (1994),
snowball sampling was used. The club manager was initially contacted by the researcher. The
researcher was then referred to two boxers within the club. From this point, the sampled
participants proposed other boxers that would be of relevance to the study (Bryman, 2016).
This included other boxers with competitive experience. The fact that this led to all six
participants being male was representative of the male-dominated environment.
Ethical approval was granted to undertake the research by the School of Sport’s Ethics
Committee, which confirmed the value and appropriateness of the research approach (Curtis
and Curtis, 2011). Ethical considerations were also informed by the British Sociological
Association’s Statement of Ethical Practice (2002). Participant information was kept
confidential and suitably stored on a password-encrypted computer. Names were replaced
with letters (for example, Boxer A) to preserve anonymity. Participants were informed of the
12
role of the research via an information sheet and informed consent was given prior to the
interviews (see Appendices II and III).
2.5 Pilot Interviews
Gratton and Jones (2010) explain that with flexibility in questioning using semi-structured
interviews, the researcher must be conscious of the interviewee directing the themes into an
unrelated topic. In order to mitigate against this, a pilot study was conducted, which Bryman
(2012) explains is a beneficial process in terms of gaining experience responding to questions
as the interviewee. This also enabled the researcher to check the flow of questions, identify
shared meaning of terms, monitor the interviewer’s success in identifying probes and to avail
of the semi-structured method in terms of gaining confidence in using it (Bryman, 2016).
This also enabled the researcher to refine particular questions. For example, when it was
identified in the pilot interview that a ‘higher pain threshold’ was required in boxing, the
interview guide was adapted to include questions that explored how and why pain and injury
may be managed differently in boxing compared to other sports.
2.6 Data Analysis
In order to effectively interpret the data collected, a number of stages were used. First, it was
important to become thoroughly familiar with the data in order to ‘read between the lines’
and fully understand potentially relevant meanings (Denscombe, 2007). This enabled the
researcher to begin identifying codes, or labels, which were attached to similar terms or
phrases (see Appendix VI). These initial two stages were repeated, leading to the reduction of
codes through the use of broader categories to group related codes (Bryman, 2016). Next,
relationships were identified between codes. Connections were also made between codes and
the relevant concepts that were reviewed in the literature, enabling theoretical ideas to be
drawn from the data (Bryman, 2016) (see Appendix VII). As informed by Denscombe
(2007), an important aspect of this stage was the consideration of alternative conceptual
explanations. Specifically, this allowed for conclusions to be drawn about the culture in
amateur boxing that contradicted aspects of a ‘culture of risk’ (Nixon, 1992), whilst being
better understood in terms of a ‘culture of precaution’ (Safai, 2003).
2.7 Methodological Reflections and Challenges
This section has explained the research method used in this study. This was informed by first
considering the two general approaches to obtaining knowledge - positivism and
13
interpretivism. As emating from interpretivism, qualitative methods, and the semi-structured
interview specifically, was identified as the most appropriate research method. On reflection,
several challenges were faced during the overall research process. Waddington (2014) has
reflected on a previous study which examined the role of medical staff in professional
football, where some difficulties are highlighted during the interview process. In this study,
the researcher faced a similar challenge as faced by Waddington in containing surprise to
particular responses. This included, for example, occasions where boxers explained how they
continued in fights when they had broken or fractured bones, or when, as a temporary
solution to stitching, the skin above the eyebrow would be glued following cuts that had
badly bled. In such situations, it became important to ensure the researcher did not show
surprise, both through tone of voice body language, as this may have made the respondent
reluctant to provide further, related information (Waddington, 2014). At around the midpoint
of data collection, serendipitous findings emerged. That is, unanticipated, yet theoretically
informed, findings (Merton, 1957). This became a challenge in adding new, unplanned
questions to the interview guide as well as in introducing a new conceptual explanation in the
data analysis stage as an alternative to what was included in the review of literature. In other
words, the notion of a ‘culture of precaution’, which was not originally sought for, was
discovered as a potential alternative explanation to the ‘culture of risk’. The following
chapter discusses these findings in more detail and outlines the implications for future
research and practice in amateur boxing.
14
CHAPTER THREE: THE THICKENED SKIN OF AMATEUR BOXERS
3.1 Initial Involvement in Boxing
Of the six boxers in this study, two stated that male family members, including fathers and
grandfathers, were former boxers and this formed part of the reason why they first got
involved in amateur boxing. Another boxer stated that his father introduced him to boxing to
get him ‘out of the house’, while others stated that close friends and ‘getting off the streets’
formed part of their initial involvement in boxing. Different to, or at least not the same extent,
that which Young et al (1994) found, boxers in this case were not introduced to sport by male
family members as a means of being taught toughness as a male. Across the sample, boxing
then became a sport in which their interest developed, along with the view that it had
associated health benefits, as captured by boxer A:
I love it actually more now than what I did before. I liked it before but once I got
involved in it I love it now. Then also, it keeps me healthy and in shape as well.
Once a level is reached at which boxers can compete in official amateur fights, it is clear
from the findings that success forms a key aspect of continuing involvement (see Appendix
VII, theme one). This includes the idea that, different to other individual sports, boxing is
about ‘winning or nothing’, rather than the achievement of personal records, as explained by
Boxer E. Boxer B similarly expressed this view as follows:
Once you get a taste for it, you want to keep fighting, you want to be more successful.
It’s hard to describe but once you box and you fight the first time it’s almost like a
drug, you want to just keep going and going.
3.2 ‘No Glory Without Pain’
As a boxer, the ability to be successful is closely associated with the view that pain can be,
and should be, overcome. When asked to define pain, examples such as black eyes, cut
eyebrows and bloody noses were listed. Most boxers explained that a higher pain threshold is
15
needed than in other sports, and that ‘you won’t have success without pain in this sport’
(Boxer B). These views were expressed as follows:
No glory without pain. You have to be able to go that step further… which essentially
means taking that bit more pain if you want to be the best. (Boxer D)
Just to win the fight. Once… I’ve been in a final and you want that gold medal so
nothing is going to stop you from winning it. (Boxer C)
While all boxers explained that experiencing an increase of adrenaline contributed to being
able to overcome pain, two went further to explain that there are no physical feelings attached
to the experience of pain:
It’s a pretty numb area in boxing. When you’re competing… I can honestly say I
never get pain when I’m fighting… you only know you’re cut ‘cos you can feel the
drip of blood running down the face but you don’t actually feel the cut itself’.
