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TRANSCRIPT
Do Vocatives Constitute a Separate Part of Speech? A Comparison of Russian and North Saami Data
Laura A. Janda and Lene Antonsen
Overview
PART ONE: What is a voca;ve? Is it a form of a noun or of a verb or something else?
PART TWO: Russian “new” voca;ve mam! ‘mama!’, Saš! ‘Sasha!’
PART THREE: North Saami “new” voca;ve? Gula, mánážan. listen.IMPER.2S child.DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S ‘Listen, my liSle child.’
THEORY
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PART ONE: What is a vocative? A call for attention that hasn’t gotten much attention
THEORY
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Vocatives have been largely ignored
“even though they are amongst the most basic and earliest acquired structures of language, vocatives have hardly ever been discussed in all their facets from a linguistic point of view” Sonnenhauser & Hanna 2013: 3 Among the few studies: Fink 1972, Zwicky 1974, Levinson 1983, Greenberg 1996 However, this situation seems to be changing:
Sonnenhauser & Hanna 2013, Hill 2014, Julien 2014
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Is a vocative a case form of a noun? YES, the voca;ve:
– Can have dis;nct morphological form (Kiparsky 1967) – Can o^en be replaced by nomina;ve, which is a case – Can show agreement within the NP (Hill 2014, Julien 2014) – Can be syntac;cally integrated via a Voca;ve Phrase (Hill 2014)
NO, the voca;ve: – Is not syntac;cally integrated into a clause (Isačenko 1962) – Has peculiar restric;ons that do not apply to other cases (func;onal, lexical, morphological, phonological, cf. Russian)
– Diachronically behaves differently (cf. Bulgarian & Macedonian lost all cases but kept voca;ve)
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Is a vocative a form of a verb? YES, the voca;ve:
– Marks 2nd person (Fink 1972) – Shares features with impera;ves (Jakobson 1971,
Greenberg 1996) – Possessive predica;onal voca;ves (Din idiot! ‘You
idiot! [lit. Your idiot]’ ≈ Du er en idiot ‘You are an idiot’, cf. Julien 2014)
NO, the voca;ve would be a mighty defec;ve verb…
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Is a vocative a form of a verb? YES, the voca;ve:
– Marks 2nd person (Fink 1972) – Shares features with impera;ves (Jakobson 1971,
Greenberg 1996) – Possessive predica;onal voca;ves (Din idiot! ‘You
idiot! [lit. Your idiot]’ ≈ Du er en idiot ‘You are an idiot’, cf. Julien 2014)
NO, the voca;ve would be a mighty defec;ve verb…
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NOTE: associa;on with possessive
Is a vocative another part of speech?
Andersen (2012) argues that the voca;ve is a separate part of speech, based on evidence from the Russian “new” voca;ve and typological comparisons
Segue to Russian
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PART TWO: Russian “new” voca;ve Old Church Slavonic (≈ Proto-‐Slavic) had a voca;ve case (singular only) that has been lost in modern Russian, surviving in only a few interjec;ons: Bože (moj)! ‘(my) God!’ [cf. Bog ‘God.NOM.SG’], Gospodi! ‘Lord!’ [cf. Gospod’ ‘Lord.NOM.SG’] Russian “new” voca;ve has appeared since the mid-‐1800s:
mam! ‘mama!’, Saš! ‘Sasha!’
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PART TWO: Russian “new” voca;ve Old Church Slavonic (≈ Proto-‐Slavic) had a voca;ve case (singular only) that has been lost in modern Russian, surviving in only a few interjec;ons: Bože (moj)! ‘(my) God!’ [cf. Bog ‘God.NOM.SG’], Gospodi! ‘Lord!’ [cf. Gospod’ ‘Lord.NOM.SG’] Russian “new” voca;ve has appeared since the mid-‐1800s:
mam! ‘mama!’, Saš! ‘Sasha!’
