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Intellectuals, Sociology of
Robert J. Brym
Department of Sociology
University of Toronto
725 Spadina Avenue
Toronto M5S 2J4
Canada
phone 416-787-0334
fax 416-787-0795
Keywords: intellectuals, intelligentsia, professions, politics, creativity, ideas
To be published in
International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2nd ed.,
James D. Wright, ed.
Oxford UK: Elsevier, 2015
Words: 4,776
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected] -
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Abstract
Intellectuals, sociology of
This article first reviews the development of the term intellectual and the social and
historical circumstances that led intellectuals to become a large, moderately well-defined,
and occasionally self-conscious group. Particular attention is paid to the rise of commerce
and industry since the late Middle Ages, the spread of literacy, the growth of markets, and
the proliferation of social contexts for intellectual discussion and debate.
The article then argues that three main traditions of analysis inform the sociological
study of intellectuals: class theories, theories of classlessness, and theories of shifting social
networks. It is argued that the third of these traditions is the most fruitful.
Evidence to support this claim is drawn from analyses of the social conditions that
lead intellectuals to assume various ideological and political positions. It is concluded that,
to explain intellectuals allegiances, one must trace their paths of social mobility as they are
shaped by the capacity of various social collectivities to expand the institutional milieus
through which intellectuals pass. To the degree these milieus are imprinted with the
interests of the social collectivities that control them, they circumscribe the interests
reflected in intellectuals ideologies and political allegiances.
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Definition
Intellectuals are people who produce, evaluate, and distribute culture. Their role often
involves some mixture of endorsing or criticizing the cultural objects of their attention.
Following Michael Burawoy (2005), intellectual work may be said to vary along two
dimensions: its intended audience (which may include academics, policy makers, various
sections of the public, and the public as a whole) and the degree to which it makes
instrumental versus normative claims (what is versus what ought to be). Individual
intellectuals may specialize in one or more of the cells resulting from the cross-
classification of the two dimensions. Similarly, particular academic disciplines, professions,
schools of thought, regions, and historical periods may highlight one or more
specializations (Brym and Nakhaie, 2009).
Origins
The intellectual role has been performed in all societies. Even a nomadic tribe of fewer than
100 foragers could afford to employ a shaman to forecast the weather, predict the
movement of animals, and tend to the ill. However, the Renaissance humanists (circa 1300-
1600 CE) were the first influential group resembling todays intellectuals. Renaissance
scholars thought they lived in a golden age of virtue and learning. To emphasize the point,
they invented the term Middle Ages to refer to the dark gulf separating their era from the
glories of the ancient world. Promoting the study of poetry, grammar, rhetoric, history, and
moral philosophy, the humanists from Petrarch in the 14th century to More, Erasmus, and
Rabelais in the 16th century influenced the Reformation, the scientific revolution, and the
Age of Reason.
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Only since about 1600, however, have intellectuals become a large, moderately well-
defined, and occasionally self-conscious group. The chief factors that helped to distinguish
them were the rise of commerce and industry since the late Middle Ages, the spread of
literacy, the growth of markets, and the proliferation of social contexts for intellectual
discussion and debate. Flourishing commerce and industry permitted the accumulation of
economic surpluses. They were used to expand state and private institutions employing
intellectuals. Public education and mass literacy increased demand for intellectual services.
In turn, the evolution of markets for these services allowed intellectuals greater freedom to
define their political allegiances. The interests of aristocratic and church patrons no longer
tightly constrained them. Finally, a host of modern social settings ranging from
universities to political movements, professional societies to coffee houses, academic
journals to mass-circulation newspapers provided contexts within which intellectuals
could formulate their social and political identities.
It was not until the second half of the 19th century thatintellectual and the kindred
intelligentsia entered common parlance. The term intellectual was first employed on a
wide scale in France. In 1898, Georges Clemenceau referred to the leaders of the
anticlerical and antimilitary camp that opposed the conduct of the Dreyfus trial as les
intellectuels. Soon the political right was deriding the self-proclaimed conscience of the
French nation. Because of the resulting public debate, the term intellectual stuck. The
term intelligentsia was popularized in Central and Eastern Europe a few decades earlier.
It, too, denoted liberals, socialists, and other critics of authority. Only gradually since the
end of the 19th century has the term intellectual gained widespread acceptance and
succeeded in unwrapping itself from quotation marks.