(Boxer E)
Pain isn’t something physical… you don’t really feel it. You know when you’ve taken
a good punch, but it’s not necessarily pain. (Boxer F)
Similar to that of Liston et al (2006), it would appear that the boxers in this study similarly
feel strongly towards fighting through pain and injuries in order to not let themselves or the
club down. As Boxer D expressed:
It’s a matter of pride… not wanting to let people down, your family or coach. Not
wanting to embarrass yourself. No one wants to go ‘look, I’ve had enough’.
Closely related to pain was the experience of injury. Findings in this study indicate that
defining oneself as ‘injured’ is the point at which pain can no longer be physically tolerated
by the body and participation is therefore stopped (Liston et al, 2006; Fenton and Pitter,
2010):
16
If you break something, that’s injury. I would like to fight through a broken hand if I
could… but I don’t think the pain would let me. (Boxer C)
A minor injury would be… maybe a sprained ankle… knowing your boundaries in
whether it’s a sprain or a break.
Interviewer: What would a major injury be?
Boxer D: Definitely a break. If you broke something and you just couldn’t, if you
were in agony. I suppose there’s a limit with pain and breaking a bone for me is one.
Among all boxers in the sample, it was evident that, along with the physical limit of pain that
the body can withstand, the main criterion for separating ‘minor’ and ‘major’ injuries was the
consideration of whether their ability to compete would be affected. An injury that would not
affect participation, but may affect performance, and would require a matter of days to
several weeks of rest between training and fights, was defined as minor. For example, Boxer
B explained that a minor injury would be ‘something that’s not going to make you stop
fighting but something that might not make you 100 percent.’ Summarising the meanings
attached to both minor and major injuries from across the sample, Boxer F stated that ‘it’s a
case of if you can, you will. If you can’t, you can’t’.
3.3 Overconformity to the Sport Ethic
As has been demonstrated thus far, there is a general practice of competing when in pain or
with minor injuries, and that major injuries present a situation where physical pain can no
longer be endured by the body. In other words, boxers willingly fight through pain and
(minor) injury and accept the risk of (major) injury. This, coupled with the desire to
overcome pain in striving for success, would indicate overconformity to the sport ethic
(Hughes and Coakley, 1991). Similar to the way that Boxer B described the experience of
boxing as ‘almost like a drug’, four of the total six boxers mentioned that they developed a
love for the sport, while Boxer E that claimed that boxing is ‘the best sport in the world. It’s
one of the purest sports.’ From this, it would appear that overconforming to the values of
accepting pain and risking injury have been prompted by the boxers finding the experience of
fighting ‘thrilling’ (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). However, in contradictory fashion, most
boxers expressed that they recognised the point at which they must begin to think critically
about injury. This was particularly the case when discussing the relationship between
concussion, as a major injury, and the potential long-term health implications (see Appendix
17
VII, theme two). This is expressed by Boxer F in relation to receiving numerous punches to
the head over the course of his career:
I enjoy boxing and I’m going to do it for as long as I can do it… but I’m not going to
carry on beyond the point where I can’t do it anymore.
Interviewer: What point might this be during your career?
Boxer F: When I start taking too many punches. I feel like I have a good enough
awareness that it’s not something that concerns me at the minute.
This further demonstrates the extent to which the boxers in this study accept the values in the
sport ethic. That is, their overconformity involves an uncritical acceptance, and, although it is
stated by most that they recognise ‘the point’ at which to stop participation, such behaviours
have been explained that would indicate the practice of ‘fighting hurt’ ultimately goes
unquestioned (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). Employing Elias’ concept of habitus can further
reveal the implications of overconforming to the sport ethic.
3.4 ‘Your skin gets thicker’
Elias (1982) explains that one’s habitus consists of ‘second nature’ attitudes, beliefs and
dispositions that are shaped through socialisation. Three of the total six boxers in this study
played for youth football teams before being introduced to boxing in their teenage years. As
such, their habitus may have been developed towards accepting the practice of ‘playing hurt’
more generally in sport (Roderick et al, 2000). In terms of a boxing habitus, and in extending
on the work of Fenton and Pitter (2010), these findings would indicate that boxers do not
only develop a greater pain threshold through experience, but that the pain threshold itself
becomes a measure by the individuals themselves of their (increasing) degree of acceptance
of fighting hurt:
If you don’t have a high pain threshold, you aren’t gonna really make it as a boxer. I
think it’s something that develops over time. I started when I was ten and… I think
the pain threshold got higher, your skin gets thicker… you get used to it more.
(Boxer D, approximately 70 fights)
When discussing the potential health implications of major injuries, it was also discovered
that major injury commonly related to situations where the boxer’s body would be affected
18
‘outside the ring’, resulting in long-term physical or mental damage (see Appendix VII,
theme three). However, in using a similar approach of that by Fenton and Pitter (2010),
comparing the attitudes by boxers with less fighting experience against those with the most
experience further exemplifies the idea that the practice of fighting hurt becomes accepted
and, in turn, deeply embedded in the habitus of a boxer (Elias, 1956). Specifically, the varied
degree of concern in relation to concussion, and the associated health implications in
particular, suggest that the boxers in this sample developed a boxing habitus over time. The
views of Boxer E and Boxer A, who had 180 and four fights respectively, were expressed as
follows:
I don’t think it’s something I’m worried about (concussion). I’ve never really been
worried about it. I think the first time I got stopped in a fight, after it the doctor
wouldn’t leave me alone or let me go to sleep. It still didn’t make me any more aware
of it to be honest. It’s not something I really worry about and it’s not something you
really hear about in boxing. (Boxer E)
Interviewer: What type of injuries would you regard as health concerning?
