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    Apotheosis of the Roman EmperorAuthor(s): Larry KreitzerSource: The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 53, No. 4 (Dec., 1990), pp. 210-217

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    Apotheosiso f t h eRomanEmperorbyLarryKreitzer

    ewTestamentcholarshavespent a greatdealof energyin recentyearstryingto trace the devel-opment of Christology,the theologi-cal interpretationof the personandwork of Jesus(Dunn 1980;Kreitzer1987b).How is it that the man Jesusof Nazarethwas eventually declaredby the Churchto partakeof the verynature of God?Moreimportantinterms of New Testamentstudies,how much, if at all, can we rely uponthe New Testament documents toinitiate or supportsuch a belief?Certainly these questions aremuchtoo complicated to try andanswerinone briefarticle, but Iwould like tocall attention to one categoryof evi-dence that is often overlooked n at-tempts to solve the Christological

    puzzle by examining backgroundevidence. The categoryto which Iam referring s the apotheosis,ordeification of the Romanemperor.The practiceof apotheosis of theRomanemperorwas certainlywide-spreadand influential enough tohave touched upon the lives of someof the earlyChristians.Thus, it isperhapsnot too farfetched o suggestthat a fresh look at the practicemight shed some light on how manycommon people living in the firstand second centuries C.. might haveconceived of the relationshipbe-tween godand humankind. Such alook might also help to illuminatesome of the ideas being formulatedin the backgroundof ancient NearEasterncultures that helped shapethe developmentof New TestamentChristological thought.The deification of the Romanemperoreventuallybecame a stan-dardreligiouspracticethat was gen-erallyconfirmedby senatorialvote(for he two best volumes on the sub-ject see Taylor1931 andWeinstock1971;also see Bowerstock1984 andSweet 1919).Ratification followedthe death of the emperorand wasvirtually guaranteedunless theemperordid something duringhisreignto offendthe Senateandthere-by jeopardizehis chances of beingenrolledwith the gods. By chancewe have one historian'saccount ofthe apotheosis ceremony.Herodianof Syria,a biographerwriting duringthe third century C.E.,composed anaccount of imperialrule fromthetime of Marcus Aurelius in 180C.E.to the death of Gordian IIIin 238 C.E..ncluded in Herodian's work is anaccount of the ritual ceremony ofthe apotheosis of Septimius Severus(193 to 211 C.E.).'The story mentionsa funeral pyre and, at the climax ofthe ceremony, the releasing of aneagle to symbolize the emperor'sascent into the heavens.The apotheosis of the emperoralso found its way into Roman sculp-ture and art. Most of us have seen apicture of the Arch of Titus (79 to 81

    C.E.),which shows the spoils of thefirstJewishrevoltbeing carriedoffby the conqueringRomans. Less wellknown is anothercarvedscene inthe interior of the archthat depictsthe apotheosis of Titus. The apothe-osis of Augustus is the subjectof averybeautifully carvedcameo, theGemma Augustea,in the Kunsthis-torisches Museum in Vienna. Theidea was apparentlymuch morewidespreadthan we often realize.This article is limited to theperiod 45 B.C.E. o 68 C.E., the end ofJuliusCaesar'sreignto the death ofNero.This Julio-Claudianperiodismost relevant to the formulationofNew TestamentChristologyas someof the most significantChristologicaldevelopmentsundoubtedly ookplaceduringthis time. Becausecoins con-stitute our most important primaryevidence for this period,I will usenumismatic evidence as a guide.Given that Judeawas a Romanprov-ince, andgiven that we know a greatdeal about the prevailingeconomicpolicies of the RomanEmpire,wecan rest assured that many earlyChristians,especially Gentiles,would havehaddaily contact withRoman coins and thus were regularlyexposedto the imperial propagandathat such coinage displayed.It ishopedthat this brief excursion willsensitize students of the New Testa-ment to the contribution that nu-mismatic evidence has madeto thesubjectof Christology.Numismatic Evidencefrom theJulio-ClaudianeriodForthe purposes of this article, I willlimit myself to a consideration ofthe officially sanctioned imperialnumismatic evidence. Rome per-mitted many Greek cities and statesto mint their own coins, but theircontribution will not be consideredhere. These coins do have a greatcontribution to make, especially asthey often reflect a much more fluidunderstanding of how great rulerswere accorded divine status. After

