16. Gender Issues and Diversity Management
Managing Diversity in Australia and Germany
How can one explain the different
application of MD concepts?
2
Abstract
This article will compare the phenomenon of Managing Diversity in Australia and
Germany. Both countries belong to the early adaptors of this innovative management
concept which has been recognised, discussed and practised almost simultaneously
in these countries. There are diverse international companies both in Australia and
Germany which prescribe to the business case for diversity (Lithvin 2002). Neverthe-
less, the MD concept in each country has been acknowledged and applied differently.
Drawing on an extensive literature analysis and the results of 10 interviews done
with national MD experts from universities, enterprises, unions and interest groups in
each country, this article will discuss the specific influences of national MD develop-
ment and the institutional framework which has played a role in the diffusion of this
management concept.
3
1. Introduction
As of the last 15 years, publications on Managing Diversity have been written by
business consultants and scientists worldwide. It all began in the 1990's with the
American pioneers of MD concepts. (Thomas 1990 and 1991; Cox/ Blake 1991; Jack-
son et.al. 1992; Loden/Rosener1992; Cox 1993; Gardenwartz/Rowe1993). Although
different to Business Reengineering (Hammer/Champy 1994), no one founder can be
allotted the responsibility for Managing Diversity and therefore, there is no singular
bestseller on which we can focus. Instead, we have the MD concept being adapted
to the individual national needs by different authors. This applies to Australia
(Cope/Kalantzis 1997), Canada (Wilson 1997), Great Britain (Kirton/Greene 2000)
and Germany (Stuber 2004). Thus, each country developed its own unique diverse
accents for the application of MD concepts (Vedder 2005a).
This article will compare Managing Diversity in Australia and Germany. Concerning
diffusion research (Rogers 1995), both countries belong to the early adaptors of this
innovative management concept which has been recognised, discussed and practised
almost simultaneously in these countries. There are diverse international companies
both in Australia and Germany which prescribe to the business case for diversity
(Lithvin 2002). Nevertheless, the MD concept has been acknowledged and applied
differently. In Germany (approx. 83 million inhabitants) only 50 firms work with
Managing Diversity and only 10 of them have established an extensive MD system
(Vedder 2005b). These numbers are greater in Australia (approx. 20 million inhabi-
tants), where this concept is applied not only within firms but also within the Public
Service (www.diversityaustralia.gov.au).
How can we explain the differences? Apparently the national MD development and
the institutional framework play a role in the diffusion of management concepts. In
4
the following analysis, these specific influences will be described and analysed for
Australia and Germany. This discourse is based on an extensive literature analysis
and on the results of 10 interviews done with national MD experts from universities,
enterprises, unions and interest groups in each country by Guenther Vedder in 2004/
2005 (the interviewed persons dealt with in this text have asked not to be identified).
2. The Development of MD Concepts in Germany
In Germany, Managing Diversity was introduced into academic discourse in the mid-
dle of 1990's. The first German academic/expert article was published in 1993 under
the title, "Managing Diversity: Postmoderne Kulturarbeit in der Unternehmung"
(Kiechl 1993), and the first German anthology in 1994 "Vielfalt gestalten - Managing
Diversity" (Jung 1994). The article, "Mono- oder multikulturelle Organisationen?
Managing Diversity auf dem Prüfstand", by Gertraude Krell (Krell 1996), finally intro-
duced the American MD elements into a German research context. At the same time,
the German Association for Personnel Management (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Per-
sonalführung/DGFP) began to preoccupy themselves with the American partner or-
ganisation Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM) on very relevant
themes. The DGFP carried out within the last 10 years several MD assessments
(Ivanova 2003), offers as of several years a study group for MD firms and provides
extensive Diversity information on its Homepage (www.1dgfp.com).
The first consulting groups also began in the 1990's with Managing Diversity as a
sector within the German counselling market. Angelika Plett from MitteConsult, Berlin
came in contact with MD while working on anti-racist work and orientated herself in
her MD research to the approach of Lee Gardenswartz and Anita Rowe (Plett 2002).