Boxer A: The likes of concussion… like if it affected you in the long run. Or, if you
go arthritis through boxing, that would be a big one.
Interviewer: How do you think you would respond to concussion?
Boxer A: I would like to think I would be medically treated… the likes of getting
checked out by doctors… you are taking blows and stuff to the head so you need
medically checked first before you can go back into it.
This process whereby ‘your skin gets thicker’, that is, habitual beliefs are shaped towards
uncritically accepting pain and injury, can be identified across the sample in comparing
attitudes towards the potential health implications of injuries in light of their respective years
of experience (see Appendix VII, theme four). In relation to each boxer’s individual habitus,
the enjoyment experienced and love developed for the sport that has previously been
mentioned presents a further implication of overconforming to the sport ethic. This comes in
the idea of ‘facing oneself’, which becomes a difficultly as the satisfaction experienced
increases (Elias, 1956). In this case, it can be argued that the need to critically question the
practice of fighting hurt has become distorted and, in turn, decreased over time, particularly
while the enjoyment of training and fighting has increased with experience. From the
19
findings, it would also appear that this has taken place in part of a broader, long-term
socialisation process, where pain and injury has been normalised within the culture of boxing
(Nixon, 1992).
3.5 The ‘Culture of Risk’ in Amateur Boxing
As previously outlined, each boxer stated that they continue to fight through pain and minor
injuries. Discussing the extent to which this takes place within the club and boxing as a whole
found that it is clear that fighting hurt is a common and expected practice (see Appendix VII,
theme five). Several boxers expressed this as follows:
Oh yeah, definitely. I think that’s just a boxing thing.
Interviewer: Do you think others within the club share a similar view?
Boxer D: Yeah, definitely… I’ve seen plenty of boxers come through who just can’t
hack the pain and they drop out. They have loads of talent but don’t have the… grit to
fight through the pain and continue on and train harder and harder to reach higher
levels. So yeah, the ones that are still around, they definitely share a similar view.
Yeah… yeah. I think everyone almost accepts it. There’s very little nagging. You
don’t get many coming in saying ‘my hand is killing me’, you just sort of deal with it.
No one really wants to hear anybody nagging on. If I heard anybody nagging on about
injuries, I almost think ‘weakness… stop moaning, you’re moaning all the time’.
(Boxer E)
Yeah… others at the club are very well dedicated and just want the best for
themselves, so they are on the same level. There would be a lot of big hearts in the
club, so if they were injured or receive a clash of heads or anything, they would just
carry on with it and sort it out after. (Boxer A)
Appling Nixon’s notion of a ‘culture of risk’, it would appear that risk-taking behaviour is
part of what it takes to be a boxer. Within the club that the boxers were members of, it would
also appear that a sportsnet exists, where the views expressed above reflect the type of beliefs
20
that are generated and circulated that encourage competing through pain and risking injuries
(Nixon, 1992). Findings from some boxers indicated that the gym is the environment in
which these attitudes are developed. Boxer E explained that ‘everyone is used to that and
training through them (injuries)’. This was similarly expressed by Boxer F:
Yeah, I would say it’s normal practice.
Interviewer: What is it that makes it normal practice?
I think that’s the whole point of sparring, to learn to continue when you’re in pain and
to not show… and to carry on. That’s the whole point so that when you are in a
competition you’re able to do that.
Boxer F later extended on this topic in relation to concussion:
It may be that we’ve become accustomed to light concussion through sparing and, as
a result, don’t pay any attention to it and don’t take any precautions after.
Although the latter response by Boxer F does not capture the whole sample’s views towards
concussion, the above views demonstrate that social interaction takes place within the club
that reaffirms overconformity to the sport ethic (Nixon, 1992). From the latter views of
boxers E and F it would appear that competing when in pain is a taught belief, supporting the
idea that the main coach within the club is a member of the sportsnet who promotes risk-
taking behaviours, as suggested by Nixon (1992).
With that said, based on the boxer’s interpretation, it was more questionable as to whether it
can be stated that the coach appeared to provide biased social support (Nixon, 1994) in
situations where injuries are suffered. Specifically, it was mentioned by all boxers that the
coach would be more cautious when it came to making decisions about fighting hurt. As
such, the idea of a ‘culture of precaution’ (Safai, 2003) would appear more suitably placed to
provide a conceptual explanation as to the injured boxer-coach negotiations, while in turn
more appropriately capturing the culture that exists within the club.
3.6 Coach-as-medic: ‘Erring on the side of caution’
Nixon (1992) explains that medical support systems form part of the sportsnet that promote
risk-taking behaviour among athletes. The findings in this study appear to disagree with
21
Nixon, instead supporting the questions raised by Walk and further developed by Safai. Walk
(1997) stated that the notion of a ‘culture of risk’ is more complex than implied by Nixon,
where it was found that student physios held conflicting beliefs than that of athletes towards
participating when in pain or injured. Extending on this work, Safai (2003) explored the
negotiations that exist between patient-athletes and sport medicine clinicians at university-
level sport in Canada. It was found that ‘while a ‘culture of risk’ does exist… a ‘culture of
precaution’ seems to temper the acceptance and tolerance of pain and injury’ (Safai, 2003,
p.139). In other words, risk-taking behaviours are discouraged by medical staff as a result of
a greater concern for the health of the athlete-as-patient. By each boxer’s interpretation, the
coach, who, in the context of an amateur sport assumes the role of the medic (termed ‘coach-
as-medic’ hereafter), similarly exercises greater caution that when it comes to fighting with
injuries (see Appendix VII, theme six):
I would say that the coach is always erring on the side of caution, often to the
disagreement of the boxer. But again, any good coach will always have the boxer’s
wellbeing first and foremost in mind… which can’t always be said for the boxer. The
boxer might want to win more than caring for his wellbeing at that moment in time.
(Boxer F)
If the coach sees you’re in pain… say, for example, if you have a broken rib or
dislocated shoulder, then the coach will make that call if you won’t make the call.
(Boxer B)
Yeah… he’s not in the moment, he’s got that clarity of mind where he can say ‘look,
if you continue on, this is going to affect you where you’ll be worse off in the future’.