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    Tituswas one of five caesars mentioned bySuetonius ashaving apotheosisconferreduponhim afterdeath. Above:This well-known bas-relief romthe interiorof the ArchofTitus,erectedafterhis death in 81c.E., depicts the spoilsof Jerusalem, ncluding the seven-branchedmenorah,beingcarriedoff byRoman soldiersafterthe destructionof the JerusalemTemplen 70C.E. BAarchivephoto.)Below:Lessfamiliaris the oppositebas-relief,whichshows Titus n a triumphalprocession;behindhim thewinged personificationof Victoryholds a laurel crownoverhis head (hardto discern because this portionof thereliefis badly damaged).Right:In the centerof theinteriorof the arch,directlyabove the opposingbas-reliefs, s thisniche relief that shows the apotheosizedfigureof Titussurroundedbyeagles who bearhim to heaven on theirwings. PhotosfromDerTitusbogenbyMichael Pfanner(Mainz:PhilippvonZabern,1983).

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    The coin representedn this drawingis anantoninianusminted between257 and258 C.E.duringthe reignof Valerian . The reverseshows his son Valerian I, who died as a boy,beingcarried oheaven on the backofaneagle;the accompanying nscriptionreads CON-SECRATIO. he obverse s a portraitof theboywith the inscriptionDIVO VALERIANOCAESARTheDivine CaesarValerian).Allcoin drawingsareby RosemaryLehan.

    all, the Greeks had along history ofdeifying their kings, a practicethatis traceable n coinageat least as farback as the reignof AlexandertheGreat (336 to 323 B.C.E.)?Some kingsactivelypromotedthis policy duringtheir reigns,perhapsthe most fa-mous examplebeing the Seleucidking Antiochus IV (175 to 163 B.C.E.),

    This silver tetradrachmawas minted byAntiochus IV a successorofAlexanderthe Great who ruled from 175 to 163 B.C.E.Theinscription,translated as BASILEUSANTIOCHUSTHEOSEPIPHANES, eclaresKingAntiochus as God made manifest. Thisattitude helped bringAntiochus into conflictwith his Jewishsubjects,eventuallyleadingto the MaccabeanRevolt.

    one of Alexander'ssuccessors.Thisact eventuallybroughtAntiochusinto direct conflict with his Jewishsubjectsand set the stagefor theensuing Maccabeanrevolt.As the Romans absorbed heremnantsof Alexander'sempire, theremaining generalsandprovincialgovernorsoften foundthemselvesthe objectsof divine honors andacclaim. This was especially true ofPompeythe Great andJuliusCaesar.FollowingCaesar'svictory at the

    Greekcity of Pharsalus n 46 B.C.E.,his statues often boreinscriptionsthat proclaimedhim a god.An in-scriptionfromEphesusin the prov-ince of Asia, locatedalongthe west-ern coast of Asia Minor,forinstance,calls him THEOSEPIPHANESGodMadeManifest).Such divine honorsabounded n the East.Returningto the early impera-torialperiod,I shouldpoint out thatreligiouspracticeoperatedon sev-eral different levels in the Empire.Manyof the associations that weremade between the greatleaders anddeities of the East would have beenunacceptablein the West.It was al-rightforRomangeneralsto be show-eredwith divine honors when theywere in the Easternworld,but suchhonors were frownedupon in Rome.Therefore,whenever we can see sig-nificant senatorialdevelopmentstowardapotheosis of the emperor,we can be certain that such develop-ments had long been a partof religi-ous activity in the East.In a way,byexamining the official senatorialsteps towardapotheosiswe giveour-selves a startingpoint fromwhich tounderstandwhat must have been amorepopular perception amongmanyEasternpeoples of the Empire.

