4 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

schools, and thus we often lack a sound criterion for a piecewhich we may suspect to have been imported into theWest.

One other difficulty is perhaps worth mentioning: therarity of references by ancient authors to the artists ofSicily and South Italy. But this is hardly to be regardedas a disadvantage. If you wish to study the activity of amainland artist, Ageladas of Argos, for example, you cantake your choice of half a dozen more or less contradictorystatements picked from the more or less corrupt texts ofhalf a dozen more or less biased ancient writers. Betterno chart than a false one. And although literary traditionsare not always so garbled as this, there is really no sounderevidence than that which may be culled from the solidobjects of bronze, marble, silver, and terracotta. The chiefmethod used must of necessity be that of comparison ofstyles, and this is sometimes fallible. Yet, in the main, itis trustworthy. To take a recent example, Langlotz hasstudied many of the surviving archaic Greek marbles andbronzes, and has arranged them in groups according tosimilarities of style. Some of his attributions are doubtful,but there are few scholars who will not admit that eachgroup contains a nucleus of works resembling each other.I

But even if resemblances are established, what do theyimply? What may be the relationship of two pieces ofsculpture which look like each other? Was one made bythe same artist as the other? Or was it made by anotherartist working in the same school? Or was it made by an

r In his llligriechische Bildhauerschulen. If a demonstration of the poten-tial accuracy of such arrangements be needed-an easy scepticism to-wards them has becorne customary in certain quarters-let the sceptictake all the pictures from Punch for the last two or three (or the lastfifty) years, obliterate the artist's names, and then ask any one witha reasonably keen eye for the style to arrange them in stylistic groups,.At least ninety per cent. of the pictures can be correctly attributed, anda number of modifications brought about by one artist's knowledge of

another's work can be indicated. This is not an exact analogy, for

tradition worked rather differently in Greecel but it is a useful com-

parison.

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 5artist of some workshop abroad, imitating the importedproducts of that school, or perhaps actually taking histraining from an immigrant of that school? Or again, mayit have been the work of an emigrant himself from theoriginal school, gradually changing its style and his ownas his personality developed in a new environment? O.,finally, is it simply a question of time, and the generalsimilarity due to those impalpable factors, the ceaselesspermeation of which through all the world produces whatwe call the spirit of the age, and affects everyone irrespec-tive of nationality? The task may well seem hopeless. I donot think it is hopeless if we work from the certain or fairlycertain to the less certain. Let us see how far the evidenceleads us.

The remains which concern us do not consist only ofsculpture in the narrower sense, that is, marble sculptureand bronze statuary. There are coins, and there are terra-cottas. The sculptures and bronzes are comparatively few,and they are untrustworthy evidence in so far as they mayhave been imported. For the absence in ancient records ofSicilian and South Italian sculptors' names may corre-spond to a real absence of sculptors: and one of the reasonsfor believing that much of the sculpture was not madelocally is that marble must have been scarce and expensive.There are no quarries in these regions, and it is easier toimport a statue than the rough block, which weighs nearlytwice as much.r

Sculpture is scarce. But both terracottas and coins areextremely numerous, and both have special value asevidence-the coins, because they bear the name of the

' Even old-established schools in Greece, like that of Argos, which

were distant from supplies of marble' must have worked mainly in

bronze perforce. The difficulty of transport without railways or

metalled roads must have made marble precious indeed for the towns

situated inland. By sea it was easier, and Aegina, whilst normally

favouring bronze, seems to have had little trouble in obtaining the

material for her pedimental sculptures.

6 ANNUAL LBCTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

city by which they were issued; the terracottas, because,although they were commonly exported, yet if a statuetteor a plaque is proved to be of local clay it is almost cer-tainly of local manufacture.I The value of this evidenceis somewhat lessened because foreign artists might be im-ported who would work in the local clay, or moulds forterracottas might be imported. So with coins, a foreignengraver might be brought in, and occasionally even a pairof dies for coins.2 But obviously the dies for the ordinaryissues of coinage must, from mere convenience, have beenmade in the city itself, where they could be supervised,and the improper use of them prevented.

I Admirable studies have already been made on the coins, notably

by English scholars ofthe older generation, whose names are everywherefamiliar-Head, Percy Gardner, Evans, Hill (references in Hill, Coinsof Ancient Sial7, passim). Many of the terracottas have been publishedby the father of archaeology in Sicily and South Italy, Professor Orsi,to whom every archaeologist who works there must be grateful. But sofar we lack a systematic classification of all the known pieces-thosemade for the adornment of architecture are as important as the rest-by the evidence of the clay used in their manufacture. Thus my ownsuggestions of the origin of certain pieces, being based on the pro-venience and the style rather than on the clay, are tentative, and I donot stress this section of the evidence, though it is clearly of greatimportance. So important is it that any one who has handled a largenumber of these terracottas and is then given a new find of them canrapidly sort them (naturally with some borderJine pieces) into importsfrom Greece; imports from elsewhere in Sicily and South Italy; localmanufactures: and this gives excellent criteria for the study of otherworks of art. Miss M. Wynn Thomas, who has been working for someyears on South Italian and Sicilian terracottas, has generously givenme access to her material and leave to reproduce her photographs of twopieces (figs. 7 and 8), with the assurance that they are of Tarentine clay.

2 By foreign is meant not, or not necessarily, a man of non-Greekblood, but rather a Greek from abroad, as distinct from the colonistpvrho may have been more or less in or more or less out of touch withGreece for some hundreds of years. This factor of distance, fruitful inmisunderstandings even to-day, potent enough to make the characterof art in the British Dominions notably different from that of themother country, must have been potent also in antiquity.

GREEK SCULPTURB IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 7Moreover, coins provide a firm basis for study in the link-

ing of dies. These die-sequences are a valuable check on style.Comparisons of various die-sequencesr with sequences ob-tained by arranging the coins according to their supposedstylistic development show that the stylistic arrangementis sound for general trend, but cannot be trusted to withina few years for actual dating. The die-sequences on thewhole do not run counter to the style-sequences, but theyfrequently cut across them.

Before turning to any of the solid remains, it will be aswell to recall the history of the period-roughly the lastyears of the sixth century and the first half of the fifth.What historical records we have are important in that theyprofess to give several fixed dates and facts; but they arenothing more than a sketch, and exact detail cannot besatisfactorily filled in.

The end of the sixth century sees tyrants succeedingoligarchs through most of Sicily, and then two tyrantssucceeding many, Theron of Acragas, and Gelon, first ofGela, afterwards-in 485-of Syracuse and most of EasternSicily. The battle of Himera, in which these two defeatedthe Carthaginians, is believed to have been fought on thesame day as Salamis, and took the place of Salamis inthe minds of Western Greeks. Diodorus tells us that theamount of slave-labour from the prisoners captured thereenabled the cities of Sicily to enrich and adorn themselves.z

r These comparisons I have been enabled to make by the kindness ofMr. E. S. G. Robinson of the British Museum, and ofMr. H. Herzfelder.Mr. Herzlblder has worked out the sequences of the Catanaean coins,and most generously placed his results at my disposal; Mr. Robinsonhas helped me in many ways on innumerable occasions.

I take this opportunity of thanking Professor J. D. Beazley, Mr. H.G. G. Payne, and Sir George Hill for help the value of which is notless because its exact scope cannot be defined.

" We may thus expect (and do, indeed, find, at least in the coins) anoutburst ofartistic activity. It is an interesting speculation how far therace of these captive workmen affected the work on which they wereemployed.

B ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

Hieron succeeded Gelon, and proceeded to make mattersvery hard for the Ionian cities north of Syracuse. In 476he transferred the inhabitants of Sicilian Naxos to Leon-tini, and turned out the people of Catana, replacing themby settlers of his own and calling the new city Aetna.Hieron died in 467, and was succeeded by Thrasybulus.Within a year Thrasybulus had most of the cities of Sicilyin revolt and was himself driven out. There followed avery troubled time, ended by a general congress and agree-ment in 46r. Catana became Chalcidian again, theNaxians returned to their city, and there ensued a periodof peace and prosperity.

