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Weaving an enhanced sense of self and a collectivesense of self through creative textile‐makingJill Riley aa Doctoral student & lecturer, Department of Occupational Therapy , Cardiff University ,Wales E-mail:Published online: 26 Sep 2011.
To cite this article: Jill Riley (2008) Weaving an enhanced sense of self and a collective sense of self through creativetextile‐making, Journal of Occupational Science, 15:2, 63-73, DOI: 10.1080/14427591.2008.9686611
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FEATURE ARTICLE
Weaving an Enhanced Sense of Self and a CollectiveSense of Self through Creative Textile-Making
Historically, the occupation of textile-making has fulfilled basic human needs. It also offers a means ofexpressing cultural and personal identity and developing self-awareness. Drawing on an ethnographyof a British guild of weavers, spinners and dyers, this paper explores how a sense of self is enhancedby becoming and being a textile-maker through creative doing, and a collective sense of self developsfrom belonging to a guild. The findings indicate that a sense of self comes from an intrinsic need tomake textiles that is closely connected to one’s personal background, affinity for materials, skillmastery, passion for rhythm and process, spiritual commitment and continuity with the past. Acollective sense of self is related to sharing occupation and working together as a part of a group. Thisbrings about a sense of belonging, which in turn enhances quality of life and perceptions of well-being.
Key Words: Becoming, Identity, Collective sense of self, Textiles, Weaving
Jill Riley
As a craft discipline, textile-making can be
perceived as multi-media and amongst the most
hybrid of contemporary crafts, incorporating
techniques such as embroidery, knitting,
weaving, spinning, felting, dyeing and basketry
(Colchester, 1991; Gale & Kaur, 2002). In
western cultures, individuals who engage in
such crafts have consciously chosen to express
themselves through a set of established
practices and traditional principles, which are
historically constructed (Greenhalgh, 2002).
The ability to choose and to selectively engage
in particular occupations in this way, defines
individuals as having a sense of self
(Christiansen & Townsend, 2004; Harvey &
Pentland, 2004).
In occupational science, creative self-
expression through textile-making has been
addressed by Reynolds (1997, 2004) and
Reynolds and Prior (2003) in their
phenomenological studies of women with
chronic illnesses. Dickie (2003b), in an
ethnography of American quilting guilds,
focused on the centrality of learning aspects of
the craft, and in a later paper, the importance of
creativity as a part of the process of making
(Dickie, 2004). Together with Howell and
Pierce (2000), who explored the restorative
value of quilting, these authors offer
considerable insight into the dimensions of
textile-making as meaningful occupation.
This article aims to add further insight into the
dimensions of textile-making as creative
occupation. It draws on the findings from an
ethnographic study of a guild of weavers,
spinners and dyers, where I, as the researcher,
am also a member. The wider study explored
occupational engagement in textile-making and
its influence on health and well-being, in the
context of contemporary British culture. Here, I
initially explore the nature of textile-making as
socio-culturally situated, skilled and
meaningful occupation, and its historical
relationship with health and well-being. I then
go on to outline the methods and my role as an
insider researcher. Finally, themes relating to
how textile-making can enhance an individual’s
sense of self and how belonging to a guild
develops a collective sense of self are presented.
The Nature of Textile Crafts as Occupation
In its broadest sense, the term occupation refers
to all purposeful activity in which humans
engage in the context of community, society,
culture and time (Wilcock, 1998; Yerxa, 1993).
The textile crafts can be traced back to the
beginning of civilisation and throughout
history textile products have catered to the
human need for protection, clothing and
decoration (Colchester, 1991; Geijer, 1979).
Consequently, as a form of occupation, textile-
making offers a good example of how people
have fulfilled basic human needs and adapted
to environmental change. In the 21st Century,
and particularly in western societies, textiles
also have a central place in fulfilling
psychological and spiritual needs through
differentiating and personalising space (Graves,
2002).