Michael Stuber founded in 1997 mi.st [ Diversity Consulting, Köln and has since then
5
advised diverse organisations on the theme Managing Diversity as well as having
published a large number of MD articles and a practice orientated expertise book
"Diversity" (Stuber 2004; www.ungleich-besser.de). The first of many Managing Di-
versity conferences took place at the University of Potsdam (Prof. Dieter Wagner)
with international participation.
Parallel to the interests of researchers, representational groups and consultants,
German firms also began to show an interest in Managing Diversity in the middle of
the 1990's. Also Ford Germany took their mother firm as an example and together
with the Personnel Department began to apply Managing Diversity. As of August
2000, there has been a Director for Diversity in Europe at Ford (Belinski, 2003, 315).
Daimler Benz and the Deutsche Bank became sensitised to MD during the fusion with
the Chrysler Cooperation and the acquisition of Bankers Trust. They had to familiar-
ise themselves with diversity questions as a result of the merging of different organ-
izational cultures. Important MD impulses within DaimlerChrysler came in 1998 from
an international work group in the framework of Post-Merger-Integration Projects
(Belinski, 2003, 280). "Managing Diversity has been part of the Deutsche Bank's
global firm strategy since 1999 (Coppi 2004, 413)". Lufthansa AG was, as of the year
2000, the first firm in Germany which took an interest in the diversity theme without
having been confronted by external developments. Personnel Diversity is of particular
relevance because the employees come from 130 different nations, 90 countries are
flown into and within the Star Alliance, 16 further airlines are working in co-operation
with Lufthansa (Rühl 2004, 72). In addition to the above mentioned firms, we can
include Shell, Kraft Foods Germany, Microsoft Germany, the Commerzbank AG, the
German Telekom, Siemens AG and others to be among the Diversity Pioneers in
6
Germany. These international companies with their headquarters in the USA focus
predominantly on the public service sector and consumer goods manufacturers.
Although the number of diversity applied programmes has increased yearly in Ger-
many (Krell 2004), and the most important German employers are interested in
Managing Diversity, the application of these concepts still remains marginal. If we
were to count the members of DGFP-MD committees and the number of publications
on applied programmes, we would have a total of about 50 MD organisations. Thus,
we can assume that Managing Diversity has greater potential for future development
(Vedder 2005b). The approach to Personnel Diversity within and between organisa-
tions, in the framework of international co-operation and demographic changes, will
definitely gain importance in the future (Stuber 2004).
3. Managing Diversity in Australia
The emergence and spread of Managing Diversity (MD) in Australia took a very dif-
ferent course to that of Germany. Australia has a national legislative framework and
long tradition of equal employment opportunity (EEO) and anti-discrimination meas-
ures (Stachan/Burgess/Sullivan 2004; Strachan/Burgess/Sullivan 2005). These first
generation initiatives had a fundamental premise of encouraging equity in employ-
ment by identifying and eliminating barriers for disadvantaged groups in the work-
place (French/ Maconachie 2004). This however has been coupled in recent years
with a “self consciously constructed political reality” to capitalise on multicultural di-
versity (Cope/Kalantzis 1995, p.179). Both of these provided the foundation for a
unique formulation of MD.
D’Netto, Smith and Da Gama Pinto (2000) suggest the MD concept and associated
terms first emerged in the public domain and published literature in Australia in the
7
late 1980s, early 1990s. One of early Australian references to managing diversity
appeared in a publication from the largest employer representative group in Australia,
the Business Council of Australia (Teicher/Spearitt 1996) and distinguished MD by
suggesting it was unlike EEO and AA because it “addresses the deep cultural as-
sumptions that create inequities” (Smith/Carmody 1991, p.34).
Thus, it could be argued that two associated public policy programs aimed at private
sector organisations began to develop alongside each other. For example, part of the
Australian public policy approach has been to actively support the diversity theme
through economic and legal EEO/AA efforts with much attention focused on women
and more recently on employees with family commitments (Davidson/Griffin 2003,
Chapter 5; Strachan/Burgess/Sullivan 2004; Strachan/Burgess/Sullivan 2005). On the
other plank of Australia’s public policy approach, the initial focus of government ini-
tiatives and publications was on a fairly narrow interpretation of ‘diversity’, that of
productive diversity which emphasized utilising Australia's language and cultural di-
versity for economic benefits (Bertone/ Leahy 2003, p.105). The use of this unique
Australian term can be traced to the beginning of the 1990s (Cope/Kalantzis 1997)
when the government introduced a policy program used to link business manage-
ment with diversity initiatives titled the Productive Diversity Program. As Hay high-
lights, the adjective ‘productive’ was to squarely focus organisations “on the eco-
nomic benefits of cultural and linguistic diversity” (2004, p. 9).