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Theories
Many normative or moralistic treatments of the problem of intellectuals may be found in
the literature. They criticize what intellectuals do and make a case for what they ought to
do. Julian Benda (1969 [1928]), Noam Chomsky (1969), and others have written important
works in this tradition. In contrast, this article focuses on the analytical literature, which
seeks to explain whyintellectuals do what they do.
Three main analytical traditions inform the sociological study of intellectuals.
Sociologists have regarded intellectuals as (1) members of a class or as a class in their own
right; (2) relatively classless; and (3) embedded in a shifting network of class and other
group affiliations (Brym, 2010 [1980]; Kurzman and Owens, 2002).
Class Theory
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1972 [1848]) regarded intellectuals as members of the
petite bourgeoisie who would be precipitated into the proletariat as capitalism developed.
They believed that, under socialism, classes would disappear, so one could be a farmer in
the morning, a laborer in the afternoon, and a philosopher in the evening (1972 [1845-6]).
In contrast, anarchists Mikhail Bakunin (1872) and Jan Wacaw Machajski (Shatz, 1989)
chief among them asserted that intellectuals aspired to form a dominant class. In making
this claim, they anticipated the ideas of many 20th century social thinkers.
By the 1950s, the middle of the class structure had expanded enormously in both
capitalist and self-proclaimed socialist societies. People with university degrees filled many
of the intermediate ranks. Reflecting on this change, a growing number of social thinkers
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argued that intellectuals constitute a class that enjoys increasing power. Alvin Gouldner
(1979) held that intellectuals comprise a new emancipatory class. Barbara and John
Ehrenreich (1979) maintained that intellectuals form part of a new professional-
managerial class. Irving Kristol (1972) called intellectuals the new class of knowledge
workers. Defining intellectuals broadly to include economists, technocrats, administrators,
police bureaucrats, ideologists, scientists, and artists, Georg Konrad and Ivn Szelnyi
(1979) went so far as to claim that Eastern European intellectuals had assumed class
power. These and other scholars, including James Burnham (1941), Milovan Djilas (1957),
and John Kenneth Galbraith (1967), disagreed about much, but they shared the view that
intellectuals form a large, ideologically quite homogeneous, and rising or dominant class.
Steven Brints research exemplifies one important criticism of the view that
intellectuals form a class. Using American data from a series of General Social Surveys, he
demonstrated considerable ideological heterogeneity and strong cohort effects among
intellectuals. Intellectuals, it turns out, are as numerous on the right as they are on the left,
with the two camps tending to cluster in different occupational niches. Moreover, their
ideological predispositions depend partly on theZeitgeistof the historical period during
which they reach late adolescence and early adulthood (Brint, 1984). Consequently, the
ideological cohesiveness and presumed teleological movement of intellectuals toward class
power seems greatly exaggerated.
The second main criticism of the argument that intellectuals form a rising or
dominant class is that, typically, they are demonstrably subservient to other economic
and/or political classes. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union always sought to ensure
that universities, research institutes, and the nomenklatura were populated by loyalists. In
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Russia, the collapse of communism witnessed the ascent not of intellectuals but of people
with strong connections to the state security apparatus and organized crime. Lawrence
King and Ivn Szelnyi (2004) anticipate that, in capitalist societies, intellectuals will come
to dominate an increasingly autonomous state. However, this eventuality seems
increasingly unlikely in an era when giant global corporations have influenced
governments to eliminate trade barriers and give up sovereign rights to pro-free market
transnational organizations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
State autonomy has decreased in recent decades and there can be little doubt which socio-
economic strata are chiefly responsible for this development.
For a time, intellectuals were politically ascendant in some parts of the world. For
instance, as Charles Kurzman (2008) has shown, between 1905 and 1911, more than a
quarter of the worlds population (in China, Iran, Mexico, the countries of the Ottoman
Empire, Portugal, and Russia) was caught up in democratic revolutions led largely by self-
identified intellectuals. Many workers, peasants, members of the bourgeoisie, and in some
cases even landlords deferred to them. Within a few years, however, their ascent was
checked. Russian workers wanted more than just elections and a constitution. Chinese
intellectuals lost power to the army because of widespread social disorder. When their
commercial interests were threatened, the great powers turned against new, democratic
regimes. Among the countries listed earlier, only Portugals democratic constitution
survived, and then only until 1926.