Parallel with these internal political troubles, sometimescoincident, can be seen, though less clearly, a conflict be-tween races, not only that between Greeks and natives, orGreeks and Carthaginians, but between Greeks and Greeks:and whether we can see it clearly or not, race must havebeen an important factor artistically. But artists moveeasily from place to place.I Segesta, for example, a non-Greek foundation: produces from time to time coins whichcannot be distinguished from the Greek. Trade, too,commonly ignores racial frontiers, and trade must have hada wide effect on general taste. We can thus hardly expectthe racial and artistic classifications to be identical-evenour present knowledge shows that Ionizing works do notcome from Ionian cities only-but race is an essentialfactor in the sense that an artist cannot avoid leavingevidence of his race, however slight, in every work whichhe produces. Our difficulty is to recognize it.2

' The sculptor is confined within the radius of marble-transport; the

statuary needs metals in quantity and an elaborate apParatus: but the

terracotta-maker needs only the common products clay and fuel; andthe die-engraver can almost carry his workshop with him.

3 Nothing is more likely than that the Chalcidians, especiallynumerous in Sicily, played a large part in the artistic achievementof this time; but nct a single piece made by Chalcidians in the westhas been identified, so scanty is our knowledge. See, however,

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 9The continued connexion of these Western colonies with

their parent cities in Greece must have been an importantfactor. This is not simply, though it is largely, a questionof race. Respect for, and preservation of, the old religiousand old political formsr, readiness to call in help from themother city in an emergency-these may well have parallelsin the artistic field. When there are public works of art tobe made it is natural for the authorities to turn first totheir own citizens, and then perhaps to those of the cityfrom which they trace their descent. But this is nothingstronger than probability, and does not apply to tyrants,who are apt to employ the best artists that money canbuy irrespective of nationality. Only an advanced stage ofdemocracy can attain such impartiality of artisticjudgement,and only a wide diffusion of culture among members of thegovernment will open the purse wide enough to supportthat judgement.

But the free spending of money and favours commonlyassociated with the court of a tyrant, the greater freedomof thought (provided of course that it is not political thoughtof a certain trend), and the weakness or absence of conven-tional ideas, attract artists and thinkers. Just as Athens in thetime of Peisistratus freely welcomed dedications and artistsfrom other and distant cities, so, in Sicily, we know thatpoets and sculptors from the mainland-Aeschylus ofAthens,Pindar the Theban, Calamis probably of Athens, Onatasof Aegina-were employed at or by the court of Syracuse,presumably as well as local artists. And this difficulty ofdeciding on general grounds what proportion of the artisticoutput should be assigned to the two classes of workers-

H. R. W. Smith, California Publications in Classical Archaeologjt,vol. i, no. 3.On the general question of Greek trade with the West I have not beenable to use but only to admire the article by Blakeway which hasjust appeared in .B.S.l. rxxiii.

I The latest researches tend to show that Greek colonists in Sicilyborrowed more freely from the native religions than it has been cus-tomary to assunie.

xx

I O ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPBCTS OF ART GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY IImarbles. The dies of the late sixth and early fifth centurycoinage, of which three are illustrated (figs. rr 2,4), are byseveral engravers, and naturally, therefore, differ in certainways. But the style is substantially the same in most. Itchooses angles in preference to curves, loves sharp lines andsharp outlines, conceives and draws each feature clearlyand sets it clearly in its place among the rest, not at-tempting to soften the transitions. Bodies are often leanand always sinewy, faces pointed and birdlike, with pro-minent eyes. Sensuousness is absent, and the drawing, ifsometimes harsh, is always masculine. This style, whichis confirmed as Tarentine by its appearance among theterracottas (figt. 7, B)I, has an important parallel amongsmall bronzes, especially in the bronze head from Spartaat Boston (figt. 3, 5) and in the runner from Dodona atAthens (fiS. 6).2 There seems little doubt that it is derivedfrom Sparta: nor is there anything surprising in this, forTaras was a colony of Sparta: surprising, only, that no oneappears to have suggested it before.

In the second quarter of the fifth century comes a seriesof coins of varied style, some of which are scratchy andamateurish, with curious portraitJike heads; in these thereare probably some local elements: the most competentseem to carry on the tradition of the previous fifty years,with their lean hands and feet and almost fleshless bodies(fiS. t+). The drapery is distinctive, too, and tends to re-solve itself into a number of almost identical folds, arrangedlike the slats of a fan or even a Venetian blind. The

r See note I, p. 6.z Langlotz, Friihgriech. Bildhauerschulen, p. BB, no. 42, pl. 53d, e, and

no. 39, pl. 48 b. The find-spot of the Boston bronze is not the onlyevidence for this connexion, and Langlotz's Spartan group is in someways his most satisfactory. A Spartan dedication at Dodona would notbe at all surprising. I find it hard to believe with Langlotz and MissRichter (Sculpture and Sculptors, fig. 85) that the runner is a man. Asecond runner, no. zo8 in the British Museum (Langlotz, op. cit., pls.

48a,53a), though slenderer than the first, is a member of the samegroup: its head should be compared especially with the coin fig. 4.

immigrants and citizens-leads us back to our original state-

mentlhat we shall do best to form our judgement on the

ordinary coins, the ordinary terracottas' When we have

acquired from these a general idea of Western art, we may

be abte to apply it to other kinds of work, to decide what the

new world made of that which it took over from old Greece,

and to assess the value of its own contribution'

I have chosen for this study four main sites: Taras-Ta-

rentum-because we have from it many terracottas and

coins, and some sculpture; Locri because of its series of

terracotta plaques; syracuse for the wealth of its coinage;

Selinus for its iculptures, especially its architectural sculp-

tures.I shall try to classify the pieces which are known to have

come frorn these sites by putting each piece among the

things which it resembles, with which it seems most athome,

wheiev.r they have been found. These comparisons will

sometimes lead us to other places in the Western colonies,

sometimes back to mainland Greece. The inferences here

drawn from these comparisons are not necessarily correct.

But if we can agree that the resemblances do exist, and

must be explained in some way if not in mine, then at least

we are marking out reasonable lines of approach to the

problem, even though we may 1ot be able to solve it

intirely in the present state of our knowledge. That know-

ledge is certain to become much more extensive as more

sites continue to be properly excavated'I

TARAS

From Taras in our period comes a fairly large series of

coins, a far larger series of terracottas, and one or two

I The excell ent Societd Magna Greciahas already done much to pre-

serve and record the relics of tit.t that have been despoiled, and is

steadily searching for others, studying them, and publishing them

scientiically. e uibtiog.aphy for existing remains of all kinds will be

found at the end of della Seta's ltal;a Antica, second edition'

12 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

nearest parallel for this later development is among theterracottas of Taras itself (figs. 9, Io); and the immenseoutput of terracottas at the end of the archaic period seemsto indicate a school of artists definitely settled on Italiansoil and beginning to develop independently of Greece.

Because of some resemblance to Tarentine terracottas andcoins (compare, for example, fig. 9 with fig. r r, and fig. 14with fig. r3), the coinage ofHimera may be mentionedhere,and especially the remarkable issue to be dated to 472 B.c.'when a citizen ofHimera won the chariot-race at Olympia.Pelops is named as the driver of the chariot on the obverse(fig. rz), which, although it bears this common Siciliantype, is without parallel for style among Sicilian coins: thehorses are of different build and stand more delicately thanany elsewhere. The reverse (fig. rr) is unique in its com-position, for the nymph Himera, who stands like a birddisplayed, does not form the central axis, but is set toone side of the field, and her name, written from bottom totop, fills the blank space and completes the design.r

Other Himeran coins are interesting, even if not somoving as this: most show the nymph pouring a libationover an altar, sometimes beside the hot spring for whichthe city was famous (fiS. r3). The water pours from a lion'shead spout and a satyr bathes himself in a tank beneath it.In all, Ionian dress is still the fashion, and archaic swallow-tails hang from the outstretched right arm, even after the

r The only design even remotely resembling this in its arrangementof masses is the reverse of the Aetnaean tetradrachm (fig. 4o). Mr.A. H. Lloyd has lately acquired a coin struck with a most interestingnew die of this Himeran type: the design is the sarne, its treatment farless sculptural, the technique that of a gem-engraver (NumisrnaticChronicle, 1935, pl. III, rr). Mr. E. S. G. Robinson compares its stylewith that of the coins of Leontini mentioned on p. 22.