    Followingthe precedentsof theEasternprovincesin relating king-ship anddivinity,we find that aseries of senatorialhonors weredecreedon JuliusCaesar from45 to44 B.C.E. These honorsestablished apatternthat was to culminate in hisfull enrollment into the pantheon.Although not technically constitut-ing deification, all of these honorscontributed to an atmosphereofpublic adulation of Caesar's rule ina manner and scale heretofore un-known in Rome. The numismaticevidence bears this out. One strikingfact underlies the direction in whichthese senatorial honors were head-ing: Until 44 B.C.E.no living personhad ever appeared on Roman coinage;yet, in that year many moneyersminted coins with Caesar's portraiton them. The obverse of one coin

    Until 44 B.C.E.,no living person had everappearedon Romancoinage,yet in that yearall themoneyersminted coins with a portraitof JuliusCaesar.One exampleis this obverseof a coinportrayingCaesaras apriestandbestowinga fatherlyimage uponhim withthe inscriptionCAESARPARENSPATRIAE(Caesar,Fatherof the Nation).

    portraysCaesar as a priest and be-stows a fatherlycharacteron the em-perorwith the inscription, CAESARPARENSPATRIAECaesar,Fatherof the Nation). This title was oneof manysenatorialhonorsgiventoCaesarpriorto his death in Marchof 44 B.C.E.Another of the senatorial honorsbestowed on Caesarwas the placingof his statue, with the inscriptionDEUSINVICTUS(To he Conquer-ing God),in the temple of Quirinius.This quasi-divinehonorpromptedCicero to make some sarcastic com-ments in his Letters to Atticus (com-parebook 12,letter 45 andbook 13,letter 28; see Winstedt 1967: 95-96and 165-67). Caesar'sstatue wasassociated with othergodsandothertemples as well. The obverseof onecoin, forexample, depicts the temple

    One of the honors bestowedon Caesarby theRomanSenate was theplacementofhis statue,with theinscriptionDEUS INVICTUS 7btheConqueringGod), n the templeof Quirinius.Caesar's tatue was associated with othergods and temples,such as on this obverseof adenariusshowing the templeof Clementiaand Caesarwith the accompanying nscrip-tion CLEMENTIA AESAR.Some doubt thistemple was ever built (ithas neverbeenlo-cated),butthe coin illustrates that Caesarwasassociated with godsof the Romancapital.

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    of Clementia andCaesar.Althoughthis temple has neverbeen located(andsome doubt its existence), itsimage on the coin speaksto thetrend of associating Caesar with thegodsof the Romancapital.The iden-tification of Caesar with Jupiter scertainly anotherexampleof thewayin which the emperorand Godwere mergingin the popular magi-nation. Let us not forgetthat Sueto-nius wrote that on the night beforeCaesarwas murderedhe had a dreamin which he ascended the heavensandshook hands with the godJupi-ter (TheDeified Julius,chapter81,verse3; see Rolfe 1960:109).Alsorememberthat the mob wantedtocremateCaesar'sbody andinter hisashes in the temple of Jupiter o-cated on the Capitoline hill (TheDeified Juliuschapter84, verse3;see Rolfe 1960:115).One final senatorial honor isrepresentedon the coinageof thetime. Justpriorto Caesar'sassassi-

    Prior to his assassination in March of 44 B.C.E.,JuliusCaesarwas awarded he titleDICTATORPERPETUODictatorforLife).As apartofthat honorhe was granteda gold crownandthroneforuse in public displays and theaters.Thecrownand thronearesubjectsof thisdenariusreverse romthecoinage of Octavian,Caesar'sadoptedheirand successor.The n-scriptionreads CAESARDIC PER shorthandforCaesar,DictatorforLife).

    nation, between January26 andFeb-mruary in the year 44 B.C.E., theSenate awardedCaesar the titleDictatorPerpetuo(DictatorforLife)andgrantedhim a gold crownand agold throne foruse in public displaysandtheaters. The crownandthronearedepictedon the reverseof a coinminted duringthe time of Octavian(laternamedAugustus).This actclearly spoke of quasi-divinerights.It was not until afterthe assassi-

    nation of JuliusCaesarin Marchof44 B.C.E., owever, hat the RomanSenatetook the official step of deifi-cation?OnJanuary1,42 B.C.E.,Caesarwas officially declareda god, a moveno doubtpromptedbyhis adoptedheir Octavian(27B.C.E.o 14C.E.),who saw in the act a means of con-solidatinghis own power.Octavianwas involvedat the time in a des-peratepolitical strugglewith Mark

    Octavian was quick to capitalize on hisadoptivestatus and issued a series of coinsproclaiminghis position as son of the DivineCaesar.This s one such coin, issued afterOctavian'svictoryoverMarkAntonyat theGreektown of Actium in Septemberof31 B.C.E. The obverse shows the head of thegoddesss Venus, o whom Octavian andCaesarattributedmuch of theirsuccess inbattle. Thereverse s of Octavian brandishinga spearwith the inscriptionCAESARDIVIF(Sonof the Divine Caesar).