In part, these divisions can be explained because of bureaucratic separation in policy
responsibility (Bertone 2002). EEO for women is dealt with primarily by the Equal
Opportunity in the Workplace Agency (EOWA), as well as the Work and Family Unit
as national level government divisions within the Department of Employment and
Workplace Relations (DEWR). Productive diversity, (renamed in 1999 to the more
8
broad Diversity Works! Program) and multicultural relations are situated and pro-
moted in the different government portfolio of the Department of Immigration and
Multicultural Affairs (DIMIA). DIMIA also finances and promotes a wide range of in-
formation campaigns and research projects from which extensive MD material has
been published. Many well-founded strategy papers, statistically orientated diversity
information publications, MD studies, case studies and training material for employ-
ers, employees, as well as for the Australian public, have been the result of this fund-
ing (see under www.diversityaustralia.gov.au). It is interesting to note from a MD
perspective that these two public policy areas have very different approaches. While
programs to promote equal opportunity for women have been mandated by legisla-
tion (at least for private sector organisations with more than 100 employees), pro-
ductive diversity programs for immigrants have been voluntary (Bertone/Leahy 2000,
p.12) and arguably utilitarian, narrowly focused on export business rather than busi-
ness in general (Bertone 2002 p.2). The Australian government has also encouraged
voluntary diversity practices through support for best practice awards for companies
in specific diversity areas (for e.g. national Work and Family Awards, Employer of
Choice for Women Awards, Prime Minister's Employer of the Year Awards for em-
ployers providing work opportunities for people with disabilities.
A key report influencing the reception of MD as a concept was the 1995 Report of
the Industry Commission's Taskforce on Leadership and Management Skills entitled
Enterprising Nation: Renewing Australia’s Managers to Meet the Challenges of the
Asia-Pacific Century (Karpin 1995). Also know as the Karpin Report, it identified two
main areas of challenge for organisations, the importance of accessing the talents of
women in senior management positions and those assets specific to different cultural
backgrounds (Karpin 1995, p. 233; also see Burton/Ryall (1995). A further endorse-
9
ment of these views was published by Bill Cope and Mary Kalantzis in 1997 when
they used the already coined concept as their book title, Productive diversity: a new,
Australian model for work and management (Cope/Kalantzis 1997) and thus invoked
a public discourse on the theme which clearly attempted to detach it from the tradi-
tional EEO/AA efforts in Australia. As the authors emphasised, "Anti–discrimination
measures, equal employment opportunity and affirmative action might be important
ideas but they are also fraught ideas. This book is not about these ideas” (Cope
/Kalantzis 1997, 259). All of these developments concentrate the so-called business
case for diversity (DIMA 2001; DeCieri/Kramar 2003, Chapter 8; Davidson/ Griffin
2006, Chapter 5; Cope/ Kalantzis 1997).
Similar to Germany, there are a number of consultancy groups in Australia which
provide diversity services and programs for organisations. Many of these first
emerged in the 1990s (such as Diversity@work and Australian Diversity Consultants)
and report large client lists of private and public sector organizations. However,
charting the spread and take up of managing diversity practices by firms within Aus-
tralia indicates mixed views about its application. Less than ten years ago, it could be
said that MD in firms was still in its infancy in Australia (Teicher/Spearitt 1996; Ber-
tone/Leahy 2000, p.17; Dagher/D’ Netto 1997) with ‘mediocre’ use of diversity prac-
tices (D’Netto/Sohal 1999, p.541) and low reported incidence and take up of produc-
tive diversity policies and strategies (Bertone 2002, p.9). Commissioned research by
DIMIA surveyed the state of diversity management policies and practices in Australia
in 1999 (Nicholas/Sammartion 2001; Sammartion /Nicholas /O´Flynn 2004). The
survey of senior managers in 229 large organisations was representative of medium
and large firms in all industry sectors. More than half the firms surveyed identified at
least one of seventeen business and social justice case arguments surveyed (for eg.