What the action indicates is not clear: the gesture has something incommon with that of the bride who draws aside her veil; compareespecially Flera on the Hieros Gamos metope of Selinus (fig. ZS). Itmight be a gesture of freedom: just about this time Himera threw offthe yoke of Thrasydaeus.

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 13middle of the fifth century.I The treatment is pictorialrather than sculptural (fig. r5).2 This is also true of thecoins of Selinus, where the river-god, sometimes Hypsas(fiS. 6g) sometimes Selinus (fig. 16), pours a libation, andthere is an array of smaller objects round him-the parsley-leaf (symbol of the city's name), an altar, sometimes acock, and an ancient image of a bull standing on a basewhich recalls those of Mycenaean times;r or a heron stalkingaway. These lively scenes, archaic in their love of emphaticgesture and their dislike of empty spaces, are, the evidenceseems toshow, at this time peculiar to the West, even thoughwe cannot at present say whether they were limited toparticular places or to a few artists.+

r This survival of archaic formulae may be seen also in the statuetteofAthena at Syracuse (Not. Scaoi, r9r5, pp. rgB ff., figs. r3, 14),to whichthe head has lately been rejoined. The head seems to be in early classicalstyle, but the drapery hangs, and its surface is treated, in the archaicway still: so striking is the discrepancy, that some scholars are inclinedto deny the connexion between head and body. Such survivals mayalso be found among the metopes of the }feraeum at Selinus.

z In a series of dies rather after the end of our period (fig. l5) thealtar-steps and the tank are shown in perspective, becoming fainter inthe distance; the satyr's legs where they enter the water are eitherrefracted or reflected: surely one of the first attempts in art to recordeither of these phenomena.

3 Though admittedly the base has different forms on different diesof similar design, this particular shape can hardly be accidental.Compare Furtwiingler, Die antiken Gemmen, pl. iii, 23, 24, amongseveral similar. We are forced to suppose that the engraver had inmind an actual statue of a bull, presumably one surviving fromMycenaean times, but now identified with the river-god personified asman-headed bull, an idea which may have a different source (cf. Cook,

Zr*, i, p. 483, note ro). The Mycenaean connexions of Sicily need noemphasis; see A. W. Byvanck, De Magnae Graeciae historia antiquissima,pp. 15 ff. For a new explanation of these types see A. H. Lloyd inNumismatic Chronicle, r935, pp. 23 ff.

a The differences among approximately contemporary coins of thesame city, e.g. Himera (figs. rt, 13) and Selinus (figs. 16,69), mustmake us cautious of assuming too readily, on the evidence of one or twocoins only, that the style of every city is identifiable or that every mint

14 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPBCTS OF ART

There is, then, some ground for believing that in coinsand terracottas a distinctive Tarentine style was formed onthe basis of that of the mother-city Sparta. In sculpturethe evidence does not justify a similar conclusion, andindeed we do not know that there was ever a considerableoutput of sculpture from Taras at all. The most importantpieces that have survived are a head of Athena at Bostonrand a seated goddess at Berlin,2 both of marble. The headin Boston is almost startling, with its thick lips and super-ficial eyes (fiS. r7). True, it shares these peculiarities withcertain Aeginetan heads, notablyAthenafrom the westpedi-ment of the temple of Aphaia (fig. tB), but it exaggeratesthem. The modelling of the eyes does not suggest theexistence of an eyeball at all, the cheeks are more angular,and the line from the nostrils to the mouth is less subtle.rPerhaps, even so, an Aeginetan import; but it is not be-yond the bounds of possibility that we have here the workof a Tarentine sculptor trained in the Aeginetan schoolor imitating an Aeginetan model.

The seated goddess at Berlin is of a very differentcharacter (figs. rg, zo, zr). In spite of the exquisite execu-tion no one can find it striking. The precision of the drapery

necessarily had a style ofits own. The god in fig. 69 resembles-not onlyin his attitude-the bronze from Adernd (fig. 7o), and also seems toshow something of the same rhythm and feeling for form as the strongerreplicas of the Choiseul-Gouffier Apollo. But study of the whole series isessential ifan idea is to be gained ofthe general trend ofstyle; and ofthe cross-currents.

r Caskey, Catalogue of Greek and Roman Sculpture, p. g f., no. 6.2 The finding of this statue at Taranto is now definitely established;

see Paola Zancani-Montuoro, La 'Persephone' di Taranto (Atti. dellaSocietd Magna Grecia, I93 r, pp. r 59 tr ) .

3 These peculiarities might be explained by supposing that this is astatue of a statue, namely a palladion: the unusual scale-well underlife-size but not a statuette-make the supposition slightly moreprobable. It would then be slightly archaizing work of 'early classical'time. That Athena, or an armed goddess, is intended is proved by thesurfaces cut to receive a helmet. A fairly close parallel for the style isthe bronze mirror-handle in Boston, Langlotz, op. cit., pl. S+ (.).

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 15

and the timidity of modelling in the features combine toleave one admiring but unmoved. Again the closest analogyis with Aegina. Yet the sculptor does not seem to havebeen Aeginetan, unless the handling of a large block ofcostly marble overawed him; the vitality and confidence ofthe Aeginetan pediments are lacking.r

There is one head which resembles in its general formsthat of the goddess of Berlin, but is vastly different in feel-ing, namely the clay head, two-thirds the size of life, fromSelinus, the grandest terracotta yet found in Sicily (figs. zz,e3).2 This has all that the Berlin goddess lacks-bigness ofform, harmony, confident handling; and here, instead ofher slightly acid smile, the old Ionian blandness such aswe meet in the head from Ephesus in the British Museumrshines through the later fashion of an alien and probably aDorian school. But we do not yet know where it was made.

In these two examples of sculpture from Taras there isno certain indication of a consistent local style.+

LOCRI EPIZEPHYRI I

When we travel westwards from Taras we find at LocriEpizephyrii a rather different set of remains. No coins

r The question is bound to arise: was there in South Italy a schoolofsculptors good enough to produce such a work as the Berlin goddess?

If not,wherewould the Tarentines turn? Probably to mainland Greecerather than to the west. A marble statue was required-marble is thenormal material for a female figure indoors-and it would seem natural

to turn to marble-sculptors rather than to bronze-founders. Further,

did they import the sculptor or the statue?2 Mon, Ant. xxxii, r9e7, pl. liv.3 Cat. of Sculpture,i r, n 89, pl. iv.a The marble head of Athena at Taranto (Quagliati, Museo Naz. di

Taranto, pl. 39, r ) is possibly a little after the mid fifth century. It has a

slight resemblance to certain Tarentine terracottas, e.g. Levi, Terrecotte

fgurate del Mus. Na<ionale di Napoli, no. I4r, fig.38, but not enough tojustify us in assuming that it is Tarentine. Compare also the earlier

terracotta from Rhegium, ib., P. 5, no. re, pl. i (our fig. 7B), and the

statue from Inessa (Della Seta, Italit Anticar, P. 13I, fig. rz6; Levi, loc.

cit., for further references, including the study by Rizzo).