So yeah, 100 percent. (Boxer D)
Three of the six boxers also explained that the severity of injuries may be understated or even
hidden from the coach in view that he would stop their participation as a result of being more
health-conscious:
Interviewer: How do you think he (the coach) would respond in those situations?
Boxer F: It depends how I portray it… it depends how I get across how severe the
injury is, through how I’m describing it. That’s down to me as well, the coach can
22
only go on the information he is given. I have club-mates who, if a major tournament
is coming up, would try and hide how serious injuries are.
I’ve definitely hidden shoulder pain… you would hide it.
Interviewer: Who all might you hide this from?
Boxer B: Your opponent. Maybe your coaches, if they think you should be taking a
step back and you don’t want to. You shouldn’t do that but it happens.
I think sometimes you’ve got injured and you’ve to fight the next day, you don’t want
the coach to know ‘cos you’re worried he might pull you out. (Boxer E)
Different to what Hughes and Coakley (1991) explain, it would appear that overconformity to
the sport ethic does not take place as a demonstration to the coach that you are a ‘real
athlete’. These particular findings also indicate that fighting hurt does not receive official
recognition from the coach, as pointed out by Young (1993). As such, and dissimilar to that
indicated by Roderick et al (2000), it would not appear that the coach would negatively
stigmatise individuals who are not willing to ‘play hurt’, or ‘fight hurt’ in this case.
Boxer D was only one of six that mentioned ‘that sort of lad culture’ when discussing how
fighting hurt might become learned. Specifically, Boxer D stated that supportive comments
from other boxers in training included ‘come on, what’s wrong with you? Don’t be a girl.’
While this was the case, it cannot be denied that the ways in which boxers in this study
learned to overcome and ignore pain may be as a result of the potential for their masculinity
to be questioned (Young et al, 1994). What was clearer from the abovementioned responses,
however, was that the boxers were aware of the fact that the coach, being more cautious, is
more likely to stop participation if he is made aware of the full extent of certain injuries. As
such, it would be more accurate to suggest that boxers concealed pain from coaches to extend
participation, rather than as a demonstration to others of their manliness (Young et al, 1994).
23
CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUSIONS
4.1 Summary of Findings
One of the main aims of this study was to gain an understanding as to how amateur boxers
understand pain and injury. As has been demonstrated in the discussion chapter, it is clear
that amateur boxers display behaviours that result in the practice of fighting hurt. That is to
say, beliefs are followed in the form of overconforming to the sport ethic, which includes
accepting pain and the risk of injury (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). While pain and minor
injuries relate to situations that can be overcome, major injuries present situations where the
physical experience of pain can no longer be tolerated by the body. A second key aim of this
study was to explore whether and why an amateur boxer may continue to participate through
pain and injury. Appling the work of Nixon (1992), a ‘culture of risk’ exists in amateur
boxing, where the practice of fighting hurt is an attitude that becomes normalised and, in turn,
deeply embedded as a habitual belief. This would support suggestions that overconforming to
the sport ethic forms an aspect of the sports culture in non-elite level contexts (Liston et al,
2006). In regards to the main coach, it has been demonstrated by the boxers’ interpretation
that his principle concern would be of the boxer’s physical health and that he would make
more cautious decisions in circumstances where injuries arise. So much is the case that some
boxers would not disclose the full extent of an injury to the coach, in fear that their
participation would be stopped. In regulating risk-taking behaviour, this has indicated that the
coach aims to temper the existence of a ‘culture of risk’ with behaviours that promote a
‘culture of precaution’ (Safai, 2003). The third and final key aim of the research was to
explore the implications of the findings for current and future amateur sports practice. This,
along with recommendations for future research in the socio-cultural study of pain and injury
will be discussed below.
4.2 Reflections on the Scope of the Study
24
The research objectives were specifically confined to views of the boxers to explore whether
they overconformed to the sport ethic. The limited amount of time to complete the study was
also considered at the stage of outlining the research aims. If more time and resources were
available to complete this study, the research questions may have also explored the meanings
and attitudes attached to pain and injury by the coaches. Similar to that of Wacquant (1995b),
participant observations could have been employed over the course of several months. In
light of the social context, being a working-class area, observations may have provided a
greater opportunity to dig deeper beneath the thickened skin of an amateur boxer, revealing
further the habitus that is developed in the gym environment (Wacquant, 2011). This would
have also enabled to researcher to explore the existence of a ‘culture of precaution’ (Safai,
2003), which only appears to exist in light the boxer’s interpretation of the coach’s behaviour.
Participants aged 18 and over was also a requirement of this study. While it was found that
the ‘skin gets thicker’ in the form of a developing boxing habitus, exploring the views of
youth boxers may have further identified the ways in which fighting hurt becomes accepted
and normalised at an early age. With that said, these reflections prompt the requirement for
future research exploring the risk-taking culture that exists in amateur boxing and perhaps
amateur sport more generally.
4.3 Redefining Cultural Beliefs
Overconforming to the sport ethic produces potentially health-compromising behaviours, and
as demonstrated in this study, takes place as part of an uncritical acceptance of fighting hurt.
These behaviours generated will continue to be reproduced as long as the boxers perceive this
practice to be honourable (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). This view was expressed by Boxer E,
who would appear to be ‘inhabited by the game he inhabits’ (Wacquant, 1995b, p.88).
I think the mentality should stay the same as well. Yes ok, if someone doesn’t have
that (mentality) then they might go into a fight closer to 100 percent more than the
other person who got an injury, but if you don’t tear through it, and let it get to your
head, then there’s no point being in there… you’ll just get hurt.
As such, the responsibility could be placed on the respective governing bodies – the Ulster
Boxing Council in this case – to create and distribute formal guidelines that define courage as
displaying the discipline required to stop participation when injuries arise (Hughes and
Coakley, 1991).