10
cost efficiency, workforce productivity, equal opportunity compliance etc) as highly
important to their competitive advantage (Sammartion/ Nicholas/O´Flynn 2004,p.3-
4;7). However using a combined analysis of diversity capabilities (bundles of diversity
practices) and diversity resources (the heterogeneity of the workforce), the re-
searchers concluded less than a fifth of Australian firms had ‘…the bare essentials to
develop the diversity management competencies required to achieve a sustainable
competitive advantage’ (Sammartion/ Nicholas/O´Flynn 2004 p.7).
Although the number of firms applying MD concepts may be questioned, a review of
diversity consultant websites and winners of Employer of Choice Awards suggests it
is growing in practice. Not only large international firms belong to the active sup-
porters and pioneers of MD in Australia (IBM, Shell, BHP Billiton, McDonalds), but
also banks (ANZ, Westpac, National Australia Bank) and public service corporations
(Australian Post, Sydney Water, Telstra). Of particular interest for Germans is the
business contact many firms have to Aboriginal Australians (Alcoa, Rio Tinto, Gemco)
thus promoting Indigenous businesses (Diversity@work 2003). Nevertheless, it
seems difficult to appraise just how widespread MD is. A well–known Australian Di-
versity Expert looking at the largest Australian Top100-Firms said in an interview: "All
of the larger companies have diversity policies, but most employers are not strategi-
cally interested". In addition to the MD pioneers, there are also a number of diverse
small and middle-sized firms as well as public sector organisations (University of
Technology, Sydney) which have adapted this concept. The total number of Austra-
lian firms using MD has been accessed by several interviewed persons as higher than
the German counts but also substantially under the USA application.
11
4. National Agreements on Management Diversity
Personnel Diversity in various national workforces is presently subjected to significant
changes and this trend will continue during the next decade (Kirton/Greene 2000,
DeCieri/Olekalns 2001, Engelbrech 2003, Aghazadeh 2004). On one hand, this devel-
opment reflects the diversity within society and thus in the Personnel Diversity within
various organisations. The employers react to the demographic changes and other
institutionalized factors (changes to laws, changes in the education system, pressure
by certain interest groups) by applying Managing Diversity.
The following aspects of MD concepts will be more closely examined:
(1) Ethnic Diversity
(2) Demographic Change
(3) The Situation of the National Workforce
(4) Legal Intentions and Jurisdiction of the Law
(5) Political Influences on Managing Diversity
4.1. Ethnic Diversity
The German population consists of 91.2% Germans and 8.8% immigrants according
to a study done in 2004. The strongest immigrant group is formed by 2.4% Turkish,
1.8% from former Yugoslavia and 0.7% from Italy. Recognized ethnic minorities
within the German population are the Danes, Frisians, Sorbs and Gypsies, who only
sum up to 500,000 persons. More strongly represented are the Russo-German reset-
tled persons who make up 2.5% and are with their large numbers particularly impor-
tant for the labour market (Their re-settlement began with the fall of the Berlin Wall.
The previous chancellor Helmut Kohl accepted their re-integration because they were
once German citizens).
12
If we exclude the Russian-German minority group of 2.5% from the German work-
force and recognize that the employment rate among Germans lies just above the
immigrant level (Granato 2003, 17), then there is only a 10% representation of eth-
nic minorities on the German labour market. This example reflects a strong ethnic-
cultural homogeneity not only within its society but also in the labour force. It is
presently assumed that ethnical diversity will increase in the future as a result of a
fluctuation in birth rates among different ethnic groups, as well as the increase in
migration (Stuber 2004, 50).