16 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

were struck; no sculpture has survived; and although inthe great shrine of Persephone there have been discoveredterracottas in the round, both local and imported, by farthe most important class of antiquities is the series of votiveterracotta plaques of local manufacture. Of local manu-facture because, although no moulds have been found, theclay is of the district, identical with that used for the some-what rough pottery only found at Locri. The mass ofthem belongs to the late archaic and early classical period.The style, not identical in all, but similar in most, has, tospeak vaguely, an Ionian flavour.r But it is less lusciousthan the Milesian, less meagre than the Thasian and Naxian,less brilliant and more intimate than the Siphnian (ifSiphnians carved the frieze at Delphi, which is unlikely),less heavy in drapery and less bony in bodily structure thanthe northern Greek; and it is markedly unaffected byAthens.2 Moreover, although it has little in common withthe Dorian reliefs of Melos, it has affinities with the pre-sumably Dorian terracottas of Taras. In short, the wordsIonian and Dorian, unqualified, bear little meaning here.But these are generalizations. It will be best to glance atone or two of the plaques themselves. fn one, a girl-Persephone from the cock which she carries-is borneaway by young Hades in a chariot of winged horses, lighterin build, as befits their airy nature, than any on Siciliancoins (fig. z5). Stranger chariot still is that in which Aphro-dite stands delicately poised for her Paphian journey; it is

t Not only are there a number of different artists at work, but theyrepresent different traditions. Yet there is a common spirit which in-formsmost of the plaques; and this I take to be the genius loci. The mainpublications are those of Quagliati in Ausonia, iii, lgo8, pp. 136 ff.,and of Orsi in Bollettino d'Arte, iii, l9og, pp. 406 ff. and 463 ff.

2 Examples: Milesian-the head from Ephesus in the British Museum(Cat.Sculpt. i r,e. Bg,pl.iv); Thasian-relief of ApolloandNymphsinthe Louvre (Rayet, Monuments de l'art antique, i); Naxian-Stele ofAlxenor (Langlotz, op. cit., pl. 7Sa); Northern Gr<rek-relief fromPharsalos (Rayet, op. cit. i). It is hardly necessary to stress once morethe Clazomenian affinities of the Siphnian frieze.

GRBEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY q

drawn by a pair of loves, male and female, who carry in their

hands hersimple baggage, a doveand a toilet-vase (fig. e6).rThese are scenes from the life of the gods; and the child

in the basket on another plaque is no ordinary human being:

he must be the hidden Adonis discovered by Persephone2(fiS. zZ). This is among the most gracious of the Locrian

reliefs, and will bear comparison with the finest contem-

porary Sicilian coins, in spite of the poor clay which blurs

the finer details. But who can say how far the life of the

worshipper, who is always trying to explain the divine in

terms of human relationships, was identified with the life

of the goddess? In other plaques the scenes, in spite of any

inner meaning they may have had for the initiated, are

taken from daily life. On one of these a girl is opening a

chest in order to put away a folded garment (fiS. z+).

On the wall hang wool-basket, mirror, lekythos, and cup,

not so huppy in relief as they would be in painting. The

chest is a period piece, being decorated with two metope-

like reliefs in which the figures wear the fashions and

behave in the manner of a generation before. For by now

we are in the second quarter of the fifth century, and the

low dome to the skull and the heavy jowl are like some of

the Syracusan coin-heads of about 47o (cf. figt. 45, 47)'or like the head of the Delphian charioteer'

It is, I think, a fafu assumption that the Locrian plaques

represent a genuine South Italian growth, whatever its

ancestry or the nationality of the artists who evolved it' It

has the freedom and sometimes the defects of a school not

closely bound by tradition. The nearest analogies in sculp-

ture Itor many of the plaques still seem to me to be the stelet With the figure of Aphrodite compare the peplos figures from

Xanthos in the British Museum, especially a 3 r 7 and gtg (Cat. Sculpture,

i r, p. t47 f.; q.v. for older references). For the subject, Beazley cites

Aphrodite in chariot drawn by two Erotes (called Pothos and Himeros),

one holding thurible, the other wreath and phiale, on a hydria by the

Meidias painter in Florence (see his Attische Vasenmaler, p' 46o, no' 5;

and cf. it. p. 46r, no' eB; also, somewhat earlier than the hydria, the

pyxis in Copenhagen, CVA pl- 163, r). 2 Apollodorus, iii, 14

IB ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPBCTS OF ARTfrom the Esquiline, the Ludovisi'Throne' (fig. B4), andits counterpart at Boston (fig. zg).t The Ludovisi Throneis perhaps imported or by an immigranta; it shows a feelingfor and an expert handling of the marble which only longexperience in sculpture could give, experience which anartist born and trained in South Italy could only withdifficulty have acquired. The Boston 'Throne', or theother hand, with its similar but by no means identical style,its lively, almost childJike method of presenting its subject,its rather insensitive carving, and its marked lack of feelingfor the shape of the block-think of those amazingly thinprojections beneath the elbows of the seated women-betrays the hand of one who is accustomed to some othermaterial, or one who at least has not been brought up inthe marble quarries of the Aegean.

Its spirit appears again and again notonlyon the Locrianplaques (..9. fig. aB) but also in the coins of the West.

This hypothesis satisfactorily explains the inequalities andunusual features which certain archaeologists have foundso difficult to accept that they have been forced to assumea much later-archaistic-or even an entirelv modernorigin, both equally impossible.

SYRACUSE

I do not approach Syracusan coinager and the relatedissues of Gela, Leontini, and Catana as a numismatist, but

' J.H.S. xlii, rgze, pp. z4B ff,2 If imported then imported from somewhere in the Aegean: the

nearest stylistic parallel, apart from those already mentioned, is thefragment of a stele in Leningrad of unknown provenience, whichLanglotz calls Naxian (Friihgriech. Bildhaucrschulen,pl. 77). The Giusti-niani stele (Bliimel, Katalog der antiken Skulpturen, (Berlin), iii, r. r9) andBrocklesby stele (Metropoliran Museum Bulletin, rg27, p. lol), both latrerthan the 'throne', are certainly not so close. Brocklesby was found onParos and may well be Parian.

3 f have freely used Boehringer's admirable Die Miinzen oon Syrakus,and my references are to his numbering of the dies. His monograph onthe coinage of Leontini is not yet published.

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 19limit myself to a few general remarks on the changes whichthey undergo and on their relation to events and to otherworks of art. Only late in the sixth century does Syracusancoinage begin to display that abundance and magnificencewhich characterize it for centuries after. Wealth and powerare the main causes, but wealth and power produced onlyabundance at the Athenian mint. Here there is a definitedesire to foster and stimulate an art well suited to a countrynot rich in other artistic materials. It is largely a fashion ofthe West. Many cities reach there a high level of numismaticart, and even Athens, in her outpost of Thurium, strikes-rather later than our limit-coins of unsurpassed beauty.

The late sixth and the opening years of the fifth century,then, saw at Syracuse an immense output of coins; manyof the dies are not of high quality-among the many en-gravers employed some are mediocre. The general style isa somewhat dry archaic, its origin possibly Corinth, as isshown by comparison with Corinthian coins (figs. 30, 32).Among the earliest of the Syracusan coins that discardthe old-fashioned incuse design are some with the head onthe reverse larger in proportion to the disk of the coin, andbroader and softer than the others in general treatment,though preservingthesharp prettiness ofarchaic detail. Thestyle is not lundamentally different from most of the con-temporary issues, but is a more splendid growth from thesame roots, such as one strong personality might cause.Of these, two reve rse dies are illustrated (figs. 3 r, 35) . Oneof them (fiS. gS) is, somewhat unexpectedly, a little like koreno. 679 on the Acropolis at Athens (fiS. S6), and mayhave drawn on the same source.r

r The date of this kore is a matter of some doubt. She is not as lateas the coins, but if she is later than about 525 B.c. the peplos she wearsis difficult to explain; it went out of fashion at Athens by then if notbefore, for it does not appear on any red-figured vase--difficult to ex-plain unless she is a foreign, perhaps Corinthian, dedication. Payne(Necrocorinthia, p. 24o) dates her to the middle of the third quarterof the sixth century. The balance of evidence is against her beingactually Corinthian, Attic sculptures being nearer; but it would not be