    Antony,who vigorouslyopposedthedeification of JuliusCaesar,and heused the deification of Caesaras away of legitimizing andelevatinghisown position. Octavian was quick tocapitalize on his adoptivestatus andissued a series of coins proclaiminghis position as son of the DivineCaesar.One such coin was issuedfollowing Octavian'svictory overAntony at the Greek town ofActiumin Septemberof 31 B.C.E. The obverseshows the head of the goddess Venus,to whom both Caesar andOctavianattributed most of their militarysuccesses, and the reverse s of Octa-vian brandishinga spearwith theaccompanying nscription, CAESARDIVIF (Sonof the Divine Caesar).One of the most interestingcoinsissued by Octavian commemoratesthe appearanceof a comet duringthe gameshe held in honor of JuliusCaesar'smilitary victories in Julyof44 B.C.E.The comet first appearedon

    the firstdayof the games,whichlasted forsevendays.Its appearancewas conveniently interpretedas be-ing the soul of Caesarascendingheaven.The comet, orstar,became acommon feature in subsequentcoin-ageof Octavian,againas a means ofemphasizinghis relationshipto theDivine Caesar.All of the coins con-taining star orcomet images arechargedwith symbolism-the kindof symbolism that can be used togreatpolitical advantage.In 27 B.C.E.,when the RomanSenategrantedOctavianthe title ofAugustus,the RomanEmpire,prop-erly speaking, began.It was at thistime, within the Easternprovincesof the Empire,that the first logicalstep toward he practiceof worship-ping the son of a godas a godwastaken. The provinceof Bithynia,located alongthe northwestcoast ofAsia Minor,and the provinceof Asia,located alongAsia Minor'swesterncoast, were the first areasauthorizedby Rome to build a temple to the godAugustus.They wereallowedtobuild the temple on the provisothatworshipwould also be accorded othe goddessRoma.AccordingtoSuetonius,Augustusdidnot want

    Thecomet, orstar,became a commonfeaturein the coinage ofAugustus,a way of empha-sizing his relationshipto the Divine Caesar.Theobverseportraiton this denarius,below,which dates to 17 B.C.E., is of Augustus; thereverse s of JuliusCaesarwearinga crown.Note the starabove Caesar's ead. Theobverseof this coin, above, also dating to 17 B.C.E., isa portraitofAugustus(CAESARAVGVSTVS)The reversehas a comet and an inscriptionreadingDIVVS VLIVSDivineJulius).

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    In27 B.C.E.,whentheRoman enategranted ctavianhetitleofAugustus,theRoman mpire,properlypeaking,began.

    the worshipof himself to be inde-pendentof that givento the personi-ficationof the ruling city (TheDeifiedAugustus, chapter52;see Rolfe1960:207; also see Price 1980).Inso stipulating,Augustuswas at thesame time, of course,strengtheningthe provincialallegianceto Rome-aremarkablyperceptiveandpoliticallyastute move.Templeswere raisedinNicomedia andPergamum, he re-spective capital cities of Bithyniaand Asia. The temple erected atPergamum s depictedon a coin dat-ing to 19B.C.E. The coin shows theedifice of the temple, which bears onits pedimentthe inscriptionROMET

    AVGVSTUSRomeandAugustus).The other inscription, COMASIA(shorthand orCOMMUNIAEASIA),indicates that the coin was issued bythe common leagueof Asia. ThefirstWesternprovinceto institute asimilar cult was Gaul, a regioncom-prisingmuch of modernFrance,Belgiumand northernItaly.At Lug-dunum, capitalof the three districts