Textile craftsmen have had a place in every
society and their skills have been widely shared
and communicated. Textiles continue to
provide “a perfect vehicle” for establishing,
Jill Riley, MSc, PG Dip, DipCOT,Doctoral student & lecturer,Department of OccupationalTherapy, Cardiff University, Wales
Correspondence to:[email protected]
© 2008 Association for theJournal of Occupational Science
Journal of Occupational Science2008, 15(2), pp 63-73
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expressing and maintaining cultural identity (Gale & Kaur,
2002, p. 91). They are also a part of our personal identity,
signifying social status and role (Gale & Kaur). For instance,
the textile fabrics we wear whether by choice or sometimes
out of necessity, make a statement about ourselves. Textiles are
a fundamental part of everyday dress and “individuals utilise
dress to create expressions of who they are in relation to
others” (Goodman, Knotts & Jackson, 2007, p. 102). Textiles
then, have “almost limitless potential for communication”
expressing issues such as poverty, opulence and sexuality
(Schnieder & Weiner, 1989, p. 1). As such, textiles and
textile-making can be a “strong enabler for knowing oneself
and knowing one’s being” (Hasselkus, 2002, p. 17). This
comes about through actively engaging in occupation, in
other words through doing (Wilcock, 2006).
Textile-Making as Purposeful and Creative Doing
Textile craft is intimately bound up with making, which is an
aspect of doing. For Fidler and Fidler (1978), doing conveyed
“a sense of performing, producing or causing” (p. 305).
Collingwood (1938) described a craft as being exercised upon
something, a raw material for instance, with the aim of
transforming it into something different; weaving cloth from
yarns or spinning a thread from raw fibre. As such, it is both
purposeful and goal directed, leading to an end product in the
form of a crafted object.
Textile-making is complex, creative and “revealing of human
ingenuity” (Schoeser, 2003, p. 7). It can involve the creation
of the ingredients, such as yarn from fleece or natural dye
from plants as well as utilising natural materials such as
willow for basket making and wool for felting. In this way, it
can be considered as “the mastery of material” (Constantine &
Larson, 1985, p. 8). Like other crafts, such as ceramics, wood-
turning or glass-blowing, it requires a high degree of control
and development of skills and knowledge that take time to
acquire (Metcalf, 1997; Sutton, 1982). This is particularly the
case for spinning and weaving where, from my personal
experience of learning these crafts and becoming a textile-
maker, I am aware that the process must be understood and
rules assimilated through practice before one can be
innovative and creative. Dormer (1994) referred to this form
of practical or tacit knowledge as “craft knowledge” (p. 11),
something which is acquired through doing. For example, it is
possible to combine natural and synthetic fibres when
weaving in ways that can lead to new textural and visual
effects in the finished cloth, but this can only be achieved
through understanding the fibres themselves and how they
react together in the finishing process.
Creativity in craftsmanship comes from imagination and risk
taking: experimenting with unfamiliar materials in unusual
combinations and modifying equipment. “Curiosity,
investigation, rule-breaking and lateral thinking are the
foundations of creativity” (Sutton & Sheehan, 1989, p. 158).
However, skills and processes must be mastered before they
can be reconsidered (Sutton & Sheehan). Weaving, for
instance, progresses from the bottom up and requires “pre-
planning and the ability to pre-visualise” in order to construct
cloth or tapestry sequentially (p. 37). Tapestry weaver Bobbie
Cox described learning to design in ways that respond to
sequential construction, “the unique language of weaving”
(Kumar, 2004, p. 164). With this understanding and with
thorough knowledge of the equipment, the weaver can
overcome limitations and think creatively.
With reference to Wilcock (2006), such skilful, purposeful
and creative doing, which contributes to becoming a textile-
maker through mastering skills and processes, is intimately
connected with being – a sense of who we are – a weaver, a
spinner or a fibre artist for instance. This sense of being is
developed in the context of time, society and culture.
Temporal and Socio-Cultural Aspects of Textile Making
Occupational engagement is temporally and socio-culturally
situated (Kielhofner, 2002; Wilcock, 1998; Yerxa, 1993). The
traditional materials, techniques and formats used in pre-
industrial societies and cultures survive today (Metcalf, 1997;
Schoeser, 2003). In her study of American craft workers,
Dickie (1996, 2003a) revealed the paradox of engaging in pre-
industrial craft production whilst being part of a post-
industrial economy.
Although textile-makers continue to use the same materials
and techniques as their fore-fathers, the purpose of their work
has changed. In pre-industrial societies traditional crafts were
basically utilitarian, a product of human need (Lucie-Smith,
1981). In post-industrial societies, however, crafts are
produced for many different reasons: as a means of self-
fulfilment for instance, as well as for income or utility. There
is also potential for traditional crafts to maintain cultural
identity (Gilbert, 1996).