20 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ARTThe rich and brilliantpbversescommonly employed with,

and of common style with, this series of reverses, show soclose a connexion with dies of Gela that at first sight itseems that one die has been used by both cities.r Fig. g+is the Geloan example: its reverse (fig. gg) is a master-piece of engraving. A reasonable inference is that these,or anyhow the latest of them, were struck round about

485, when Gelon of Gela made himself master of Syracuse;and since the general artistic level of coinage at Gela hadup to then been even lower than the Syracusan, probablythe engraver was not a Geloan promoted from Gela buta Syracusan borrowed for it.z

In any study of the coinage of Syracuse the great Damare-teion issue ofjust after 48o must form a fixed point. Thereare several dies for the reverses of the decadrachms, all

right to ignore the resemblance on the one hand to the Syracusan diementioned, on the other to the terracotta head of a sphinx fromThebeswhich is admittedly Corinthian (ib., pl. 49), though again much earlierthan the coin.

r Boehringer comments on this similarity but does not mention theequally close connexion of style with another die of slightly differentdesign (his v. z7; H.ill, Select Greek Coins, pl. xlix. r). There Victory hasabandoned the horizontal flying position ill-suited to clothes designedfor walking (fiS. S+), in favour of a vertical alighting action in whichwings and feet both seem to take part. This is a last refinement of theold scheme where the flyer whirls through the air with arms, legs, andwings all working. It is seen also in the figure of a winged girl on thebreast of a goddess in terracotta at New York; from Taranto, but prob-ably, from the style, of Locrian manufacture (Bulletin, xvii, r9zz, p. r 13,fig. t; areplica from Medma, Not. Sc., rgr3, Supplement, p. 98: cf. ib.pp. gr-7. Medma was a colony of Locri).

2 It is noteworthy that, if this dating is correct, the series of coinsbearing on the reverse a small head in the centre of an incuse designmust come right down to the end of the sixth century, if not intothe fifth; and this would argue a backward state of art in Syracuqe,anyhow at the mint, for both reverse and obverse of that series are re-markably primitive. For the new issues (the first of which manages theIetteringvery clumsily) new engravers must have been brought in eitherfrom Syracuse or from abroad. That they are the earliest of the serieswithout incuse is probable from the survival of koppa in the inscription.

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 2Irepeating a single great designl (fiS. gZ). The stylistic con-nexions of the obverses (e.g. Boehringer no. 376), with theirlean, long-legged horses, are with the earlier issues of Leon-tini rather than with the immediately preceding Syracusanissues. And the coins of Leontini after 4Bo are of greatinterest, both historically and artistically. . First, there is acoin, perhaps by a Syracusan engraver, with a female headsurrounded by corn-grains and closely resembling thearchaic Syracusan Arethusa surrounded by dolphins. Thisis followed by an issue with a head of Apollo similarlysurrounded, but with bayJeaves (fiS. gg), so near not onlyin design but in style to at least one of the reverses of theSyracusan decadrachms (R 266, our fiS. gZ) that it passes atfirst sight for the work of the same engraver. A closer ex-amination reveals it as coarser and less finished; the letteringis different, the eye-pupils not marked, the eye almost incorrect profile; the general feeling more nearly classical.

Observe what happens to these two coinages in the half-dozen years following 4Bo. Syracuse slips back into a kindof sub-archaic (fig. 4z) closer to the pre-Damareteion issuesthan to the Damareteion itself, until in 474 or just after (ifwe can trust the first appearance of the symbol of a sea-monster as commemorating the battle of Cumae) a newset of engravers, either Peloponnesian or under the strongsway of a style which we are accustomed to call Pelopon-nesian, is introduced (figs. 45, 47). In small sculpture theclosest pieces are a bronze head which Langlotz classes asCorinthian (fig. +B) and a bronze mirror-handle (fig. 46),both from the Acropolis at Athens: in large, the colossalhead of the Vatican (figs. 49, 4d which has often beensupposcd Sicilian.2

I A fine new specimen in Boston, combining the Jameson obverse withthe Berlin reverse, is published by Caskey in Bulletin of the Museum oifFine Arts 33, p. 5t fl

2 See also p. a5. The bronze head: Langlotz, op. cit., p. Br, no. r7;the handle: de Ridder no. 784, pl. vii. Compare also for style a mirror-handle in the Cookcollection (Neugebauer, Antike Brorceslatuettenrfig. 25),

22 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

In Leontini, on the other hand, the style, even with thegap of fourteen or fifteen years postulated by historicalevents, is a direct developl4ent of the Damareteion style ina curious, indeed unique, direction, and shows perhaps thenearest approach to the Minoan or to Tel-el-Amarna thatcan be found in Greek art (fig.4r). Thewide eye, the smallbut sharply off-set nose, and the full mouth, are groupedtogether in the middle of the face; the corner of the mouthturns up, that of the eye down; the general effect is free andflorid, like a rapid drawing; even the tongues of the lions'heads on the reverses tend to have a more flowing curyethan accords with our view of the strictly classical. Thesepeculiarities cannot be found elsewhere in the Greek world,and we may consider them genuinely Sicilian, though whattheir ancestry is we can only guess.

For a moment we must put aside the later issues of Leon-tini while we examine the coinage of Catana, which even-tually runs parallel with them. Chalcidian Catana wasdepopulated in 476 and Syracusans were settled there, thecity being renamed Aetna. In 46r the old inhabitants wererestored. The unique tetradrachm of Aetna (figs. 38, 4o)may date from any time within this period, though it iscommonly assumed that such a superb coin must comme-morate the foundation of the new city. Both obverse andreverse dies seem to be from the same hand, though thereverse has a distinctly more old-fashioned look. Boehrin-ger has stated explicitly what must have been the firstthought of many when looking at the obverse, namely thatthe hand is that of the engraver of Damareteion reverseR. 266 at a later date,r and he suggests that it was naturalfor Hieron to employ for the new city an engraver who had

t ft is reasonable to suppose that every engraver executed more thaqa single pair of dies, so that we need feel no diffidence in searching forgroups of dies by a common hand. Workers of such skill may well havespent most of their life in die-engraving, though they may have been,in addition, engravers of gems, makers of moulds for terracottas, metal-workers, or even sculptors oflarger objects.

GREEK SCULPTURB IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 23

been so successful in his commemorative issue for the old.Given the great difference of subject, it would be hard tofind two dies more alike in detail: in the bold arch of theeyebrow, the peculiar opening-out of the nostril to theside, the showing, on the far side of the forehead, part ofthe fringe in one and of the ivy-wreath in the other, tosuggest the curve of the hidden side of the head; and inthe lettering.I Aetna is more advanced in the profile eye,in the three-quartered iris and pupil; is in higher relie{,and more virile generally: so is the subject.

The commoner view is that the Aetnean coin is by thesame designer as one of the most remarkable dies everengraved, the squatting silen of Sicilian Naxos.z This wasapparently made, with an obverse of the same style, on thereturn of the Naxians to their city in 461, and used continu-ously until it fell to pieces, for all specimens of this coin arefrom a single pair of dies (figs. 50, 52). The Chalcidiansof the sixth centuyr as we know from their vases, had beendraughtsmen of high ability, addicted to bold foreshorten-ings: it is tempting to see in this coin of a Chalcidian city,one of the most boldly foreshortened compositions in relief

t Though not identical (for example the o in AITNAIoN seems to be

cut as a perfect jointless circle) this is closely similar.2 The Sileni are as different from each other as canwell be imagined:

the one well-groomed, bald, round-headed, smooth-browed, small-

nosed, with horse's ear bent forward; the other, unkempt, hairy, beetle-

browed, large-nosed, with horse's ear upright. The eye-pupil, marked

in the Aetnaean coin and the Damareteion, is omitted on both dies

oftheNaxian coin, and the ivy-wreath of Dionysus is quite different

from that of the Aetnaean Silenus. The engraver of the Naxian coin

(who, incidentally, made a false start with the silen's tail on the reverse,

bringing it out behind the forearm instead of at mid-thigh) has the

same scratchy way of engraving the hair as the maker of the Bull die

of fig. 49: compare the bull's tail with the silerr's hair and tail' But the

lettering of the Victory die (fig. 5r), though like enough in detail,

lacks the bold disposition of the Naxian. It is quite possible, on

general grounds, that Naxos and her colony Catana employed the

same distinguished engraver at their restoration from their joint exile

at Leontini.