25
4.4 Weight Divisions
Besides accepting the practice of fighting hurt, a related implication of overconforming to the
sport ethic comes in the form of ‘making the weight’ ahead of competitive fights. From the
findings, it would appear that this is an unwelcomed, yet expected aspect of preparing for a
fight:
I don’t miss making the weight… that was a different kind of pain. I think having to
sweat out down to the lowest weight that you could, to then fight… the whole weight
loss thing could be safer. Sometimes you would lose so many kilos, an unhealthy
amount in such a short space of time… you’re dehydrated. It’s just not healthy.
(Boxer D)
It’s awful. I fight at 69 kilograms but walk about at 73. I really struggle to get down to
the last few kilos… leading up to the last couple of weeks you’re exhausted. You’re
weighing in the morning before every fight, so you’re killing yourself and then you
have a couple of hours before the fight to rehydrate. The last thing you feel able for is
getting into the ring but you have to do it. But yeah, it’s painful. It’s something you
have to do, it’s just part of it. (Boxer F)
As Boxer D explained, it is ‘a different kind of pain’. Making the weight is therefore
responded to in the same way that other experiences of pain are responded to, where it is
accepted and overcome. Hall and Lane (2001) have reported that quickly losing weight by
restricting water and food intake can result in fatigue and increased anger and tension. As
such, overconforming to the sport ethic presents a situation, in what would appear to be ahead
of every fight, where the physical and mental health of the boxer is negatively affected.
Therefore, a practical recommendation could involve the implementation by the Ulster
Boxing Council of more weight divisions to reduce the difference in weight that is lost. Boxer
F explained that ‘the next weight up from my division is 75 kilograms, which is six extra
kilos’. A specific example of new weight divisions could be the introduction of a 69 to 72
division and a 73 to 75 division.
4.5 Greater Awareness of Brain Injuries
26
Several boxers in the study pointed out that they were unsure of what concussion was and
how to identify it in a fight. Boxer F explained this issue as follows:
I’m not sure that I know exactly what concussion is and whether or not I have
suffered from concussion.
Interviewer: Do you think you have ever experienced concussion?
Boxer F: I might have… I probably have! I’ve got hit pretty hard but I don’t know, I
don’t know what concussion feels like. I’ve never been in a situation where I’ve went
and got been assessed after a competition to see if I was concussed.
Several potential issues were discovered when concussion became the focus during the
interviews. The first being, as explained above, some boxers were unaware of how to identify
concussion and what protocols or precautions would be in place following concussion, which
is perhaps due to a lack of knowledge circulated within the sport. Second, other boxers,
namely those of more thickened skin, explained that concussion was not something that they
regarded as health-concerning. Therefore, it would seem appropriate to suggest another
practical recommendation in regards to creating a greater awareness of the potential
symptoms and resulting effects of brain-related injuries. Perhaps of greater worth, however,
would be to combine this with that mentioned in chapter 4.3, where gaining an understanding
the importance of treating brain-related injuries is associated with having a high degree of
discipline and is exemplified as a courageous act within amateur boxing.
4.6 Exploring the ‘Culture of Precaution’
A key implication for future research that emerged from this study relates to the existence of
a ‘culture of precaution’ in amateur boxing. It was found that the coach-as-medic acts to
moderate risk-taking behaviour in similar ways to that found by Safai (2003) in the
negotiations between clinicians and injured athletes. At the same time, several boxers
mentioned that the process of developing a higher pain threshold is taught in training. Boxer
E also explained that, although the coach would generally be more coaches with injuries,
‘judged risks’ would be negotiated in cases where minor injuries are present:
Yeah he’d be more cautious… but if it’s a minor injury… like I hurt my elbow
once… we both knew I had to fight the next day. So we adjusted our game plan to
27
focus on uppercuts and things like that… It’s not like I’d be going in with a bleed in
the brain and still fight. It’s a… judged risk.
At this stage, it would appear that the coach simultaneously facilitates and restricts risk-
taking behaviour. It is perhaps more appropriate to speculate that the coach-as-medic is more
likely to be enmeshed in the sportsnet, as part of the ‘culture of risk’, as unlike a qualified
clinician, he would not be acting in accordance with a professional (medical) code of
practice. Future research is therefore required to explore the the negotiations that take place
between the injured boxer and the coach in amateur boxing. This research might aim towards
exploring the attitudes of the coach in regards to fighting hurt. More specifically, research
questions might aim to
discover: what are the meanings attached to pain and injury by the coach? At what point
along the pain-injury continuum does the coach perceive a ‘sensible risk’ (Safai, 2003) to be?
And, what implications does sensible risk-taking have on the health of a boxer?
28
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APPENDICES
Appendix I: Ethics Approval
33
Appendix II: Information Sheet
INFORMATION SHEET
34
Research Title: Over conformity to the sport ethic and its application to amateur boxing
Researcher: Christopher Hood, supervised by Dr. Katie Liston
Dear (Name),
You have received this information sheet because you have indicated your willingness to
participate in a study on ‘Overconformity to the sport ethic and its application to amateur
boxing’. This document explains what the research project is about and what is expected of
you, should you agree to participate.
Aims of the Study: This project aims to gain an understanding of how amateur boxers
understand pain and injury. Views will be explored to identify whether and why an amateur
boxer may continue to participate through pain and injury. In addition, this will enable the
researcher to explore and discuss the implications of playing on through pain and injury for
current and future amateur sports practice.
Why have I been asked to participate?
You have been asked to participate due to your involvement with a selected amateur boxing
club as an adult amateur boxer.
Do I have to take part?
No. It is completely your own choice to participate and you may withdraw from the study at
any time without giving a reason.
What will I be required to do?
Should you choose to participate you will be required to complete a one-on-one semi-
structured interview on an arranged date and time slot and at a location of your choice (either
a private room at your boxing club or a selected neutral location). During the interview you
will be required to:
1. Sign a consent form enabling the data collected from your interview to be stored
analysed by the researcher.
2. Answer questions and discuss themes relating to the aims and objectives of the
research project.
3. Agree to the audio recording of the interview.
35
Will my taking part in this research project be kept confidential?