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Theories of Classlessness
Karl Mannheim (1955 [1929]) held that modern intellectuals form neither a class nor part
of a class. Instead, they are members of a relatively classless stratum which is not too
firmly embedded in the social order. Mannheim acknowledged that intellectuals are
typically recruited from various classes. However, he also held that, because intellectuals
participate in a common educational milieu, their class differences, and the variations in
outlook normally associated with them, tend to be suppressed. Many scholars echoed
Mannheims conclusions. Talcott Parsons (1963) asserted that intellectuals putcultural
considerations before social ones. Everett Ladd and Seymour Martin Lipset (1975) wrote
that the capacity of intellectuals for social criticism, creativity, innovation, and attention to
facts enables them to overcome their class socialization and, for that matter, the
socializing influence of many other social collectivities to which they belong.
A recent and more nuanced variant of the classlessness thesis has been proposed by
Neil Gross (2002; 2008). Gross does not regard intellectuals as entirely removed from the
sway of social forces but nonetheless emphasizes that ideological and intellectual choices
are largely a function of which ideas resonate with intellectuals self-conceptions. However,
this approach begs the question of how self-conceptions are rooted in social experience.
Categories such as class, ethnicity, and gender are admittedly too broad and static to
capture the range of social forces that influence intellectuals political and other choices,
but acknowledging this fact does not necessitate a retreat to an explanatory framework
that emphasizes coincidence or a voluntaristic phenomenology of self. Instead, it suggests
the importance of discovering more precise and dynamic social variables that influence
intellectual choice.
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Theories of Shifting Social Networks
Both class theories and theories of classlessness ignore crucial issues. Notably, intellectuals
may be found at all points on the political spectrum. Class theories may briefly note
ideological heterogeneity but tend to dismiss it as an uninteresting side issue, leaving it
unexplained. Meanwhile, theories of classlessness minimize the significance of social
influences on the shaping of ideas, thereby deflecting attention from the very issue that the
sociology of intellectuals is mandated to analyze.
A third approach seeks to overcome both these problems by focusing on the
intellectuals web of shifting group affiliations. According to Pierre Bourdieu (1984 [1979];
Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992), cultural fields tie individual and organizational actors
together in various social institutions. These cultural fields are structured as social
networks. Different positions in a social network are associated with different endowments
of economic, social, cultural, and intellectual capital. Network position is also associated
with cognitive structure. Thus, intellectuals in similar network positions share tastes, ideas,
and values (Anheier, Gerhards, and Romo, 1995; Lamont, 1987).
Randall Collinss magnificent analysis of philosophical schools takes this argument a
step farther by showing how intellectuals gain reputations by successfully competing for
attention, fame, and influence in intellectual networks. Collins demonstrates that
intellectual creativity flows through chains of personal contacts. It moves by structured
rivalries between intellectual networks. And it flowers when rival circles intersect in
cultural metropoles. Because intellectual attention space is limited, no more than six, and
often as few as three, creative schools manage to propagate their ideas across generations
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in a given culture at a given time. Creativity dries up when a single orthodoxy dominates.
Contrariwise, intellectuals create new schools of thought in response to political and
economic changes that shift the distribution of material resources needed to support their
work. The stars of intellectual life tend to be people who are involved in, or close to, such
organizational transformations. Leading innovators are as likely to be conservatives as
radicals (Collins, 1998; Gross and Frickel, 2005).
Bourdieus and Collinss mesolevel theories are compatible with Robert Bryms
approach, which, however, focuses on political allegiance rather than intellectual creativity
and influence. Developing themes in Antonio Gramscis essay on intellectuals (Gramsci,
1971 [1929-35]), Brym argues that the ideologies and political allegiances of intellectuals
depend on their social origins and the structure of opportunities for education,
employment, and political involvement they face during their careers. These opportunity
structures are, in turn, shaped by the relative power of major classes and other social
collectivities. Accordingly, to explain intellectuals ideologies and political allegiances, one
must trace their paths of social mobility as they are shaped by the capacity of classes,
ethnic groups, religious orders, and other social collectivities to expand the institutional
milieus through which intellectuals pass. To the degree these milieus are imprinted with
the interests of the collectivities that control them, they circumscribe the collective
interests reflected in intellectuals ideological and political allegiances. From this point of
view, it is an oversimplification to say that intellectuals form a class, are members of a class
or are classless. They are embedded in social networks whose ties to various classes and
other collectivities shift over time and help account for their ideologies and political
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allegiances (Brym, 1978; 2010 [1980]). This theme has also been taken up by Jerome
Karabel (1996). The remainder of this article illustrates it.