Textiles reflect the attitudes and beliefs of the societies that
produce them (Colchester, 1991). As the master Japanese
weaver, Junichi Arai (1989) put it: “mankind has throughout
history been deeply concerned with fabric from the cloth we
are wrapped in at birth to the cloth we are wrapped in at
death” (p. 8). In between birth and death, the textiles we wear,
use and display reflect our culture and arguably our social
status, and are a projection of the self, a part of identity
(Colchester, 1991); they also hold meaning.
Textiles and Meaning
Meanings are personally and socially derived, coming from
the individual’s personal values, history, community and
culture (Hasselkus, 2002, p. 3). Humans have an ordinary and
familiar relationship with cloth (Gale & Kaur, 2002) and the
individual’s cultural and social domains will influence the
meaning of that relationship. Indeed cloth and its decoration
have symbolic meaning in the context of the culture in which
it is produced and used. It can represent authority, wealth,
birth and death (Schneider & Weiner, 1988). As Gale and
Kaur (2002) put it: “Textiles reach the senses, they provoke
and draw on memories, they become familiar friends, they
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have even been a sign of terror” (p. 10). In other words the
feelings that textiles evoke are linked to a context, which
forms the background that shapes the meanings of
individuals’ life events (Russel, 2001, p. 10). For the women
in Reynolds and Prior’s (2003) study, all of whom had chronic
illness, making textiles contributed to self-efficacy, self-image
and a sense of satisfaction.
For Christiansen and Townsend (2004), occupations are part
of people’s life stories and gain meaning over time. Because
meanings are socially, temporally and historically constructed,
the meanings of textile-making differ, sometimes subtly, for
each individual maker. Weavers Alison Morton and Sue Hiley
Harris both live and work in Wales. They both derive
inspiration from the Welsh landscape for their work and share
a love of natural materials and the process of making, yet their
work has developed in quite different ways. Alison weaves
functional towels and table linen because she believes that
people should, where possible, find beauty in everyday things
(Dames, 2004). In contrast, Sue’s recent work is three-
dimensional and conceptual in nature, mathematical structure
and form has meaning for her (Powell, 2007). For both,
however, reviews of their work suggest that their love of
weaving contributes to their quality of life and sense of well-
being (Dames; Powell).
The Historical Relationship between Textile Making,Health and Well-Being
Historical accounts of textile-making reveal that it could be
beneficial or detrimental to health and well-being. In Britain,
the domestic textile crafts of spinning and weaving were
amongst the first to be mechanised (Lucie-Smith, 1981), and
the industrial environment where textiles were produced in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was not
conducive to physical health. This is reflected in the
experiences of women employed in the Lancashire cotton
mills where “the threat to health of the potentially lethal
combination of humidity and polluted air – so laden with
cotton dust and fibres that the visual effect was likened to a
snowstorm – caused many operatives to suffer from
respiratory complaints” (Lubelska, 2002, p. 169).
In early post-industrial Britain, textile mill workers had little
choice about the conditions in which they worked, but today
individuals in western societies can selectively engage in
making textiles for pleasure, as a hobby and for personal self-
expression, as well as for economic reasons (Gale & Kaur,
2002). Such occupational choices are, according to Davis and
Polatajko (2004), influenced by individuals’ innate cognitive,
affective, and physical abilities as well as by their preferences,
values, and lifestyles.
Today the relationship between textile-making, health and
well-being remains complex. Gale and Kaur (2002) made the
point that in contemporary society, a life dedicated to craft
now conflicts with society’s expectations of work, as well as
personal expectations about standards of living – it is not
generally lucrative and many have to find other means of
income to sustain their craft. Such social pressures could,
from an occupational science viewpoint, conflict with an
individual’s sense of competence and effectiveness, and
personal values, which may then impact on health and well-
being (Kielhofner, 2002). From another perspective, the sense
of autonomy that comes from craft work can often be balanced
with other forms occupation (Dickie, 1996).
In summary, an analysis and synthesis of the background
literature relating to occupational science, textiles and crafts
reveals that being and becoming a textile-maker appear
intimately connected to doing, through engaging in a process
of making. Such purposeful doing requires skill, together with
an understanding of the process in order to be innovative and
creative. Being a textile-maker is a part of one’s personal
identity in the context of society, culture and time. Textiles
and textile-making hold meanings that are temporally
constructed, and its history reveals a dynamic and complex
relationship with health and well-being. Following a
description of the methods, the concepts of doing, being
and becoming are explored further in relation to the
study’s findings.