Confidentiality and anonymity will be maintained throughout the study and all data will be
dealt with in accordance with the UK Data Protection Act 1998. Data collected from
interviews will be transcribed and stored electronically. Audio recordings and transcriptions
will be password protected by the researcher at all times. Your name and other personal
information will be removed to protect against identification. Only the researcher/supervisor
will have access to this information and this will be password protected electronically.
What will happen to the results of this study?
The researcher will analyse the interviews. Results and findings from the research will be
submitted for the awarding of a BSc Sports Studies degree. Stored data will also be deleted
when no longer required.
Appendix III: Participant Consent Form
36
Appendix IV: Interview Guide
37
Appendix V: Boxer E Transcript
38
Theme one – background information
1. How long have you been a member at the boxing club?
I’ve been a member here for… coming up to fifteen years.
2. How often do you train on a weekly basis?
If there’s not really any fights coming up, usually about four to five times a week. In
competition time that would be six days a week, twice a day.
3. How many official amateur fights have you had?
About 180.
4. What are your main reasons for being involved in amateur boxing?
I first started off here ‘cos my granddad was a boxer years ago. I was getting in to trouble as
well, getting caught up in things I shouldn’t have been. I came up to train just and then I
stuck at it and loved it.
5. Have your reasons for staying involved changed since then?
It became part and parcel of my life now. I’ve been doing it for fifteen years now and
obviously I want to go pro as well, that’s on the horizon.
6. What does it mean for you to be a boxer?
I think, well being biased, I think it’s the best sports in the world. It’s one of the purest sports,
it’s two guys in the ring and there’s a winner and a loser at the end of it. I think the reason it
means a lot to me is because it tells you a lot about someone in the ring. It takes a lot of balls
to get in the ring… doesn’t matter if it’s your first fight or your hundredth fight, it takes a lot
of guts.
7. Would you say being a boxer is different to being a participant in other sports?
Definitely… you might play football or rugby but you don’t play boxing. If you get in and
it’s something you’re not taking seriously and taking it very lightly… people get hurt that
way.
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8. What do you think it is that is required in boxing that is different to other sports?
Probably a hell of a lot of dedication. At an amateur level if you really wanna do well you
need to be in the gym five, six days a week, twice a night. You’re not someone who’s making
money and to keep motivated it’s hard to keep doing that. You have to be mentally very
strong.
Theme two – views on pain and injury
1. In relation to pain and injury, what do you think it takes to be a boxer?
It’s part and parcel. Every boxer gets injured, there’s very few who get in to the ring 100%.
2. How would you define both pain and injury – starting with pain?
It’s a pretty numb area in boxing. When you’re competing… I can honestly say I never get a
pain when I’m fighting. If you get cut or stuff like that you just seem numb to it. Your mind
is still on what you have to do so… I’ve been cut a number of times and… you only know
you’re cut ‘cos you can feel the drip of blood running down the face but you don’t actually
feel the cut itself. So pain would be… I’d say if I done something in training, but in reference
to a fight there’s been very few times I’ve felt pain.
3. Why do you feel it’s the case where you can’t feel pain in a fight?
I think it’s just the adrenaline. You don’t really have to time to go ‘that was sore’, you’re
already waiting for their next attack. You just don’t think about it.
4. How would you then define injury?
I would say injury is something that hinders my performance before a competition or before a
fight.
5. Would pain stop your participation?
No.
6. What about injury?
Probably to a degree, depending on the extent of the injury. Minor injuries… no. Both my
hands are bad now and my elbow now as well, just sore before and after every training and
it’s just trying to manage it… ice, stretching before and after, anti-inflammatories and things
40
like that… acupuncture and all that carry on. So I wouldn’t say that injury prevents me… but
obviously there’s bigger issues. I think at the time when I hurt my hand it was injured. I think
it was fractured or something and I continued on for nearly a year and four months until I
actually sat down and was told I needed an operation. It was almost the fear of missing out
and stuff.
7. What do you feel kept you competing throughout that period?
There were always competitions coming up and you have to win them. You have to be
there… you have to win. It’s almost a sign of weakness as well I suppose.
8. Who do you feel you might feel ‘weak’ in front of?
Everyone… the coach as well. He’s in it as much as you are. If you’re training twelve times a
week, so are they… you don’t wanna let them down. I think yourself as well is the biggest
part of it. No matter how injured you are you’ll usually say to yourself that you could’ve done
it.
9. You mentioned in relation to injury that you would have minor and major injuries.
What would minor injuries apply to?
Minor injuries… bruising, bruised hands, staved fingers, black eyes… all that. The likes of
the operation with my hand, it started off minor but then I needed two operations to fix it.
Obviously it turned into a major. After the first operation I came back to early against the
doctor’s advice… I started hitting the bag again and done my hand in again. Next thing you
know I’m back in the procedure room to get it operated on again. With the second time it
took me to realise that I need to take my time getting back. Major in boxing is something that
sometime physically you can’t enter a fight with. So say you had a cast on your arm, that’s
major, you can’t do it. Where if you’ve a cut and you can hide it from the doctor… you can
glue it or you can stitch it, that’s fine… fight on, there’s no problem that way.
10. What type of injuries would you hide?
It could be anything… like with my hands, at weigh ins the doctor would always shake your
hands and stuff. My hand was that bad that I couldn’t even shake his hand. What I done was I
went ‘no, no, no… I don’t want any germs!’ so I went for a fist bump ‘cos it was so much
easier and it didn’t hurt. There’s so many other injuries I’ve hidden in a fight, like muscular
injuries. Especially in a fight, you don’t want the opponent to know… the last thing you want
41
is for them to use it to their advantage. What I’ve done at competitions before is went away
straight after and glued the cut had my dinner sent up to my room so no one can see the cut.
You want to make the cut and the injury look as minor as possible even though it maybe is
major.
11. How would a minor injury become a major injury?
Probably competing on with it… most minor injuries you can compete in with and then after
the tournament when you get time off you can be fine. Like with my hands and my elbow
now, it does hinder me a bit but you can tear through it… whereas a major… like if a sprinter
can’t put weight on his ankle, that’s a major injury.