Social Origins and Institutional Opportunities
Social Origins
In Weimar Germany, professors were largely antirepublican and right-wing. Mostly, their
fathers were military officers, state bureaucrats, and academics: members or handmaidens
of the aristocracy. In contrast, nonacademic intellectuals were inclined to the left. They
tended to be children of successful participants in the industrial revolution: members of the
upstart German bourgeoisie. Similarly, in the middle of the nineteenth century, Russias
conservative and politically moderate intellectuals were recruited overwhelmingly from
the aristocracy. On the other hand, the first generation of truly radical Russian intellectuals
dates from the 1860s, and it contained in its ranks a large mixture of commoners. Their
fathers were merchants, peasants, and petty officials. These examples illustrate that
support for the traditional social order is common among intellectuals who have been
reared in upper-class families that are threatened by social change. Being born into a less
advantaged class has usually been associated with greater potential for intellectual
radicalism.
But not always. In North America, it seems that rates of upward social mobility have
historically been higher than in Europe, and class has been a less important social
distinction. As a result, class origin has less bearing on the ideologies and political
allegiances of North American than European intellectuals. Especially in the United States,
ethnic and racial origin, educational background, field of expertise, professional and
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institutional status, and generational experience matter more. Accordingly, American
surveys show that professors in small provincial universities are more likely to be
politically conservative than professors in prestigious Ivy League universities. African-
American and Jewish intellectuals are usually more left-wing than are non-Jewish white
intellectuals. Young intellectuals who work in the social sciences and cultural fields are
more likely to be left-wing than are older intellectuals with business affiliations (Ladd and
Lipset, 1975).
Economic Opportunities
As intellectuals reach adulthood and enter the job market, the structure of markets for
intellectuals skills can modify their early political socialization. An abundance of secure
jobs that allow free expression can dampen intellectuals early radical impulses. A lack of
such jobs can exert a radicalizing effect. Some intellectuals may continue to express radical
political sentiments after they have taken jobs that suit them professionally. Still, the rate
and intensity of radicalism are generally greater when the number of such jobs is fewer.
For example, the Quebec educational system began to produce substantial numbers
of highly educated French-speaking graduates in the 1960s. The new graduates found that
an English-speaking minority controlled the larger and more efficient businesses in the
private sector of the economy. Many highly educated Qubcois were shut out of good jobs.
This, among other factors, encouraged some of them to develop the idea that to become
masters in their own house Quebec must become a sovereign state. Surveys show that
intellectuals became separatists in disproportionately large numbers and were a driving
force leading to the election of separatist governments in 1976 and 1994.
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Political Opportunities
The patterns of political opportunities intellectuals face also profoundly affect their ideas
and loyalties.
At the level of social organization, political opportunities are structured by the
availability of historical agents: workers, peasants, ethnic collectivities, and other groups
that intellectuals may demarcate as the chief instruments of social change. Whether
intellectuals become, say, socialists, populists or nationalists is determined partly by which
historical agents are mobilized for political action and which are relatively politically
dormantin intellectuals milieus at a given time.
At the level of the political system, the capacity of party organizations to absorb new
talent is also important in shaping intellectuals allegiances. For example, before the 1920s,
the German Social Democratic Party had attracted most of the countrys radical
intellectuals. By the 1920s, however, it became (to use the then-current catchwords)
bossified, ossified, and bourgeoisified. Old men remained incumbents in the German
Social Democratic Party for many years. Young men had little hope of rising in its ranks.
Young women were even less likely to ascend to prominence, hindered as they were by the
institutionalized inequality and sexism that, as Dale Spender (1982) documents, has
dominated intellectual life for centuries. Lack of opportunity was one reason the young
generation of radicals turned in large numbers to the Communist Party of Germany.
If historical agents are largely unmobilized and no party organization is available to
sustain the intellectuals beliefs, a process of political disillusionment is likely to set in. The
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lack of an historical agent combined with the presence of a party organization, however, is
likely to lead to intellectual elitism.
Intellectual Elitism
Ever since Plato envisaged a society ruled by philosopher-kings, some intellectuals have
been motivated by the conviction that they are better suited than are nonintellectuals to
create and maintain ideal social arrangements. For example, in 1816 Hegel referred to
Prussia as the state of the intelligentsia. Both he and Comte characterized historical
epochs as accomplishments of the human mind, which they saw as the driving force of
history. In their judgment, the intellectual was the human minds personification.