24 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

ever made, a Chalcidian work. But there is no evidenceto prove it.

To return to Chalcidian Catana, which after its restora-tion offers a most varied and interesting coinage. Far themost competent coin technically is that of which the bestspecimen is in the British Museum, a fine if somewhat life-less obverse, and a curiously feeble, almost childish reverse(figs. 49, 5I). The obverse, which is much in the samemanner as the Naxian silen, shows a man-headed river-bull.He is seen from the movement of his forelegs to be swim-ming, and a fish, head upstream in a way that fishes have,suggests the current. On the reverse, Victory hasteningwith a wreath. In the remainder of this Bull-Victory series,one gets the impression of a very mixed company of en-gravers;I not only the designs, but the words and letters ofthe inscriptions vary much, though the subjects remain thesame. Many of the dies are feeble in the extreme: onereverse has tremendous, if almost barbaric, vigour (fiS.S+),and its obverse, certainly by the same engraver, is notablefor the massiveness and muscularity of its river-bull, whichare enhanced by the minute scale and marionette-likefragility of the Victorywho flies towreatheitwith a heavily-tasselled cord (fig. 53). Another obverse has for its river-god an aged Semite, the aboriginal inhabitant seen throughGreek eyes (fig. 55).

It would be surprising to find anything like these else-where in the Greek world. They are peculiarly Western.Following the Bull-Victoryseries2 comes one more orthodox,with the head ofApollo on one face and a four-horse charioton the other; and in these, lineal descendants stylisti-

I Conditions at the mint of Catana form an interesting contrast withAthens at this time. At Athens the work is always competent, and,because invention was sacrificed to the official policy of deliberatearchaism, always dull. Self-respecting artists must have given up die-engraving.

2 Or, as Mr. Herzlblder plausibly suggests, interspersed among them,the Bull-Victory coins being commemorative issues for games.

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 25

cally of the Damareteion decadrachms, there is a directcorrespondence with the issues of Leontini. I think ratherof a rivalry between engravers of the same tendenciesthan of the same engraver working for both cities, thoughadmittedly the resemblances are at times very close (figs.

57, 5B). But there is no rival to the superb tetradrachmof Leontini about mid century; strong, tense, but softlymodelled (f iS.Sg).

The acrolith from Ciro (figs. 6o, 6t, 63)'is the pieceof sculpture most readily brought to mind by some of thecoins of Catana and Leontini. This was the cult-statue ofthe famous temple of Apollo Alaios at Crimisa. Crimisawas probably too small a place to produce sculptors, andthe head must have been imported. Imported too, andimported from a different source if the archaeological evi-dence has been rightly interpreted, the metal hair whichought to have completed it but proved too small. Thehead bears a distinct resemblance to the kore of Euthydikos(fig. 6z), though certain details show it to be a good deallater. This may be yet another example of Western back-wardness, that towards the middle of the century a sculptor(and, from likeness to the coins, a Western sculptor) should

still be experimenting with the formulae which were in

fashion at Athens about 4Bo. The kore of Euthydikos is

commonly thought to owe something to the Peloponnese.May not some features of the head from Cird be derived

ultimately from the same source ? But art in the Pelo-

ponnese had surely changed more than this since the kore was

matle; and, if so, the Cird head, with its time-lag, would

seem to be of provincial, that is of Western, manufacture.The technique-not so much the style-of the Cird head

recalls the earlier head of Athena in the Vatican (figs.

43, 44), which we have seen some reason to connect with

Syracuse.z With the Vatican head goes, and goes closely,' Atti della Societd Magna Grecia, r932, pp. r35 ff.2 See p. zr. I{elbig-Amelung, Ftihrer3, no. 4oo; Langlotz, op. cit.,

p. r47 , p ls .9z , 93 .xx

26 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ART

the bronze from Adernd (fiS. Zo)t the finest found onSicilian soil; and, rather more distant, the colossal headin the Ludovisi collection (figs. 66, 74),2 also probablyfrom an acrolith, which is related in some way to Critiosand Nesiotes, when judged on a comparison with the copiesof their Harmodios and Aristogeiton, or with the so-calledCritian boy (fig. 65); though the exact relationship is hardto determine. It would certainly look provincial in anybut a remote part of Greece proper, and I see no reasonwhy it should not be work by a Sicilian pupil or followerof Critios-if the style is rather his than his colleague's.The same may be said of the boy from Girgenti.:

SEL INUS4

Clearest example of Sicilian workmanship is the bronzeboyfrom Selinus (figs. 67,68), in which the attitude andthemodelling of the torso betray a date later than that suggestedby the hair and face.s Nor is it hard to find, among

' Ausonia, viii, pp. 44 ff. The heads are compared by Langlotz, op.cit., pl. 93. See also note 4, p. 13.

2 Helbig-Amelung, Fiihrer3, no. IzBB: it is remarkable for havingoriginally had many additions in metal; not only the usual earrings andtwo necklaces, but also two large locks of hair and numerous smaller curlsor even single hairs; and possibly a veil.

3 For the connexion between the Ludovisi head and the boy fromGirgenti see Amelung in Jahrbuch, xxxv, rg2o, p. 57.

a The metopes of temple C at Selinus, which fall outside our period,can from certain details hardly be earlier than 55o, but they preservethe style of about 6oo, being especially close to the head of Hera fromthe Heraeum at Olympia, which is of Peloponnesian style. They arerelevant to our study in so far as they are in the Peloponnesian mannerbut of local material and fifty years behind mainland Greece; thereforepresumably Sicilian. This has some bearing on the date of the formationof local schools. The metopes of the lferaeum at Selinus, similarly, arein certain ways old-fashioned for their time, but the discrepanqy isprobably nearer twenty years than fifty. Probably, because the datecannot be fixed on external evidence.

s Marconi, L'Efebo di Selinunte (Opere d'Arte, fasc. i, Rome lgeg);Arndt-Amelung, 569-72. At the other extreme, clearest example ofan imported piece, is the torso from Granmichele (Mon. Ant, xviii,

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 27the metope-heads of the Heraeum at Selinus, some thatrecall the head from Cird and the coins of Leontini andCatana (compare, for example, figs. 56 and 64 with 6o,63 and 57-g). In the Heraeum the female heads and ex-tremities are of a coarse-grained island marble inserted inthe block of Sicilian stone from which each metope iscarved. Sicilian stone: therefore part and perhaps thewhole of the work was carried out in Sicily, probablyat Selinus itself. But if the metopes are to be provedSicilian as a whole, they must first be proved homo-geneous. They may fairly claim to be as homogeneous asthe metopes of the Parthenon, which are commonly classedas Attic, and would look out of place except on the Parthe-non: it would need for both temples a separate study todistinguish the various hands and traditions at work. Inthe metope of the Amazon, Heracles has a touch of theLudovisi colossus.r Distinctively Sicilian is the head ofHera on the Hieros Gamos metope (figr. 73, B3), andthat of Artemis on the Actaeon metope (fiS. Zz). Mostof the detached heads are in the same manner; some(fig. ZS) are feebler, and give the impression of having beenmade by sculptors-and there must have been not a fewof them employed on the building-whom the classicalr9o7, Orsi pl. iii). The resemblance of this to the kouros dedicated byPythias and Aischrion in the Ptoion has been rightly noted by Deonna

{Apollons archaiques,p.247, no. 156), but Langlotz (op. cit., p. rz4) callsit Samian and ignores the likeness. The two are virtually replicas. ThePtoian statue is generally considered Aeginetan, and the resemblanceto some of the Aeginetan pedimental figures justifies this view. Verysimilar in style is the head of a girl, no. 643, on the Acropolis at Athens.