12. Who might make decisions regarding injuries in both training and competitions?
In training it would be the coach. In fights it would be through a doctor… the doctor will
check around your pupils, cuts and stuff… A time when I was away in Lithuania, I had a cut
in a fight and straight away after we glued it and done everything to get it down but as soon
as the doctor seen it he said it was too bad. What they fear is that it would spread, where, as
soon as you get hit on it, it would tear like paper.
13. How would you feel in those situations about the advice of medical staff?
You never agree. Load of arguments and stuff… maybe two or three times whenever they tell
you no you argue. I remember one point arguing and I rubbed my cut and all saying ‘it’s fine,
nothing wrong with it!’… but once they say no it’s no, they’re never gonna go back.
14. How would the coach react to injuries in training?
It depends… it’s a tough one. Sometimes he’d know you’re nursing an injury but you have to
adapt training to match it. I couldn’t do pull ups and stuff so we just eliminated it… things
that just don’t aggravate it, that will keep me going and keep me fit but just won’t aggravate
the injury.
15. Do you think the coach is more cautious than boxers when it comes to injury?
Yeah, definitely. I’m sure there’s some out there that probably aren’t, but my coach would be
a lot more hesitant. He would be thinking of your health more than the fight.
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Theme three – prevalence of pain and injury
1. Amongst the group of boxers, do you think there’s a general idea that you should
continue to fight through pain and injury?
Yeah… yeah. I think everyone almost accepts it. There’s very little nagging. You don’t get
many coming in saying ‘my hand is killing me’, you just sort of deal with it, you don’t really
nag on about it. No one really wants to hear anybody nagging on. If I heard anybody nagging
on about injuries I almost think ‘weakness… stop moaning, you’re moaning all the time’. It’s
not that other boxers will hide it in the gym, they just won’t moan about it.
2. How might experiences of pain and injury be different than in other sports?
I think sometimes you’ve got injured and you’ve to fight the next day, you don’t want the
coach to know ‘cos you’re worried he might pull you out. Or sometimes you can…
sometimes you say to the coach ‘I’ve hurt my hands, I need ice’. I think you find your own
ways just.
3. What sorts of injuries have you experienced when competing, and where these minor
or major?
The most major one would be my hand, I’ve had two operations on that. I damaged it then I
had the operation a year or so later. At the time when I injured it I wasn’t on the Irish team
which meant I wasn’t on their scheme to pay for operations… so I had to sit tight on it and
then once I got on the scheme, and once my hand got really bad, they paid to get it fixed. I’ve
had the like of cuts, I get more of them now with the headgear being gone. I’ve damaged
ligaments in my foot with sparing… it was probably one of my sorest just because I couldn’t
even walk on it. But even then I got up and organised a spar the next day, but then my coach,
he called the shots and cancelled the spar.
4. What experiences of pain have you had in a fight?
You don’t really experience pain in a fight, which is crazy to think when you’re getting hit in
the face. It’s just because you’re so… tuned in to what you’re doing. You don’t have time to
think about pain. It might be different in a football match with a tackle… you have others
43
who can recover for you but in boxing you’ve someone standing in front of you and they’re
gonna hit you again if you don’t react.
5. Would you say it is a case where pain is there but you don’t physically feel it?
Yeah I think the adrenaline… I’m sure it’s there, you just don’t think about it. Sometimes
with a cut you’ll feel the blood dripping down your face but you don’t even know you’re cut,
you cant feel it. I think it’s just down to the adrenaline. Even in a fight your hands are fine,
they feel fine… your sides are fine, but then a couple of yours later when the adrenaline has
came down, you get all those aches in your sides and face… hands.
6. Have there been any return to training protocols for injuries you’ve experienced?
Within the club you just treat it yourself. Once you hit the higher level you would be treated
by medical staff for injuries and they’re really good with that.
7. Are you aware of any protocols in relation to concussion?
No.
8. What would make an injury serious or not serious for you?
Serious would be if I cant get in the ring. Not serious would be if I can get in the ring…with
serious being something you can physically see. As mad as it sounds, with a broken hand,
you can still get in the ring… yes ok you aren’t going to be at 100% but as long as you can
get in that ring, whereas serious would be if you physically cant… not because of you but
mainly because of others, like the doctor if they just wont pass you into the ring.
9. You mention that you aren’t aware of any protocols in relation to concussion. Would
this be something you aren’t worried about, or is it a case where such a protocol simply
does not exist?
I don’t think it’s something I’m worried about. I’ve never really been worried about it. I think
the first time I got stopped in a fight, after the fight the doctor wouldn’t leave me or let me go
to sleep. It still didn’t make me any more aware of it to be honest. It’s not something I really
worry about and it’s not something you really hear about in boxing.
10. Would you say there have been times when you have experienced concussion?
44
Probably… I’d say so. Sometimes you fight and you just have this thumping feeling in your
head. Not so much from a good shot, ‘cos if you get caught with a good shot it’s lights out…
but I don’t think you’re concussed there, you’re just knocked out and you come round. I don’t
really know, but from what I know it’s when the blood supply to the brain gets cut off for a
split second… which means you pass out. I think the worst is when you have a thumping in
your head, ‘cos sometimes you’ll fight a couple of times over a few days and you come out
with that thumping. But it doesn’t make you dizzy or make you sick or anything like that, it’s
just an uncomfortable feeling.
11. Have you witnessed others within the club continuing to participate when in pain or
injured?
Yeah… everyone probably. I think it’s just part and parcel of it. Everyone accepts that you’re
never in the ring 100% so… you just do it.
12. To clarify, pain and minor injuries would be experiences you would continue to fight
through?
Yeah.
13. And with major injuries?
That would be something that would physically stop you getting in the ring. A sore muscle or
a sore head… they all come with dehydration from making the weight anyway so everyone is
used to that and training through them.
Theme Four – Contributing Factors affecting participation when in pain or injured
1. What is it about pain and minor injuries that would cause you to continue to fight
on?
I think the fact that you can, you have an option to go through it. Just because it’s all you
know… and it’s like a drug, everyone loves getting their hand raised at the end of a fight so I
think you don’t want to not get that feeling.
2. Have others within the club influenced your decision?
No, probably not… just myself.