Reinforcing this elitist view was the late-19th and early 20th century conception of scientists
and other highly educated experts as a sort of ascetic priesthood whose dispassionate
approach to their subject matter allowed them to perform extraordinary cognitive feats
promoting the progress of humanity.
Lewis Feuers studies did much to dispel the supposed ascetic roots of modern
science, emphasized by Max Weber and Robert Merton, and demonstrate the
antiauthoritarian, hedonistic, and individualistic mindset that typically accompanies
creative scientific work (Feuer, 1963; Merton, 1936; Weber, 1958 [1905]). In recent
decades, scholars working in the hybrid field known as social studies of science have
succeeded in bringing intellectual creativity even more firmly down to earth by
demonstrating how (to quote Steven Shapin) science is produced by people with bodies,
situated in time, space, culture, and society, and struggling for credibility and authority
(Shapin, 2010; Johnson, 2008)
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Turning to politics, the degree of elitism expressed by intellectuals varies
independently of their position on the left-right dimension. One finds democrats and
elitists on both the left and the right. Two sets of circumstances promote intellectual
elitism: weak participatory demands by the masses and lack of competition from other
elites.
The history of Latin America illustrates how weak mass demand for political
participation encourages intellectual elitism. For example, in the 1950s, Cuban
revolutionary intellectuals were faced with a small and reformist working class and a
politically inert peasantry. Consequently, they took matters into their own hands, forming
guerilla bands in the countryside to seize state power. The low level of popular political
participation in, and mass control over, the Cuban revolutionary party diminished the
likelihood of subsequent democratic development.
The history of socialism and communism in Russia reveals a similar pattern.
However, the Russian case is also instructive because it illustrates the opposite tendency.
Even apparently unyielding elitists can democratize if they are pressured from below.
Thus, when ties between workers and Russian Marxist intellectuals were dense during
the strike wave of the 1890s, the 1905 revolution, and the period of labor militance in
1912-14 most intellectuals wanted their parties to operate according to democratic
principles. In contrast, when working class political participation fell due to labor
quiescence caused by troughs in the business cycle, strong government and police reaction
to radical activities, and enormous losses in World War I intellectuals returned to elitist
principles of party organization.
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A second precondition of democratic practice among intellectuals is vigorous elite
competition. Aristotle argued that justice can be maximized not if philosopher-kings rule,
but if constitutions are divided against themselves if, in other words, there exists what is
now called a separation of powers between the various branches of government. Following
Aristotle, scholars now commonly believe that tyranny and arbitrary rule by an elite can be
prevented if the branches of government hold each other in check. One may invoke a
broadly similar principle in analyzing intellectual elitism. Nonintellectual elites need to
keep intellectuals in check if they are to prevent the political and social dangers that can
result from intellectuals taking Plato to heart.
The most compelling case for the benefits of elite competition derives from the
history of communism, the epitome of intellectual tyranny in the twentieth century. Yet the
dangers of intellectual elitism have hardly subsided now that the communist era has
virtually ended. In much of the world, intellectuals are making bolder claims than ever
about their ability to forecast and plan social and scientific change. Governments are
respecting those claims by seeking the advice of intellectuals, awarding them research
contracts, and employing them by the legion. Emboldened by their growing numbers and
prestige, some intellectuals, particularly in the United States and Eastern Europe, have
proclaimed themselves the ruling class of the future, the real holders of power in an era
when knowledge allegedly means more than capital in determining status.
One should not take intellectuals claims about their accomplishments too seriously.
For example, as Eva Etziony-Halevy (1985) documents, economists, the hardest of the
social scientists, have generally failed to forecast and regulate economic trends. Natural
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scientists have arguably helped to create nearly as many social problems as they have
solved.
On the other hand, the dangers of too much intellectual influence on political life
should be carefully heeded. Individual intellectuals have proved to be exemplary political
leaders, but when intellectuals are in a position to impose their blueprints on society they
often do more harm than good. The shock therapy advocated by the academics who
formed the core of the Russian government late in 1991 caused tremendous social
dislocation and political reaction that undermined reform in that country. This is only one
example of what can happen when intellectuals rule. It seems reasonable to conclude that
the practice of politics is much too serious a matter to be left only to the intellectuals.
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