In comparison, Australia (20.4 million inhabitants) reflects a very different statistical
situation. In 2004, only 73% of the inhabitants were born in Australia. Most of the
immigrants came from Great Britain and New Zealand; approximately 13% came
from Non English Speaking Countries (NESC). Chinese and Vietnamese compose in
each case 0.8% of the population in Australia. About 15% of all Australian families
speak another language other than English (often Italian and Greek). The descen-
dants of the indigenous people consist of 2.2% of the Australian population. The
Australian workforce is much more ethnically heterogeneous than its German coun-
terpart (www.immi.gov.au). Thus we can say that the Australian government has
made greater attempts to accommodate and utilise these ethnic groups by imple-
menting and supporting MD programmes.
4.2. Demographic Change
In Australia it is estimated that the population will increase by 30% to 26 million by
2050. In the year 2004, the birth rate was 1.8 children per woman and the net mi-
gration rate was 4.1 per 1,000 residents (www.abs.gov.au). Although Australia has a
better starting point than Germany, there is, nevertheless, an intensive discussion
13
taking place on the ageing of the workforce and the possibilities of increasing the
employment rate by focusing on special groups who should receive better qualifica-
tions (Commonwealth of Australia 2004).
The situation is very different in Germany. With one of the lowest birth rates world-
wide of 1,4 children per woman (in 2004) and a net migration rate of only 2,7 per
1,000 residents, Germany's population will have decreased by 15%, from 83 million
to 70 million by the year 2050 (www.destatis.de). In 2002 only half as many children
were born as in the stronger birthing year of 1964. This means that within the next
20 years there will be a massive reduction of young workers (Allmendinger et.al.
2005). The consequences of this development for the social security system have
been discussed in depth for years. The expected problems surrounding personnel
have too seldom been a theme among politicians and management (Engelbrech
2003). German employers should have preoccupied themselves more thoroughly with
Managing Diversity by recruiting selectively more members of minority groups. This
is still seldom the case. Instead, the chronically high unemployment rates have
shifted the attention from future labour market problems (IW 2005).
4.3. Situation of the National Workforce
The German labour market has been in a crisis since the re-unification in 1990. The
unemployment rates rose from 7,9% in the year 1993, to 9,9% in 1997, followed by
a fall to 7,9% in 2001 (Allmendinger et.al. 2005, 284). As of April 2005 unemploy-
ment has risen to 10,1 % (www.destatis.de). The number of employable persons
remained relatively stable at 36 million persons (IW 2005). Although innumerable
structural shifting concepts on the labour market took place, few additional positions
were created. In particular, the long term unemployment has serious consequences:
14
in 2004, approximately 40% of all unemployed were without jobs for longer than 1
year (www.destatis.de). There has always been a re-occurring scarcity of workers in
particular professions (engineers, teachers, doctors, secretaries) or a lack of motiva-
tion in low income sectors. Nevertheless, employers have usually had enough appli-
cants to fill positions (Pudelko 2000). The female employment rate (65% in 2003)
and the employment rate of older workers between the ages of 55 to 64 years (43%
in 2003) demonstrate that these areas have not been exhausted (Allmendinger et.al.
2005, 262 and 266).
The development in the labour market took another turn in Australia. The unem-
ployment fell from 10.6% in 1993 to 8.3% in 1997 and then to 6.8% in 2001 to
5.1% in April 2005. The number employed increased by 1.7 million persons between
1995 and 2005 (www.abs.gov.au). Although there was a quick integration of immi-
grants into the labour market approximately 100,000 persons in 2003, many Austra-
lian firms have chosen to be employers of choice in order to win the most talented
applicants for many different professions. Certainly, the potential within the area of
female employment (66% in 2003) and among older workers from 55 to 64 years
(52% in 2003), has also not yet been fully exhausted (Allmendinger et.al. 2005, 262
and 266).
With the support of these figures, it is not surprising to observe that more Australian
than German organisations have used MD concepts to attain a better position in the
struggle for the shrinking young talents. Managing Diversity allows for the fulfilment
of the needs of female employees, older persons, employees with a disability, and for
the expansion of the recruiting pool. The announced success of MD programmes in
the national newspapers supports the image of a non-discriminatory employer with
whom members of minority groups can seek employment.