A neat contrast, perhaps between native and immigrant artists, isafforded by the busts from Granmichele published by Orsi in Mon.Ant. xviii, r9o7, pl. i: the more competent resembles the kore of Euthy-dikos and the head from Cird. I have not dealt with the much-discussedterracotta seated goddess from Granmichele (ib., p. 136), because theextensive restorations make any deduction hazardous.

r For the style of Critios in the metopes of Selinus, see Furtw6ngler,MW,, p. 76, esp. notes 2 and 3; and Amelung in Jahrbuth! xxxv, r92o.

Pp. 49 trxx D 2

28 ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ARTmovement has not reached or has left unaffected, stillworking in the archaic tradition when archaic formulaeno longer express the ideas for which they were devised.This is true also of other features-of the proportions andsometimes of the action; while archaic ways of renderingthe hang or swing of drapery s.till survive. Athena (ng. Zr)would not pass in Greece prbper for an early classicalfigure; and even Artemis and Hera (figs. 72, 73) are notentirely free from archaisms. Some of the figures-lfera,Zeus, Artemis-not only in their rather squat proportionsand intent, if unexcited, faces, but also in their movements,which combine action with gesture, make one think ofOlympia, of Athena in the Augean and Stymphalianmetopes, and of Apollo in the west pediment. Contem-porary, but obviously not of the same school; the Siciliansare lighter and less grand, although charged with some-thing of the same spirit. Arethusa: Alpheios.

As another example ofthis style we may mention the man'shead of unknown provenience at Hanover (fig. 7g), which,with its tense light forms, unsubtle eyes, and set mouth, canhardly be conceived as the product of any other school.t

That this is the kind of work produced, in the earlyclassical period, if not by Selinuntine at least by Westernsculptors, is shown by the features it has in common withthe coinage of Catana and Leontini; with the terracottas ofRhegium (fiS. ZB), and with marbles like that from Cird;whereas in Greece itself no really close affinities are to befound.

Those among other marble sculptures from Selinus whichmay be local are a small head in Berlin (figs. 76, 77), tenderand gracious even if rather shallow, the resemblance ofwhich to the metopes of the lferaeum has often beenremarked;z since from its size it cannot actually belong

r See Amelung in Jahrfuch, xx,xv, rg2o, p. 53. I think of it aslater than the metopes of the Heraeum, and best compared with suchcoins as B.M. Catana no. 20.

2 Kekule, 'Archaischer Frauenkopf aus Sicilien' in Festschrlftfiir Afto

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALV 29

to the building, some continuity of local tradition may beassumed: further, two miniature torsos (figs. Bo, Br)t thedrapery of which clearly connects not only with Olympiazbut also with certain of the Locrian reliefs (..9. fi9. 25). Astatue on Paros (fig. Bz)3 suggests the source of inspirationif not the actual origin of the makers.

This brief survey of some of the evidence may justify usin concluding that there were both South Italian andSicilian schools of art, the general character of which maybe distinguished most clearly in the coins and terracottaplaques, less clearly (because the material has not beensufficiently studied) in the terracottas in the round, andless clearly still (because of its scarcity) in the sculpture,though in the early classical period the sculptural style ofSicily, or of one part of it, can be recognized. That thestyles of South Italy and Sicily, or of various places withinthose vast regions, were not identical with each other is alsoclear, though how far and in what ways they differed onlysubsequent discoveries will prove. In no country does artor thought flow in one broad placid stream: it has rapids,eddies, and backwaters.

At the beginning of our period Western art was largelydependent on that of mainland Greece. Imported terra-cottas were in the majority at most places; this may be

Benndorf. (A mutilated head of similar style from Selinus: Mon. Ant.xxxii, rgz7, pl. xxiii, 4 and 4a.) Like some but not all of the metopeheads it preserves an old-fashioned and probably fonian way ofrender-ing the eye, which looks strange when most of the other features havebeen brought up to date; it also has more in common with theLudovisi colossus (fi1. ld than appears at first sight.

I Mon. Ant. xrxii, rgz7, pls. xxv, xxvi: they are from a building;and it is not easy, though possible, to import pedimental sculpturesready-made.

2 The most obvious resemblances are to two of the Lapith women inthe west pediment: Olympia, iii, pls. xxvi, 2, and xxxii.

3 R<isch, Altertiimliche Marmorwerke aon Paros, pls. l-5: the lower part,not shown in fig. Bz, bears a resemblance to the stele from theEsquil ine (see note r, p. rB).

3(' ANNUAL LECTURE ON ASPECTS OF ARTestablished by a mere census of the finds. A fortiori wecan assume the same for marble sculpture, since there isno local marble, and perhaps for bronzes. But local manu-factures in clay there were, and after the impulses givenby the events of the early fifth century-immigration fromthe east, victories over the barbarian-during this periodwhich we should call, if we wbre speaking of Greece, theend of the archaic period and the early classical, someof them attain a high degree of mastery. So with coinage,which, perhaps deriving its style from the mother cities-Taras from Sparta, Syracuse from Corinth-rapidly takeson a character ofits own which spreads (possibly from threeor four centres each with its own variations of style) to mostof Sicily and the West, but does not appear in mainlandGreece. After about 4Bo, too, it seems that sculpture andbronzes, formerly often imported, are now more often madelocally, and have a local flavour which-sometimes at least-corresponds with that of the coins.t

Certain technical peculiarities should be noticed. One isa fondness for acrolithic statues. The method is of longstanding and used also in Greece, but it seems to befavoured here partly from the lack ofmarble, partly perhapsfrom the tendency (which can be easily understood inbronze-casters or terracotta-makers) to make things piece-meal, to build up from loose pieces, rather than, like asculptor, to take away the loose pieces and find the statueas a solid mass inside the block.2 There are other signs too(if we remember the Boston Throne) that the sculptor didnot readily think in terms of his medium. Analogous to

r One famous sculptor, Pythagoras of Samos, became Pythagoras ofRhegium, but we have no record of others.

2 See especially p. 26, note 2. The feeling that the Delphiancharioteer has been assembled artistically as well as actually froma number of separate elements leads to the belief that it may be thework of a bronze founder accustomed to think in terms of technicallimitation, little acquainted with marble sculpture, and so, possibly,Sicilian. But it must be admitted that this, one of the few knownSyracusan dedications, now securely dated to 477 B.c. by Wade-Gery

GREEK SCULPTURE IN SICILY AND SOUTH ITALY 3Ithe acroliths, as being pieced together from fine and coarsematerial, are the metopes of the Heraeum at Selinus.

To attempt, on such fragmentary evidence, a generaldescription of this Western colonial art may be useful,if hazardous. The scenes chosen are not strongly ideal-ized, are rendered in a literal, lively, and unaffected-or gaily affected-way, with more of the surroundings,the landscape, the furniture, than we are accustomed tofind in Greece itself (where the method is more sculp-tural, less pictorial), anyhow so late as this. For thearchaic tends to live on longer here. The action is oftenstill action observed from the outside, not shown as animpulse of the will. The pretty zigzag folds of archaicdrapery, the liveliness ofarchaic feature and gesture, are notreplaced, as they tend to be in Greece, by thick sober cloth-ing, solemn unsmiling faces, quiet gestures or no gesturesat all. Solemnity there is, but not identical with that ofGreece; it shows itself sometimes in too careful a restraint,the restraintofa people naturallylight-hearted. At its best-in the Hieros Gamos metope of Selinus or the LudovisiThrone (figs. 83, Ba) if that is accepted as Western-itexpresses a joy-a spiritual exaltation-to which one of thebest comparisons is the otherwise matchless work, alsoproduced from Sicilian blood and foreign training, on thesame soil nineteen hundred years later, by Antonello ofMessina.