    Pergamumwas the capital city of theprovinceof Asia, which was one of the firstareasauthorizedbyRome to build a temple to thegodAugustus.That templeis depictedonthis coin, dating to 19 B.C.E.The nscription onthe pediment, ROMETAVGVSTUS,tandsforRome and Augustus,who did not wantworshipof himself to be independentof thatgiven to thepersonification of the ruling cityof theempire.Theotherpartof theinscription,COMASIA(shorthand or COMMUNIAEASIA), ndicates that the coin was issued bythe common league of theprovince of Asia.Theobverseportrait s of Augustus;the in-scription,IMPIX TRPO V(Imperator inetimes; TribuniceaPotestasfive times),isshorthandforHolderof the TribunalPower.

    This is an exampleof an extensive seriesofcoins depictingthe altarerectedto the godsRomaandAugustusat Lugdunum n 10B.C.E.TheinscriptionreadsROMETAVG the "R"is off the edge of the coin).Theobverse,a por-traitof Augustus,is not shown. Lugdunumwas the capital of the threedistrictsof Gaul,the first Westernprovinceto institute a cultof Augustus.Similartemples were erected nGermaniaand Spain.of Gaul, an altar was erected to thegodsRomaandAugustus in 10B.C.E.This altaris depictedin a series ofcoins. Similartemples andaltarswereerectedin Germania andSpain.

    Augustuswas not deified inRome until afterhis death in 14C.E.His successor,Tiberius(14 o 37 C.E.),was largelyresponsibleforpropagat-ing the cult of the Divine Augustus.Tiberiuswas emperorduringthepublic ministry of Jesus.One coinfromthe reignof Tiberiusbearsonits reverseside a portraitof theDivine Augustus andan inscription

    Emperor Born Years f Rule FamilyRelations CommentsOctavian 63 B.C.E. 27 B.C.E.to 14 C.E. Grandnephew and adopted From 43 to 28 B.C.E. co-ruled as Second Trium-(Augustus) son of Julius Caesar; virate with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Markmarried to Livia Antony. Defeated Antony at Actium in 31 B.C.E. osolidify power base. With Octavian the RomanEmpire, officially speaking, began.Tiberius 42B.C.E. 14 to 37 C.E. Stepson of Augustus; Emperor during the public ministry of Jesus.son of Livia Largely responsible for propagating cult of theDivine Augustus.Caligula 12 C.E. 37 to 41 C.E. Grandnephew of Tiberius; Accorded quasi-divine status to his three sisters,Great-grandson of Livia Agrippina, Drusilla and Julia. Continued Tiberi-us's policy of issuing coins to support cult ofDivine Augustus. Tried to promote his own divin-ity but was assassinated.Claudius 10 B.C.E. 41 to 54C.E. Nephew of Tiberius; Petitioned Roman Senate to grant Livia deifi-grandson of Livia; cation. Also honored Antonia by issuing coinsson of Antonia personifying her as the virtue Constancy.Nero 37 C.E. 54 to 68 C.E. Stepson of Claudius Issued a series of coins commemorating Claudiusbut later annulled honor of apotheosis (eventuallyrestored by the emperor Vespasian). Fell out offavor and committed suicide.

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    that reads,DIVIF DIVOSAUGUST(Sonof the Divine Caesar, he DivineAugustus).The characteristicascen-sion star is placedabove the head ofAugustus;it is reminiscent of his useof a comet, or star,on coins to com-memorate the appearanceof a cometduringthe gameshe held in honor ofJuliusCaesar'spreviousmilitary vic-tories. The Senateopposedthe deifi-cation of Tiberiusin spiteofattemptsby his successor Caligula (37to 41C.E.)to bestow this honor on hisgranduncle.Neither did the Senateconfirm the apotheosis of Caligula;thus, we haveno coins proclaimingthe divinity of either emperor.Nevertheless,Caligulastill holdsan important place in our study ofthe apotheosis of the emperor.Forone thing, he continued Tiberius'spolicy of issuing coins to supportthecult of the Divine Augustus.He alsoaccordedquasi-divinestatus to histhree sisters,Agrippina,Drusilla andJulia(with whom he had incestuousrelationships),by portraying hem,respectively,as the personifications

    The reverseof this sestertiusdepicts theTempleof Augustuscompleted duringthereignof Caligula(37to 41 c.E.). Caligula,second figurefromthe right,stands by thealtarpreparing o make a sacrifice to a bullin honorof his imperial predecessor.Theobverse s of Pietas. Theinscriptionis dedi-cated to the divine Augustusas Holderof theTribunalPower.