3. What about the coach?
45
Yeah they’d be more cautious… but if it’s a minor injury… like I hurt by elbow once and we
just adapted the training where it wasn’t hurting me and you could still train. We both knew I
had to fight the next day. So we adjusted our game plan to focus on uppercuts and things like
that.
4. Do you think you would still take risks and that between yourself and the coach you
would negotiate sensible risks?
Yeah, that’s it. It’s not like I’d be going in with a bleed in the brain and still fight. It’s a…
judged risk. People will go, ‘if you’re injured, you’re injured’ and you can’t do it… the likes
of the doctor and stuff.
5. Have you ever been worried enough about an injury that it has stopped you
competing?
Yeah, one time with my hand they (doctor) thought it was a disease in my hand where the
bone deteriorates… that was one of the scariest times where I thought ‘am I going to be able
to box anymore?’… that scared the life out of me ‘cos that’s all I want to do. As far as getting
hurt in an injury, like say it got better, I would always come back… as long as I could fight
still.
6. What was it about that particular injury that made you worry about it?
I think it was because it’s not a short-term injury, it’s a long-term. It’ll just keep corroding, so
it was would get to the point where you just can’t… physically can’t. I think that’s what
would scare me the most.
7. Would it be the case that any pain or injury that you feel has no long-term effect on
your health would not be concerning?
Yeah.
8. What would be about certain injuries that would make you worry about them?
I think maybe it it’s a life or death case or something. I have a good life policy anyway!
Theme Five – Implications for health
1. Would you regard both pain and injury as health concerning, or perhaps just injury?
46
Pain and injury, I wouldn’t classify them as health concerning, not in boxing anyway.
2. Would there be any injuries that you would classify as health concerning?
Bleed in the brain. Something like a bleed in the brain… I think there when they (medical
practitioners) say to you ‘look, if you don’t stop now you’re going to die’, I think that’s
different. You know are aren’t going to die with a bad hand, elbow or shoulder but obviously
from the neck up it’s different.
3. Would that then be the type of circumstances in which it would begin to affect your
health?
Yeah, if it’s something you can die from, or become a vegetable from – that’s different. It
would be for anyone I think.
Revisiting questions
1. What are the main things that you think about approaching a fight, or perhaps in a
fight, that cause you to compete when in pain or injured?
Just winning. The main thing in it is about winning.
2. Is there anything related to this that might come from representing yourself as a
boxer?
I think it’s a big pride thing as well. It’s an honourable thing as well. I just do it ‘cos it love it
and I love everything about the sport.
3. Do you think you require a greater pain threshold to be a boxer, over being a
participant in other sports?
Yeah, I think so. I think it’s the same in other sports, but the likes of athletics, I don’t think
they are as mentally strong as boxers. They might want to beat a personal best but for boxers
it’s winning or nothing. I think for boxing you need to know that you are the best in your
head.
4. Is there anything you would like to see change that might benefit amateur boxing, in
terms of injuries or being more health concerning as a sport?
I think maybe once you hit pro level having a brain scan every three years or something,
although it might cost too much money. Apart from that, I think it’s as safe as it can be.
47
Taking the head guards off was a good step forward, people aren’t inclined to take as much
punishment. I think the mentality should stay the same as well. Yes ok, if someone doesn’t
have that then they might go into a fight closer to 100% more than the other person who’s got
an injury, but if you don’t tear through it and let it get to your head then there’s no point
being in there. You don’t go into a fight with a doubt in your head… you’ll just get hurt.
Appendix VI: First Order Coding
Relevant and otherwise significant words and phrases (codes) were highlighted in colour
order. For example, green represented views on pain, while blue and purple represented what
was identified as minor and major injuries respectively. Conceptually informed ideas were
noted on the right-hand side. Possible sub-headings and quotations were marked on the left-
hand side.
48
Appendix VII: Second Order Coding
Included in the diagram below is the data that was not included in the main text. This has
been referred to to support particular points made. This also illistrates an example of second
order coding; grouping codes under theoretically informed ideas.
49
Appendix VIII: Annual Supervision Record
BSc. Sports Studies/Sport: Theory and Practice
Annual Dissertation Supervision Record
Student: Supervisor: Dr. K. Liston Frequency of Meetings and Engagement by StudentMeetings were held at least once every three weeks. This frequency increased at key points in the research process. For example, around the completion of project management deadlines or in the run-in to final submission, meetings were held once a week. Contact was maintained outside of these meetings by e-mails when any queries could be answered without a formal appointment. The student was always prepared for meetings (some more than others) and had a clear list of issues/questions to be addressed. While the research process was challenging at times this did not sway the student from the completion of this work. Content and Focus of MeetingsMeetings were focused around the issues that arose at the relevant stages of research e.g. clarification of research questions based on an informed and critical understanding of the relevant literature, thematic organisation and synthesis of this relevant material, the organisation and focus of methods chapter/section and ideas for (data) analysis, the research sample, the subsequent write-up of this analysis as well as overall conclusions and reflections on the process. Where appropriate, these meetings also covered relevant ground in relation to work on other modules (e.g. where an overlap occurred or where relevant theoretical ideas/interests informed thinking across the degree programme). Accordingly, progress was always clear in terms of clarification of ideas, practical decisions about the direction of the project or any changes that were made over the course of the research.Other comments: Supervisor’s PerspectiveBeyond that summarised above, I have nothing to add in professional terms. I was delighted to see the student’s interest in this area and I enjoyed building a relationship over the course of the year. The final composition of the thesis reflects the advice given by me. For this reason, the appendices are included to reflect the ways in which the current word limit (11,000, including 10% leeway) constrained the scope of the project. The poster design also reflects the advice given by me, particularly for library-based projects. Other comments: Student’s PerspectiveMeetings were generally informative and useful, particularly in terms of clarifying ideas and gaining feedback on completed chapters of the dissertation. Additional queries were responded to by the supervisor in timely fashion. Overall, the advice given over the course of the two semesters suitably guided my progress.
Signed: C. Hood Supervisor Date: 29 April 2015
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