Methods
The study aims to explore how people engage in creating and
making textiles by hand, individually and collectively, what it
means to them in the context of British culture and a
technological society, and how their engagement influences
their quality of life and perceptions of well-being. The
naturalistic and longitudinal nature of this ethnographic
study, where fieldwork was conducted over a period of one
year, allowed for an in-depth and holistic exploration of
creative textile-making as occupation with a group of British
makers. The constructivist nature of the study meant that
research questions were continually generated during
fieldwork. This paper concentrates on aspects of the findings
that relate to the following research questions: How and why
do individuals become engaged in textile-making? What
aspects are important to them? How does belonging to a guild
influence textile-making for individuals?
Ethnography
Ethnography offers a way of exploring textile-making as it
happens and capturing the subjective and collective meanings
of those who engage in it. The prolonged nature of the
ethnographic process allows for such exploration through
placing specific events and happenings into a broader socio-
cultural context (Tedlock, 2000). It is characterised by
fieldwork where the researcher becomes an instrumental part
of the process, through the simultaneous use of participant
observation and interviewing (Delamont, 2004; Dewalt &
Dewalt, 2002).
Symbolic interactionism
The study is informed by symbolic interactionist theory.
Blumer (1969) described the nature of symbolic
interactionism as coming from three premises: that people act
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towards things on the basis of the meaning they have for
them; that the meaning is derived from or arises from one’s
social interactions with others and that meanings are modified
through an interpretive process. Symbolic interactionism can
be considered in relation to textile-making in that the maker
interacts closely with objects in the form of tools, equipment
and materials, which are likely to hold symbolic meanings.
This is commensurate with Hocking’s (1997) person-object
interaction model, in that objects are given meaning through
a process of symbolic interaction and may contribute to the
development of occupational roles.
The guild as a context for the study
The context for this study is a Welsh guild of weavers,
spinners and dyers, where I am also a member. As fieldwork
commenced in 2004 the guild had 21 active members,
including myself, two were male and all were middle to older
aged adults. The guild draws its membership from a wide
geographical area of Wales, with members coming from
different backgrounds and having varied interests and levels of
experience in making textiles. At the time of fieldwork the
guild held meetings once a month during the evening in a
village church hall on the outskirts of a city. Practical
workshops were held on Saturdays, three times during the
year, in a neighbouring hall. The guild also took part in
promotional and special interest events and held its annual
exhibition of members’ work at a national museum.
The guild is part of a wider network of British guilds giving
members opportunities to take part in national events such as
summer schools, conferences and exhibitions as well as
receive information on international textile events via
newsletters and the internet. During fieldwork I participated
in guild meeting and workshops, conferences and seminars,
and attended courses with other members, in other words all
activities in which members engaged.
Being an insider – a reflexive approach to fieldwork
This ethnography is essentially reflexive and participatory in
nature. As a long-standing member of the guild and a weaver,
I am a participant and an insider researcher. I bring my own
experiences, concepts and questions into the research and
consider that meanings are co-constructed (Denzin, 2001).
Coming from a position of acceptance within the group can
offer the advantage of deeper understanding through
subjective insight and cultural interpretation (Adler & Adler,
1987). There is, however, a possibility that over familiarity
with the field can lead to taken-for-granted assumptions about
ordinary activity (Atkinson, Coffey, & Delamont, 2003). As a
member of the guild, I was already immersed in its activities,
but as a researcher, I needed to develop a heightened reflexive
awareness of my familiarity with the more mundane aspects of
textile-making and group activity. In guild meetings, for
instance, there is a definable pattern of activities such as
setting up the room, making tea and giving out notices. On
the face of it they appeared to contribute little to textile-
making as occupation, but through attending closely and
questioning my assumptions I began to appreciate their
contribution to group cohesion and the part this played in the
group’s identity. As a reflexive researcher, I constantly reflected
on how my ideas, opinions and interpretations impacted on
the research process and findings, through the ongoing
generation of reflexive and methodological memos. Through a
reflexive approach to fieldwork I was able to use self-insights
to assist understanding, through a process of “critical,
analytical and self-conscious awareness” (Coffey, 1999, p. 32).