    Caligula's ncestuous relationshipswith histhree sistersAgrippina,Drusilla and Juliaarewell known. Less well known is the quasi-divine honors he bestowed on them by por-trayingthem, respectively,as Securitas,Concordiaand Fortuna.Theseassociationsaredepictedon this sestertius reverse.of Securitas,Concordia and Fortuna.Caligulawas particularlyattachedto Drusilla anddid all he could topromoteher elevation to the gods-as he did forhimself. It is wellknown that he caused a nearrevoltin Judeaby insisting that his statuebe placedwithin the holy of theholies in the JerusalemTemple.Thisis but one example of how Caligula'stwisted mind workedin tryingtopromotehis own divinity duringhisreign.Fortunately,he was assas-sinatedbefore the situation came toa head, andthe RomanSenaterepu-diatedhis reignby refusinghisapotheosis.Next to take the throne wasClaudius (41 to 54 c.E.). By a strangecoincidence Claudiuswas borninLugdunumon August 1of the year10 B.C.E.,the very day on which thefamous altarto the Divine AugustusandRoma was dedicatedthere.Claudius appears o haverevivedthis type of altarcoinage,possibly incelebrationof his own fiftieth birth-day.One furtherdevelopmentinthe divine cult duringthe reignofClaudiuswas the deificationof Livia,the wife of Augustus andgrand-motherofClaudius.Liviahadalreadyappearedon avarietyof coin types,usually as a personificationofRomanvirtues anddivine attributes.For nstance, three coins issued byTiberius in 22 C.E.depict Liviaas thepersonificationof Justice,Piety andSalus (Health).Claudiuswent onestep furtherby actually petitioningthe Senateto grantLiviadeification,

    something neither Tiberius,her son,norCaligula,hergreat-grandson,verattempted.The Senatecomplied,andClaudius celebratedthis honorby minting a pairof coins calleddupondii,one of which bearson itsobverse a portraitof Divus Augustusand,on the reverse,Diva Augusta;Livia is representedas seated on athrone andholding a scepter'Claudius also honored his motherAntonia by minting coins bearingher portraiton the obverseand,onthe reverse,displayingher as a per-sonification of the virtue Constancy.These coins are similar to Caligula'ssestertia,mentioned previously,which bestowedsuch quasi-divine

    Claudius(41to 54 c.E.)honoredhis motherAntonia by minting coins such as this one,which shows herportraiton the obverse(ANTONIAAVGVSTA)ndportraysher asthe virtue Constancyon the reverse.Thiscoin is similar to the sestertiusissued byCaligula,which bestowed such quasi-divinehonorson his sisters.honors on his three sisters.Claudius died on October 13,54C.E.and was succeeded by his adoptedson Nero (54 to 68 C.E.). Shortly aftertaking power,Nero issued a series ofcoins to commemoratehis step-father,Claudius,whose rule wasdeemedworthy enoughbythe Senateto conferupon him the honor ofapotheosis.Suetonius tells us thatNero later annulled the honorbutthat it was eventually restoredbyEmperorVespasian(TheDeifiedClaudius, chapter45; see Rolfe1970:81).ApparentlyNero'sopinionof Claudiuswas not as unfavorablein the beginning of his reignas itwas at the end because he did minta Divus Claudius series in 54 to 55

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    This didrachma from Caesarea in Cappadocia was minted by Nero, whose reign lasted from54 to 68 C.E. The obverse, left, is a portrait of the divine Claudius; the reverse, right, is a portraitof Nero. This coin was probably issued between 54 and 55 C.E., when Nero minted a DivusClaudius series. He later tried to revoke the apotheosis of Claudius, but it was restored byEmperor Vespasian (69 to 79 C.E.). Nero committed suicide in 68 C.E. during the first Jewishrevolt against Rome. He was never deified by the Roman Senate, and no coins depict hisapotheosis.