NOTE: associa;on with possessive
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Features of Russian “new” voca;ve • Pragma;c func;ons: Cona;ve (invi;ng, summoning, calling)
and Pha;c (conveying speaker’s intent); not used in commands
• Lexical restric;ons: Only used with words that can serve as forms of address
• Morphophonological restric;ons: Limited to words ending in –a with penul;mate or prepenul;mate stress
• Phonological peculiari;es: Formed by trunca;on, resul;ng in word-‐final consonant clusters (lacking vowel inser;on) and voiced final consonants not otherwise tolerated in Russian
• Strong associa;on with diminu;ves (themselves peculiar)
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Russian “new” vocative: Some examples from Andersen 2012
(1) Dissyllabic hypocoristics. (Kóstja! ⇒) Kóst !, (Nádja! ⇒) Nád !; (2) Dissyllabic diminutives. (Ván ka! ⇒) Ván k!, (Máška! ⇒) Mášk!; (3) Hypocoristics of three or more syllables. (Natáša! ⇒) Natás!, (Serëžka! ⇒) Serëžk!, ...; (4) Kinship terms. (djádja! ⇒) djád !, (máma! ⇒) mám!,...; (5) Patronymics. (Andréevna! ⇒) Andrévn!, (Nikoláevna! ⇒) Nikolávn!,...; (6) Name + patronymic. (Ánna Ivánovna! ⇒ Ànn Vánna! ⇒) Ànn Vánn!, (Már ja Aleksándrovna! ⇒ Màr Sánna! ⇒) Màr Sánn!, ...; (7) Common nouns. (dévuška! ‘Miss’ ⇒) dévušk!, (chozjájka! ‘hostess, landlady’ ⇒) chozjájk!, (rebjáta! ‘boys, guys’ ⇒) rebját!, (devčáta! ‘girls’ ⇒) devčát!, .... BOLDFACE marks items that conflict with Russian phonotac;cs
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Andersen’s argument
• Voca;ves do not perform any of the senten;al syntac;c func;ons associated with the case forms of nouns
• Nomina;ves can be used as voca;ves: this is homonymy since conversion does not require an overt marker
• The distribu;on and behavior of voca;ve forms is very different from that of case forms: mostly restricted to names, kinship terms, can defy phonotac;cs
∴ The voca;ve is a separate part of speech
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PART THREE: North Saami “new” voca;ve?
Noun + Possessive Suffix Lásse stoahká ustibiinnis [Lásse.NOM plays friend.COM.SG.PX.3S]
‘Lásse is playing with his friend’
Reflexive Pronoun in Genitive Case Lásse stoahká iežas ustibiin [Lásse.NOM plays REFL.GEN.PX.3S friend.COM.SG]
‘Lásse is playing with his friend’
The possessive suffix (NPx) is being replaced by an analy;c construc;on (ReflN) in anaphoric contexts:
The one use where the NPx is strongest is arguably a voca;ve: Gula, mánážan. listen.IMPER.2S child.DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S ‘Listen, my liSle child.’
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Development of a vocative from a possessive is not unprecedented
Michael (2013: 157) documents the use of the First Person Singular possessive construction with close kinship terms, as in ina “my mother” in Nanti (spoken in Peruvian Amazonia) as vocatives.