Gaining access and consent
Gaining access and consent from gatekeepers is a necessary
part of proceedings even where the researcher is familiar with
and known in the setting (Adler & Adler, 1998). Following
University approval and 3 months before fieldwork was due to
commence, I wrote to the chairman of the guild outlining the
research and requesting permission for fieldwork to take place
during the next guild calendar year. On receipt of written
approval from the committee I sent a letter and information
sheet to all guild members explaining how the research would
be conducted; the nature of participant observation,
interviewing and use of photography; giving ethical
assurances of confidentiality and anonymity; and inviting
questions or comments. In addition, interviewees were
contacted individually and sent a further information sheet
prior to interview with ethical assurances, explaining the
purpose and format of the interview, and requesting written
consent to proceed. Permission to take photographs was
requested from workshop participants when appropriate and
written consent obtained for publication.
In ethnography, however, because of its prolonged nature,
gaining access and consent is a process of constant re-
negotiation (Adler & Adler, 1998). I did this at intervals as
field work progressed in informal conversation and reports in
the guild newsletter on the nature and progress of the
research. As fieldwork came to a close I also presented the
findings to the guild in an illustrated talk at an evening
meeting. These procedures acted as a means of making the
process transparent and checking on the credibility and
authenticity of the findings (Guba & Lincoln, 2005; Lincoln
& Guba, 1985).
Making the process transparent and sharing the findings, I
felt, was also a part of my reciprocal relationship with other
guild members. As a member of the guild I did not want to be
exploitative and ethically I felt that the research should benefit
the guild as well as a wider academic audience. This was
achieved in small, but significant ways: some of the
photographs taken during fieldwork were used by the guild
for publicity and the findings relating to the future guild
development and publicity led to a new website.
Data gathering and recording
Following the guild calendar year from 2004 to 2005, data was
gathered through participant observation and generation of
field notes from meetings, workshops and fringe events.
Digital photographs were taken to record and document
events in workshops and documentation such as newsletters,
magazines and from internet websites was collected. In
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addition, in-depth interviews with seven guild members of
varying experience and different backgrounds were
conducted. These occurred at the end of the guild calendar
year, in order to explore themes and concepts emerging from
fieldwork in greater depth, as well as elicit participants’
subjective meanings and feelings. The emerging issues from
each interview together with a copy of the interview
transcript, were sent back to participants for verification and
comment – a form of member validation (Seale, 1999).
Data analysis
Analysis required sensitivity to the diverse nature of the data,
in that the different forms: textual, visual and material, offer
different but complementary perspectives on textile-making
as occupation. The process was “inherently iterative” (Dewalt
& Dewalt, 2002, p. 13); personal reflection on my own lived
experience and pre-understandings as researcher and
participant were central to the analytical process. Drawing on
Alvesson and Skoldberg’s (2000) levels of reflexive
interpretation, analysis incorporated four inter-connecting
layers.
Layer one begins with tentative and preliminary
interpretations though a process of coding data (Coffey &
Atkinson, 1996). This layer uncovers the process of making
and constructing textiles (doing), the knowledge and
understanding required, the typical attributes and abilities of
individual makers, the intrinsic and extrinsic factors that
influence occupational engagement, together with the nature
of the guild and the impact of guild membership on textile-
making as occupation. The second layer, through a deeper and
more integrated level of interpretation as fieldwork
progressed, and through developing categories and themes
(Charmaz, 2006; Lofland, Snow, Anderson, & Lofland, 2006),
illustrates how the individual, through becoming and being a
textile-maker can shape textiles as an occupational form and
how guild membership contributes to this and a sense of well-
being through belonging.
The third layer links the themes from the first two layers with
contextual socio-cultural and historical influences that shape
textile-making as occupation for individuals and in the
context of the guild. These include the influence of the
environment; the link between textiles, humans and nature;
the impact of wider networks; lifestyle trends; the significance
of being in Wales; traditions and the influence of past masters.
Finally, through raising the analysis to a meta level, the fourth
layer relates textile-making to wider socio-cultural concerns
such as gender, changing social trends, global connections and
the development of multi-disciplinary approaches to making;
technology; and the link between textile crafts and industry.
The following sections concentrate on the themes that
illustrate how an individual’s sense of self is enhanced through
becoming and being a textile maker and how a collective sense
of self develops through belonging to a special interest group
such as a guild. Pseudonyms are used to protect anonymity.
An individual sense of self
Symbolic interactionists contend that “the self is a process of
reflexive and communicative activity” and an individual’s
sense of self is “inextricably linked to their relationships with
others” (Sandstrom, Martin, & Fine, 2006, p. 93). The
following themes illustrate how participants develop a sense
of self as textile-makers.