    C.E.It should be noted that Senecapokedfun of the idea of the apothe-osis of Claudius.He wrote a satiricalwork on the subjectcalled theApococyntosis of Claudius, which,translated iterally,means the"pumpkinficationof Claudius."Nero fell out of senatorial favorbyhis mismanagementof rule andendedup committing suicide onJuly 8, 68 C.E.in the midst of thefirstJewishrevoltagainstRome (66to 70 C.E.).Nero was never deified bythe RomanSenate,andno coins dis-playhis apotheosis.With his deaththe Julio-Claudianhouse of rulecame to an end.PoliticalAims andMonotheisticReactionsThedevelopmentf the Divine Mancult wasbyno meanspeculiaro theRomanEmpire lthoughduringheimperialperiodhisworship ystemreached nparalleledeights.Therootsofemperorworshipaydeep nmanyancientNearEastern ulturesinwhichgreatrulers ookondivinequalities.Nevertheless,Romehadits own contributiono make; ulerworshipwasorganizedndrefinedinto aunifyingpolitical orce.Theworship ftheRomanemperor sthepersonificationfdivinitywasusedtogreatpoliticaladvantage,articularlys ameansofweldingvariouspeoplesandculturesintoasingleempire.Thepoliticaldynamicofthe divinecult cannotbeoverlooked.tis central oanyproperunderstandingfhow thecult func-tionedwithintheRomanEmpire,particularlyuringhetime ofAugustuswhenthecivilizedworld,yearningforrelief afterdecades ofcivil war,sought in the youngem-perora delivererfrom turmoil andbloodshed.There is no betterex-

    ample of the statesman'sapproach oreligionthan in the personof Augus-tus. He more than anyother emperorutilized religionas a means of unify-ing the far-flungprovincesandpeoples, forgingout of them a vastnew empire.This situation bringsup animportantconsideration:the reac-tions of personsfromtraditionallymonotheistic faiths to the develop-ment of this imperialcult. It isimportantto rememberthat signifi-cant numbersof JewsandChristianslived within the boundariesof theRomanEmpire duringthe Julio-Claudianperiod.Judea irst cameunderRoman rule duringthe timeof Pompey the Great in 63 B.C.E., ndthe rule of Herod the Greatandhissons amountedto little more than atemporaryrespitefromdirectRomanrule. WithAugustus'sappointmentof Coponius as prefect in 6 C.E.,Judeaonce againbecame a provinceunderdirectRomanrule and con-tinued to be so throughoutthe Julio-Claudianperiod.This periodis perhapsone ofthe most formativein terms of thedevelopmentof Christianity,a newfaith that beganas a messianic sectwithin the confines of Judaism.Howdid the monotheistic faithof Judaismandits offspringChristianity reactto the developingimperialcult?Whatresponsescanwe tracewithinJudaismandChristianity to thisreligio-politicalcult focusing on thepersonof the emperor?Would t betrue to saythat the idea of a manbecoming god, apotheosis,was ac-ceptableto Christianitybut not toJudaism?Could this havebeen whateventually made Christianity moreacceptable to the Roman world?To return to the primary ques-tion regarding the imperial cult,

    how did the monotheistic faith thatwas the foundationof both JudaismandChristianity react to the devel-opingimperialcult?The majordif-ferencein reactionseems to beChristologicallyderived.That is tosay,Christiansfoundthat the in-carnationalbasis of their faithwasmore readilysynthesized with theprevailingreligious system of theRomans,which included the apothe-osis of the emperor.The Romancon-cept of apotheosismoved a man fromearthtowardheaven,whereastheChristianconcept of incarnationmovedGodfrom heaventoward arth,but the two aresimilar in that theyboth dealwith the relationshipbetween the human andthe divine.It is importantto note that the bar-rierbetween humans and Godwastranscended n Christianity in awaythat it was not in Judaism.Perhapsthis aspectmore than anyotherallowedChristianity to gain a foot-hold in the life of the averageRomancitizen in a waythat Judaismwasunable to do.Whatessentially beganas awelding togetherof the religious lifeof the Empirewith anastutepoliticalexpedience eventually culminatedin the continuing practiceof theapotheosis of the emperor.Thismeant that Christianity,with itsbelief in transcendingthe barrierbetween human and divine throughthe incarnationof JesusChrist, wasable to find fruitfulgroundandflourishwithin the Romanworld.ConclusionFromthe briefsurveypresentedhere,I hope it is clearthat the apotheosisof the Roman emperor, and its atten-dant implications, were very mucha part of the religious heritage ofmany peoples of the early Roman