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The replacement of North Saami NPx by ReflN
1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
Year of Birth
Pro
porti
on o
f Ref
lN
A Larsen
J Turi
KN Turi
HA Guttorm
M BongoAO Eira
JA Vest
K Paltto
EM Vars
JM Mienna
MA Sara
Data: 2272 examples from literary texts (0.53M words)
NPx with NOM used as a
voca;ve survives well even among younger authors
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Refl + N, which is replacing NPx (but NOT used as voca;ve)
Refl guoibmi “partner” 1S iežan NOM.SG guoibmi 2S iežat GEN.SG=ACC.SG guoimmi 3S iežas ILL.SG guoibmái 1D iežame LOC.SG guoimmis 2D iežade COM.SG=LOC.PL guimmiin 3D iežaska NOM.PL guoimmit 1P iežamet GEN.PL=ACC.PL guimmiid 2P iežadet ILL.PL guimmiide 3P iežaset COM.PL guimmiiguin
ESS guoibmin
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NPx expands noun paradigm from 13 slots to 130, adding these 81 unique forms for guoibmi “partner”
NOM.SG: 1S guoibmán 2S guoibmát 3S guoibmis 1D guoibmáme 2D guoibmáde 3D guoibmiska 1P guoibmámet 2P guoibmádet 3P guoibmiset
GEN.SG=ACC.SG: 1S guoibmán 2S guoimmát 3S guoimmis 1D guoibmáme 2D guoimmáde 3D guoimmiska 1P guoibmámet 2P guoimmádet 3P guoimmiset
ILL.SG: 1S guoibmásan 2S guoibmásat 3s guoibmásis 1D guoibmáseame 2D guoibmáseaSe 3D guoibmáseaskka 1P guoibmáseamet 2P guoibmáseaSet 3P guoibmáseaset
LOC.SG: 1S guoimmistan 2S guoimmistat 3S guoimmis;s 1D guoimmisteame 2D guoimmisteaSe 3D guoimmisteaskka 1P guoimmisteamet 2P guoimmisteaSet 3P guoimmisteaset
COM.SG=LOC.PL: 1S guimmiinan 2S guimmiinat 3S guimmiinis 1D guimmiineame 2D guimmiineaSe 3D guimmiineaskka 1P guimmiineamet 2P guimmiineaSet 3P guimmiineaset
GEN.PL=ACC.PL(=NOM.PL 1S/D/P): 1S guimmiidan 2S guimmiidat 3S guimmiidis 1D guimmiideame 2D guimmiideaSe 3D guimmiideaskka 1P guimmiideamet 2P guimmiideaSet 3P guimmiideaset
ILL.PL: 1S guimmiidasan 2S guimmiidasat 3S guimmiidasas 1D guimmiidasame 2D guimmiidasade 3D guimmiidasaska 1P guimmiidasamet 2P guimmiidasadet 3P guimmiidasaset
COM.PL: 1S guimmiidanguin 2S guimmiidatguin 3S guimmiidisguin 1D guimmiideameguin 2D guimmiideaSeguin 3D guimmiideaskkaguin 1P guimmiideametguin 2P guimmiideaSetguin 2P guimmiideasetguin
ESS: 1S guoibminan 2S guoibminat 3S guoibminis 1D guoibmineame 2D guoibmineaSe 3D guoibmineaskka 1P guoibmineamet 2P guoibmineaSet 3P guoibmineaset 18
Boldfaced forms are NOM.PX first person, can be used as voca;ve
NOM.SG: 1S guoibmán 2S guoibmát 3S guoibmis 1D guoibmáme 2D guoibmáde 3D guoibmiska 1P guoibmámet 2P guoibmádet 3P guoibmiset
GEN.SG=ACC.SG: 1S guoibmán 2S guoimmát 3S guoimmis 1D guoibmáme 2D guoimmáde 3D guoimmiska 1P guoibmámet 2P guoimmádet 3P guoimmiset
ILL.SG: 1S guoibmásan 2S guoibmásat 3s guoibmásis 1D guoibmáseame 2D guoibmáseaSe 3D guoibmáseaskka 1P guoibmáseamet 2P guoibmáseaSet 3P guoibmáseaset
LOC.SG: 1S guoimmistan 2S guoimmistat 3S guoimmis;s 1D guoimmisteame 2D guoimmisteaSe 3D guoimmisteaskka 1P guoimmisteamet 2P guoimmisteaSet 3P guoimmisteaset
COM.SG=LOC.PL: 1S guimmiinan 2S guimmiinat 3S guimmiinis 1D guimmiineame 2D guimmiineaSe 3D guimmiineaskka 1P guimmiineamet 2P guimmiineaSet 3P guimmiineaset
GEN.PL=ACC.PL(=NOM.PL 1S/D/P): 1S guimmiidan 2S guimmiidat 3S guimmiidis 1D guimmiideame 2D guimmiideaSe 3D guimmiideaskka 1P guimmiideamet 2P guimmiideaSet 3P guimmiideaset
ILL.PL: 1S guimmiidasan 2S guimmiidasat 3S guimmiidasas 1D guimmiidasame 2D guimmiidasade 3D guimmiidasaska 1P guimmiidasamet 2P guimmiidasadet 3P guimmiidasaset