15
4.4 Legal Intentions and Jurisdiction of the Law
Authors such as French and Maconachie (2004) suggest approaches to equity man-
agement within organizations in Australia (like managing diversity) have arisen out of
the practical need of an organisation to ensure compliance with equal opportunity
legislation, common law developments and workplace issues. The legislative context
has provided the foundation for the development of Managing Diversity practices in
Australia. Australia’s system of government allows legislation to be created at the
level of various States/Territories (geographical divisions) within the country for ex-
ample Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW), and at the national or Federal (Australia
wide) level, for example the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (Cwth). State legislation can
act as a forerunner for, and complement national (Australia wide) level legislation. All
Australian jurisdictions have anti-discrimination and EEO legislation in the area of
employment with a focus on the treatment of particular groups who have tradition-
ally been prevented from full participation in the workforce (Ntatsopoulos 2004,
p.862). As well as specific anti-discrimination legislation prohibiting discrimination at
work on the grounds of such characteristics as sex; martial status; pregnancy;
breastfeeding; family responsibilities; sexuality; race; impairment; political or reli-
gious belief and most recently age, principles of equal employment opportunity and
anti-discrimination are incorporated industrial legislation such as the Workplace Rela-
tions Act 1996 (Cwth) (Ntatsopoulos/Kramar 2004). This legal framework applies to
all public sector (government owned or operated) and private sector organisations.
The legislation that exists in Australia for anti-discrimination is complaint based and
therefore arguably reactive in its operation (Ntatsopoulos 2004, p.863). Its focus is
on assistance for the individual complainant as a means of redress after discrimina-
16
tion has occurred (Strachan/ Burgess/Sullivan 2004, p.196) and as Thornton argued
in the 1990s, the concern of anti-discrimination legislation is only ‘with equality of
opportunity with respect to access to some specified public sphere benefit, such as
employment… it is silent as to the end result’ (1990, p.17). Hence there are argua-
bly limitations on its ability to change any underlying culture, organisational dynamics
or indeed attitudes of individuals (Ntatsopoulos 2004, p.863).
There are further legal considerations for federal Public Sector (government owned
or operated) organizations to through compliance with Public Service Act 1999
(Cwth). All Public Sector agencies are required to establish workplace diversity pro-
grams which include all existing EEO provisions but also go further by focusing on
the links between diversity and organizational effectiveness (Public Service and Merit
Protection Commission 2001; DeCeieri /Olekalns 2001, p.32). There are also further
legal considerations for larger private sector organizations to introduce EEO pro-
grams primarily focused on women. Through at first, the Affirmative Action (Equal
Opportunity for Women) Act 1986 and now the Equal Opportunity for Women in the
Workplace Act (1999), higher education institutions and private sector organizations
with over 100 employees are required by this legislation to submit annual reports (to
the EOWA, a statutory authority reporting to DEWR) on EEO for their workplaces and
demonstrate the measures they have put in place to eliminate discrimination and
promote EEO programs for women (Ntatsopoulos/ Kramar 2004,p.735). Strachan/
Burgess/Sullivan (2004, p.197) have highlighted that this legislation in its early and
current formulation rely on a presumption of ‘good corporate citizenship’, as there
were no explicit national standards for organizations to meet and weak penalties for
failing to submit a report.
17
While EEO legislation for gender equity encourages minimum compliance from large
organizations to certain reporting requirements, changes in recent times has seen it
become ‘more voluntary, less extensive and less proscribed…[with] business left to
manage its gender equity programmes with less intrusiveness’ (Strachan/Burgess
/Sullivan 2004, p.202). Indeed, as some authors have asserted, that even after over
20 years of promotion of the business case in legislation, evidence of progress to-
wards EEO is “patchy and slow” (Ntatsopoulos/Kramar 2004, p.699; also see Ber-
tone/Leahy 2000, p.17). Authors such as Strachan, Burgess/Sullivan (2004) have
predicted that many organisations will simply re-badge their existing EEO strategies
and programs as Managing Diversity initiatives. Indeed research surveyed by Ber-
tone and Leahy (2000) highlighted a minority of companies had a policy commitment
relevant to immigrants and where present, these were usually within mandatory ex-
isting EEO policies.