    216 Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990

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    Empire.Such a heritagemust takeits properplace in any attempt totrace the developmentof New Testa-ment Christologicalthought. It isalso my hope that this articlewillserve to inspire interest in the use ofnumismatic evidence for historicalstudy,particularlywithin New Testa-ment historical research(asin Stauf-fer 1955;Kreitzer1987a).Notes

    'All dates given in relation to theRoman emperors refer to their years ofimperial rule.2The process of the deification ofHellenistic monarchs is discussed inGrant (1982: 91-104).30f the twelve Caesars, Suetoniusmentions five as having apotheosis con-ferred upon them after death: JuliusCaesar, Augustus (Octavian), Claudius,Vespasian and Titus.4Emperor Galba (68 to 69 cE.) alsoissued a similar series of coins in honorof Livia. Apparently, Livia was Galba'spatroness and bequeathed him a largesum of money.

    BibliographyBowerstock,G. W.1984 "Augustus nd he East": he Problemof the Succession.Pp.169-88 inCaesarAugustus:SevenAspects.London:OxfordUniversityPress.Dunn, J.D.G.1980 Christology n the Making.London:SCMPress.Grant,M.1982 FromAlexander to Cleopatra.London:WeidenfeldandNicolson.Jones,D. L.1980 Christianityand the RomanImperialCult. Pp. 1023-54 in Aufstieg undNiedergangderR6mischenWelt,volume II23:2.Berlin:WalterdeGruyter.Kreitzer,L.J.1987a A NumismaticClue to Acts 19.23-41:The EphesianCistophoriof ClaudiusandAgrippina.Journal or the Studyof the New Testament30: 59-70.1987b Jesusand Godin Paul'sEschatology.Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress.Nock, A. D.1934 ReligiousDevelopmentsfrom theClose of the Republic o the Deathof Nero.Pp.465-511 in CambridgeAncient History,volume 10. Cam-bridgeUniversityPress.Price,S. R.FE1980 BetweenMan and God:Sacrifice n

    the RomanImperialCult. JournalofRomanStudies70: 28-43.Rolfe, J.C., translator1960 Suetonius:TheLivesof the Caesars,volume 1: Books 1-4. Series:LoebClassicalLibrary.Cambridge,MA,and London:HarvardUniversityPress andHeinemann.1970 Suetonius:TheLivesof the Caesars,volume 2:Books 5-8. Series:LoebClassicalLibrary.Cambridge,MA,and London:HarvardUniversityPress and Heinemann.Stauffer,E.1955 Christ and the Caesars.London:SCMPress.Sweet,L.M.1919 RomanEmperorWorship.Boston:GorhamPress.Taylor,L.R.1931 TheDivinity of the RomanEmperor.Middletown,CT:The AmericanPhilologicalAssociation.Weinstock,S.1971 Divus Julius.London:OxfordUni-versityPress.Winstedt,E.O.,translator1967 Cicero:Letters o Atticus, volume 3.Series:LoebClassical Library.Cam-bridge,MA,and London:HarvardUniversityPress andHeinemann.

    LIRecen t Archaeologicaliscoveriesa n d Biblical ResearchWilliam G. DeverDoes the Bible record historical events? Does archaeology prove the accuracy of the Bible?William Dever believes that we can at last begin to answer these controversial questions byusing archaeological evidence from excavations and surveys done in Israel during the lastgeneration, as well as the Hebrew Bible and other ancient texts. His provocative analysisoffers the departing point for a new model of ancient Palestine that conforms both to recentarchaeological work and the Bible.The Samuel and Althea Stroum Lectures in Jewish StudiesClothbound, $17.50Available at your local bookstore or call 1-800-441-4115

    UNIVERSITYF WASHINGTONR E S SP.O. Box 50096 * Seattle, WA 98145 .

    Biblical Archaeologist, December 1990 217


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