COM.PL: 1S guimmiidanguin 2S guimmiidatguin 3S guimmiidisguin 1D guimmiideameguin 2D guimmiideaSeguin 3D guimmiideaskkaguin 1P guimmiideametguin 2P guimmiideaSetguin 2P guimmiideasetguin
ESS: 1S guoibminan 2S guoibminat 3S guoibminis 1D guoibmineame 2D guoibmineaSe 3D guoibmineaskka 1P guoibmineamet 2P guoibmineaSet 3P guoibmineaset
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Data: Literary texts (.53M words) + New Testament (.13M words)
CASE.NUMBER form of possessum
PERSON.NUMBER of possessor
# examples of voca;ve use
# examples of other exophoric use
NOM.SG 1S 102 21
NOM.SG 1P 6 38
NOM.PL 1S 27 0
NOM.PL 1P 1 0
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Data: Literary texts (.53M words) + New Testament (.13M words)
CASE.NUMBER form of possessum
PERSON.NUMBER of possessor
# examples of voca;ve use
# examples of other exophoric use
NOM.SG 1S 102 21
NOM.SG 1P 6 38
NOM.PL 1S 27 0
NOM.PL 1P 1 0
NOM.PL uses are all voca;ve, very stylized, found primarily in Biblical texts
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NOM.PL.PX examples Vocative First Person Singular with Nominative Plural possessum Mánážiiddán, leat go dis guolit? [NT]
Mánážiiddán child.DIM.NOM.PL.PX.1S “My dear/little children, do you have fish?”
Vocative First Person Plural with Nominative Plural possessum
Ráhkkásiiddán, jos Ipmil lea ráhkistan min nu, de mii ge leat geatnegasat ráhkistit guhtet guimmiideamet. [NT]
Ráhkkásiiddán dear.NOM.PL.PX.1P “Dearly beloved [our dear people], as much as God has loved us, so we
are obliged to love each other.”
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Data: Literary texts (.53M words) + New Testament (.13M words)
CASE.NUMBER form of possessum
PERSON.NUMBER of possessor
# examples of voca;ve use
# examples of other exophoric use
NOM.SG 1S 102 21
NOM.SG 1P 6 38
NOM.PL 1S 27 0
NOM.PL 1P 1 0
NOM.SG with 1P can also be voca;ve, again o^en found in Biblical texts: Áhččámet father.NOM.SG.PX.1P
‘Our Father’ 23
Data: Literary texts (.53M words) + New Testament (.13M words)
CASE.NUMBER form of possessum
PERSON.NUMBER of possessor
# examples of voca;ve use
# examples of other exophoric use
NOM.SG 1S 102 21
NOM.SG 1P 6 38
NOM.PL 1S 27 0
NOM.PL 1P 1 0
NOM.SG with 1P can also be voca;ve, again o^en found in Biblical texts: Áhččámet father.NOM.SG.PX.1P
‘Our Father’ 24
Data: Literary texts (.53M words) + New Testament (.13M words)
CASE.NUMBER form of possessum
PERSON.NUMBER of possessor
# examples of voca;ve use
# examples of other exophoric use
NOM.SG 1S 102 21
NOM.SG 1P 6 38
NOM.PL 1S 27 0
NOM.PL 1P 1 0
NOM.SG with 1S is 83% voca;ve, and this is a stronghold of NPx
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NOM.SG.PX examples from a novel for young adults
Viimmat lea guhkes , guhkes dálvi nohkan, Linážan! ‘The long, long winter is finally over, my li`le Lina [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S]!’ Ean eaisege, nieiddažan, gos bat don leat dakkár jurdagiid roggan? ‘No, we're not, my li1le daughter [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S], where did you dig up such ideas?’ Girdil dál lo1ážan! ‘Now fly away, my li`le bird [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S]!’ Maid don dál leat, láikkes bussážan? ‘How are you now, my lazy li`le ki`y [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S]?’