At present the legal framework poses little pressure on German employers with re-
spect to anti-discrimination (Baer 2003). Relevant, in terms of labour laws is the pro-
hibition of sexual discrimination see §§ 611a and 612 paragraph 3 of German Civil
Code (Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch/BGB), also the discrimination of persons with handi-
caps, see Code of Social Law (Sozialgesetzbuch/SGB) IX as well as the discrimination
of part-time workers see § 4 Part Time Law (Teilzeitbefristungsgesetz/ TzBfG). Gen-
eral legal protection is found under Article 3 of the German Constitution which as-
sures equal treatment to all under the law, regardless of sex, origin, race, language,
place of birth, religion or political beliefs (Göbel 2003). In accordance with § 75
Works Constitution Act (Betriebsverfassungsgesetz/BetrVG), all employers and work
councils have the responsibility to protect the employees from discrimination of origin,
18
religion, nationality, birth country, political activities, activities within the unions,
gender and sexual preference. Further aspects of equal chances and anti- discrimina-
tion laws are found in § 80 BetrVG (including protection for parents and older em-
ployees), protection against unlawful dismissals in Employment Protection Act
(Kündigungsschutzgesetz/KSchG) and terms for partnership laws (any type of per-
sonal alliance without marriage) (Stuber 2004). The positive resonance of these laws
and legal impulses have played a very minor role in Germany up to now. German
employers neither fear, according to interviewed persons, the legal actions pursued
(in a legal case) nor the low fines they may incur.
The introduction of Managing Diversity in organisations not only means less discrimi-
nation in Personnel Management. It assures the systematic control of Personnel
Practices. By applying MD concepts, we can also assure that the legal forms of fair-
ness are pursued and carried out. The more restrictive the laws and the jurisdictions
are to protect equal chances in various countries, the less we need MD concepts, as
the number of legal cases will be minimized. This is certainly one reason why MD
concepts have up until now only been minimally propagated in Germany. With the
coming application of the new EU Anti-Discrimination Laws 2000/43/EG and
2000/78/EG in the German legal system we will witness a tightening up of the legal
codes (Krell 2004). This will probably also expand the positive influences of MD con-
cepts and practices.
4.5 Political Influences on Managing Diversity
In Germany the influence of politicians, union representatives, various interest
groups of minorities within the labour force as well as journalists who promote and
propagate MD concepts is still very weak (Stuber 2003). Only the homosexual man-
19
agers interest groups have actively propagated MD concepts publicly and have given
diversity prizes for particularly interesting MD projects (www.voelkinger-kreis.de;
www.wirtschaftsweiber.de). The German unions are sceptical about Managing Diver-
sity because they assume MD concepts are motivated by hidden rationalization
trends from the USA. Various women's associations reject the MD concept because
they fear a weakening of the long established women's promotional programmes
within German organisations. The strongest influence, against discrimination on the
labour market and for Managing Diversity within various organisations, will be the
European Community Institutes (Vedder 2005b; www.stop-discrimination.info). The
results of which will be the inevitable involvement of, up until now, reluctant political
parties. Till present, the Green Party is the only party preoccupied with MD issues.
In the Australian context, as in other countries, it was political pressure and the in-
troduction of legislation which prompted change in altering and constraining manag-
ers, forcing them to consider changes and produce guidelines which affirm legislative
principles of equity (Palmer 2003, p.20). Many employers have demonstrated their
commitment to pursue ‘excellence in diversity’ as members of Diversity Council Aus-
tralia (formerly the Council for Equal Opportunity in Employment) an organisation
established in 1985 by two large Australian employer associations to initially demon-
strate their commitment to self-regulation in the area of equal opportunity for
women. They now describe their expertise and services encompass ‘all aspects of the
diversity of human resources’ (www.ceoe.com.au). Unions also in Australia have
substantial commitments to equality in the workplace, as core principles underpin-
ning their general union values. For example, their policy agenda for the last three
20
years has included specific policy focus on workers with families, older and younger
workers and workers with disabilities (ACTU 2003)
What still remains in the Australian interest in MD, is substantial conflict about the
best way to resolve entrenched disadvantage. In particular, there are concerns that
the emphasis on diversity as a tool of competitive advantage comes at the price of a
specific focus on strategies for advancing the position of women and minority groups
in the workplace in Australia (Teicher/Spearitt 1996; Sinclair 2000). Further it has
been argued that despite over a decade of government support for productive diver-
sity initiatives, links between diversity management and beneficial outcomes of in-
creased workplace productivity and international competitiveness remain elusive
(Hay 2004, p.10).