6.H.S.liii, pp. ror ff.), though it bears the marks of its period clearlyenough, does not fit in particularly well with other Syracusan or Sicilianworks of the time, unless it be with Athena of the Vatican (figs. 49,4+).

NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIOI\S

Scur,prunrs are about life-size where no measurements are given orimplied. The coins illustrated are ofsilverl the photographs (with mag-nification varying between one and a half and two diameters) are fromcasts, and-except where stated otherwise-of specimens in the BritishMuseum. For the generous loan of photqgraphs taken for their own studiesI have to thank Miss Sybil Mills (bronzes from the Acropolis figs. 46-8) ;Father Claude Heithaus, S. J. (sculptures from Selinus); Mr. H. G. G.Payne and Mr. G. M. Young, fig. g6 (maiden from the Acropolis).Figs. 5 and 6 are after Langlotz, Friihgriech. Bildhauerschulen; g, Io, 28,

78, after Levi, Terrecotte Figurate del Mus. Nazionale di Napoli; 16, 3o,3r , 32, 69 (direct from the coins themselves) after Hill, Select Greek Coiru ;r7,29 arc from photographs of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts; r9,zo, r r from photographs of the Berlin Museum; 22, zS,Bo,Br from Mon.Antichi; 24, 25, 26, z7 from Ausoniai 42, 44 from Brunn-Bruckmann;6r, 63 from Atti della Societd Magna Grecia; and Bz from a photograph ofthe German Archaeological Institute.

NOTBS ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS 33zo, 2r, Head of the goddess in Berlin (see fig, r9).22, 29.. Terracotta head of a goddess from Selinus. H. 16.5 cm.

(Palermo.)24. Terracotta plaque from Locri. H. e6 cm. (Taranto.)25. Terracotta plaque from Locri. H. zz.5 cm. (Taranto.)e6. Terracotta plaque from Locri. H. z3 cm. (Taranto.)27. Terracotta plaque from Locri. H. 25.5 cm. (Taranto.)eB. Fragment of a plaque from Locri, Hades and Persephone en-

throned. (Naples.)29. Marble relief from the Ludovisi Gardens, Rome-the

Throne'-Eros weighing boys between two goddesses.

'Boston

H. g6

3o.3 r .32.33.3+.35.36.

cm. (Boston,)Stater of Corinth: (reaerse) head of Athena.Tetradrachm ofSyracuse: (reaerse) head ofa goddess.Tetradrachm ofSyracuse: (reaerse) head ofa goddess.Tetradrachm of Gela: (reaerse) forepart of man-headed bull.Obverse of the coin shown in fig. 33: victorious chariot.Tetradrachm ofSyracuse: (reaerse) head ofa goddess.Head of a marble maiden from the Acropolis. Three-quarters

life-size. (Athcns.)

37. Decadrachm of Syracuse, 'Damareteion': (reoerse) head of goddess.

38. Tetradrachm of Aetnaz (obause) head of Silenus. (Brussek.)

39. Tetradrachm of Leontini:. (reverse) head of Apollo.

40. Reverse of the coin shown in fig. 38: Zeus enthroned.

4r. Tetradrachm of Leontini: (obuersa) head of Apollo.

42. Tetradrachm ofSyracuse: (reaersc) head ofgoddess.

43, 44. Marble head of Athena. H. 43 cm. (Vatican,)

45. Tetradrachm ofSyracuse: (reaerse) head ofgoddess.

46. Head of a bronze mirror-handle. (Athens.)

47. Tetradrachm ofSyracuse: (reaerse) head ofgoddess.

48. Bronze head of Apollo ( ?), from the Acropolis. H. r 3 cm. (Athens')

49. Tetradrachm of Catana: (obaerse) man-headed bull.

5o. Tetradrachm of Sicilian Naxos: (reaerse) satyr.

5r. Reverse of the coin shown in fig. 49.: Victory.

5e. Obverse of the coin shown in fig. 5o: head of Dionysus.

53. Tetradrachm of Catana: (obaerse) man-headed bull.

54. Reverse of the coin shown in fig. 53: Victory.

55. Tetradrachm of Catana: (oboerse) man-headed bull.

56. Marble female head from a metope of the Heraeum, Selinus.(Palermo.)

57. Tetradrachm of Leontini: (obuerse) head of Apollo.

58. Tetradrachm of Catana: (reaerse) head of Apollo.

59. Tetradrachm of Leontini: (obuerse) head of Apollo.

6o. Marble head of Apollo from Cir6: rather over life-size. (Rcggio.)

I .

2 .

Drachm of Taras: (reaerse) head of youth.Didrachm of Taras: (reaerse) head of girl.Bronzeheadofboy from Sparta. H. 6.S cm. (Boston) Fromacast.Didrachm of Taras: (reacrse) head of youth.As fig. 3, but from the original.Bronze girl running, from Dodona ; (the pins in the feet are modern).fI. rz cm. (Atherc.)

7. Terracotta statuette of ar698.)

goddess, from Taranto. (Vienna, no.

B. Head of a terracotta statuette of Dionysus from Taranto. (Berlin,no. 7850.)

9. Body of a statuette of type similar to fig. 8., from Taranto. L, r5.5cm. (Naples.)

to. Terracotta statuette of a god reclining, from Taranto. (Naphs.)r r. Tetradrachm of Himera: (reaerse) nymph Himera pouring libation.rz. Obverse of the coin shown in fig. r r: Pelops as charioteer.t3. Tetradrachm of Himera: (reoerse) nymph Himera pouring libation.I4. Didrachm of Taras: (reverse)'Demos'seated holding distaff.I5. Tetradrachm of Himeta: (reuerse) nymph Himera pouring libation.t6. Tetradrachm of Selinus: (reaerse) River-god Selinus pouring liba-

tion.

3.4.5 .6.

1 7 .rB.

Marble head of Athena from Taranto. H. r4.5 crn.' (Boston.)Marble head of Athena from W. pediment of temple of Athena

Aphaia, Aegina. (Munich.) From a cast.Marble goddess from Taranto. H. l5r cm. (Berlin.)r9.

i r F l S l(crrb)

346 t .62.

63.64.

65.

66.

67,69.7o.7 r .72.73.74.75.

76.

78.79.

Bo.8 r .Bz.83.84.

NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS

As fig. 6o.Head of the statue dedicated by Euthydikos. Three-quarters life-

size. (Alheru.)As figs. 6o, 6r.Marble female head from a metope of the Heraeum, Selinus.

(Palerno.)Head of the 'Critian boy'. Three-quarters life-size. (Atherc.)

From a cast.Colossal head of a goddess, in the\Ludovisi Collection; (the nose

is an ancient restoration.) H. Bz cm. (Museo delle Terme, Rome.)68. Bronze youth from Selinus. H. 85 cm. (Palerrno.)Didrachm of Selinus: (reaerse) River Hlpsas pouring a libation.Bronze youth from Adernd. H. eo cm. (Syracuse.)Metope of the Heraeum, Selinus: Athena and Giant. (Palermo.)Metope of the Heraeum, Selinus: Artemis and Actaeon. (Palermo.)Metope of the Heraeum, Selinus: Hera and Zeus. (Palerno.)The Ludovisi colossus (see fig. 66).Marble head of a goddess from a metope of the Heraeum, Selinus.

(Palermo.)Marble female head, from Sicily. H. r I.5 cm. (Bulin.)As fig. 76, but from a cast.Terracotta, found at Locri (?). H. 32.5 cm. (Reggio.)Marble head of a man, acquired in Italy. H. z4 cm. (Hanoaer.)

From a cast.Miniature marble torso from Selinus. L. 23.5 cm. (Palermo.)Miniature marble torso from Selinus. H. rg cm. (Palerno.)Upper part of a marble seated statue. (Paros.)Head of Hera from the metope fi9. lS.Head of a goddess on the 'Ludovisi Throne'. (Museo delle Termc,

Rome.)

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