Name
Kinship
Metaphorical Name for a Person
Anthropomorphized Animal
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NOM.SG.PX.1S examples from a novel for young adults
Viimmat lea guhkes , guhkes dálvi nohkan, Linážan! ‘The long, long winter is finally over, my li`le Lina [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S]!’ Ean eaisege, nieiddažan, gos bat don leat dakkár jurdagiid roggan? ‘No, we're not, my li1le daughter [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S], where did you dig up such ideas?’ Girdil dál lo1ážan! ‘Now fly away, my li`le bird [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S]!’ Maid don dál leat, láikkes bussážan? ‘How are you now, my lazy li`le ki`y [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S]?’
All these examples contain DIM suffix –š (-‐ž intervocalically),
all end in -‐žan
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Use of DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S –žan in literary texts
• 88% (53 out of 60 examples) of First Person Singular voca;ve uses in literary texts involve the diminu;ve suffix, and this includes all uses of first names
• We have >10 examples of voca;ve use from two authors: – Larsen (b. 1870) uses the diminu;ve with thirteen of fi^een voca;ve examples (87%), cons;tu;ng 9% of his overall use of NPx
– Vars (b. 1957) uses the diminu;ve with all thirty-‐three (100%) voca;ve examples, cons;tu;ng 18% of her total use of NPx
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Hypothesis & Conclusion
• –žan [DIM.NOM.SG.PX.1S] is undergoing morphological reinterpreta;on as a voca;ve deriva;onal morpheme
• –žan creates independent voca;ve lexemes that are detached from the noun paradigm
• This makes it possible for the voca;ve use of NPx to survive while other uses are being replaced by ReflN
• There is a tendency for inflec;onal forms to get “recycled” into new roles when paradigms are under pressure (Lass 1990, Janda 1996)
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References Andersen, Henning. 2012. The new Russian vocative: Synchrony, diachrony, typology. Scando-Slavica 51. 122-167. Fink, Robert. O. 1972. Person in nouns: is the vocative a case? The American Journal of Philology 93: 61-68. Greenberg, Robert D. 1996. The Balkan Slavic Appellative. Munich: Lincom. Hill, Virginia. 2014. Vocatives. How Syntax Meets with Pragmatics (= Empirical Approaches to Linguistics Theory 5). Leiden: Brill. Isačenko, Alexander. 1962. Die russische Sprache der Gegenwart. Formenlehre. Munich: Hueber. Jakobson, Roman O. 1971. Zur Struktur des russischen Verbums. Roman Jakobson, Selected Writings. Vol. II, 3-15. The Hague: Mouton. Janda, Laura A. 1996. Back from the brink: a study of how relic forms in languages serve as source material for analogical extension. Munich: Lincom Julien, Marit. 2014. Vokativar i norsk. Norsk Lingvistisk Tidsskrift 32: 130-165. Kiparsky, Valentin. 1967. Russische historische Grammatik. Vol. 2. Die Entwicklung des Formensystems. Heidelberg: Winter. Lass, Roger. 1990. How to do things with junk: Exaptation in language evolution. Linguistics 26. 79-102. Levinson, Stephen. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Michael, Lev. 2013. Possession in Nanti. In Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. and R. M. W. Dixon (eds.), Possession and Ownership, 149-166. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sonnenhauser, Barbara and Patrizia Noel Aziz Hanna. 2013. Introduction: Vocative! In: Sonnenhauser & Hanna eds. Vocative! Addressing between system and performance (= Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs 261), Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, 1-23. Zwicky, Arnold. 1974. Hey, Whatsyourname. In Papers from the Tenth Regional Meeting, Chicago Linguistic Society. April 19-21, 1974, Michael La Galy, Robert A. Fox, and Anthony Bruck (eds.), 787-801. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
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