There have also been some concerns within the Australian literature that the political
deregulation agenda of the current Federal (conservative) government has shaped
the formulation of EEO and Managing Diversity in Australia in recent years. Changes
in legislation in the 1990s, and as Bacchi (2000) argues, legislative emphasis (par-
ticularly for the public service organisations) realigned discussion of Equal Employ-
ment Opportunity and Affirmation Action in Australia to that of business case argu-
ments for managing workforce diversity. There are concerns the shift in public sector
initiatives towards workplace diversity has been accompanied by a shift in agenda
away from concerns for equality and scrutiny of equal opportunity (Bacchi 2000).
Similarly Strachan Burgess and Sullivan (2004, p.197-198), in their examination of
the changes in EEO legislation, highlight the changes by the (conservative) coalition
federal government included removing requirements on organisations to set specific
goals and targets for women in the workplace; to report on support from senior
management; to report on allocation of resources and consultation with women and
21
trade unions and, a weakening of emphasis on collection of employment statistics.
The concern is that the scope and application of the gender policy program in Aus-
tralia has become problematical, voluntary and private, with trade unions written out
the MD agenda with its business or management focus (Strachan, Burgess/Sullivan
2004, p.202). Finally, one of the challenges to the current government policy ap-
proach to productive diversity is that as Bertone argues “…government policy has
been allowed to get away with a ludicrously narrow preoccupation with the economic
benefits of ethnic diversity at work” to the detriment of equity concerns and ‘…the
obvious proposition that there are benefits in fully utilising the talents of all members
of a workforce regardless of ethnicity (or gender or age or sexuality etc)’ (Bertone
2002, p.2)
5. Conclusion
Germany and Australia demonstrated at the beginning of the MD movement to have
clear similarities. In both countries it took up to the middle of the 1990's before the
MD concept was openly discussed and widely practised. Pioneers of MD practises
were, in both cases, large international firms (IBM, Ford, Hewlett-Packard...) which
brought MD from their Mother firms. The next group to apply MD were the large Ser-
vice Branches (banks, post, transport, telecommunications...) and then the Con-
sumer Goods Industries.
Although few researchers, academics and consultants played a very strong role in
the propagation of MD concepts in Germany, in Australia the government has been
active in spreading the merits of MD by promoting the results of a report on the eco-
nomic advantages of cultural and gender diversity and thus encouraged the interest
in a later diversity publication (Cope/Kalantzis 1997). The two public policy ap-
22
proaches to diversity in Australia have on the one hand refocused existing legislative
EEO initiatives to an increasingly business case approach and on the other, propa-
gated the special term productive diversity, a variety of Managing Diversity consis-
tent with country context. The discourse given in section 4 clearly points out that the
growing use of MD concepts is a reaction to particular national circumstances. In
Australia, low unemployment, present labour scarcity, high ethnic diversity on the
labour force, and the massive political marketing of productive diversity have en-
couraged the development of Managing Diversity. MD has been heralded as the new
generation of EEO, one which places increased emphasis on a business rationale for
embracing equity and social justice initiatives. However its emergence has been ac-
companied by concerns about this shift in emphasis and the ability of organisations
to make strategic links in practice. In Germany, however, with its surplus of work-
force in many professions, the question of future personnel problems resulting from
the demographic change has been entirely neglected. Managing Diversity is not a
central theme for many firms as long as the ethnic diversity among the employees is
restricted, the various interest groups don't assert pressure and the Anti-
Discrimination Laws are weak.
The institutional framework plays an important role for international diffusion of
Managing Diversity. It must be analysed individually because its influences are en-
tirely different. The application should be studied comparatively, in order to explain
the MD differences between neighbouring countries like USA-Canada or UK-Ireland.
Only by using economic productivity and efficiency arguments (the business case for
diversity), we cannot explain different forms of MD application.
23
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