An intrinsic need to make textilesAn intrinsic need to make textiles is concerned with
individuals’ inner drive and motivations for making. I use the
term ‘need’ because satisfying it appears to be something that
individuals must do at various points in their life to a greater
or lesser extent. Galtung (2005) described ‘needs’ as pointing
outside and “satisfaction depends on the inside-outside
interface” (p. 480). In textile-making satisfaction comes from
engagement with materials and equipment and creating
something in the process, in other words through doing.
For the participants in this study, who are a mix of professional,
semi-professional and amateur makers, the intrinsic need to
make textiles is related to our personal backgrounds and
development. This first arose in conversation during one of our
guild meetings where David, Lucy and I began discussing our
ancestral backgrounds. David and I could both recall family
members working in the spinning and weaving trades in the
North of England and Lucy remembered how members of her
family had been lace makers in Buckinghamshire. We had all
begun making textiles as children. The influence of personal
background and relationships also prevails in profiles of textile-
makers found in textile magazines and exhibition catalogues
(for example: Draper, 2005; Hughes, 2005). I decided to pursue
this further during interviews.
Eleanor, now in her early 70s, a spinner, weaver and dyer who
teaches and sells her work recalls her childhood memories of
her mother as a keen embroiderer and their housekeeper “whowas an excellent knitter….so she got me knitting as well”.
Eleanor went on to pursue a career in radiography and later
hospital administration. She was introduced to weaving in the
1950s by an occupational therapist:
We were frequent visitors to each other’sdepartments….and used to potter in the evenings and Iactually put a warp on and did my first piece of weavingthere…so it was in the back of my mind that weaving wassomething I would quite like to do.
Eleanor began weaving again some years later after the death
on her first husband when she had the opportunity to work
with two professional weavers whilst she was recuperating
from her bereavement. Her occupational trajectory indicates
that she had an underlying need to make textiles and she has
continued to do so to varying extents, even though at certain
points in her life this has been overtaken by the need to
pursue a career and earn a living. As she told me about her
work in hospital administration she added “in the course of allof this, my mind just kept going back to weaving”. Eleanor’s
intrinsic need eventually led her to take up spinning and
weaving full-time, selling her work through galleries and
teaching the crafts.
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David’s intrinsic need, however, appears so strong that he has
never stopped making whatever the circumstances. Now in
his 40s, David is a parish priest and a weaver with a strong
family background in textiles. He began making textiles at a
very young age.
From the age of about 3 I was encouraged to learn to knit
and started sewing, things like that. Then at the age of 9
I was given my first lace pillow and started working in,
attempting to learn lace from books from the local library.
At the age of 11 I went to a coffee morning and met a
weaver…and I sat all morning and played on her inkle
loom.
He visited her studio every weekend learning to weave: “doing
table mats first of all and then a length of fabric and I’ve been in
love with lengths of fabric ever since”. David went on to gain a
degree in textiles before later becoming a priest. He described
his tiny room in theological college where the lack of space for
equipment meant that he ended up:
…doing a lot of embroidery rather than weaving. So I
embroidered my way through theological college doing
stoles for people and a bit of tailoring and a lot of sewing
and things, which was good fun.
David has continued to adapt to his environment and
circumstances. This is evident from his use of space at home
where a downstairs room houses two large working looms and
the garage is packed with equipment waiting for the day when
he can expand and run workshops.
For these participants the need to make textiles, which is
rooted in childhood and began to flourish in adulthood, is a
part of their sense of being. Through active engagement in
making, in other words through doing, they have mastered
skills and developed knowledge; this is the process of
becoming a textile-maker. In his narrative studies of American
craft artists, Mishler (1999) identified similar trajectories, but
for people with a passion for textiles this intrinsic need is also
related to an affinity for materials.
An affinity for materialsAn affinity for fibres, texture and cloth is strongly prevalent
amongst textile makers. Where textiles are concerned, the
senses of touch and smell are as important as seeing in
evoking memories and meanings (Graves, 2002;
Pajaczkowska, 2005). “Those of us who love materials can
never resist touching them” (Graves, p. 49). In the textile
crafts, “the sense of touch can carry a status at least equal to
visual aesthetics” (Gale & Kaur, 2002, p. 63).
The need to touch, feel, smell and examine fabric and fibre is
a common feature of guild meetings, workshops and events
(see Figure 1). As the majority of our speakers are textile
artists and makers themselves, they appreciate this and
willingly pass round examples of their work to feed the senses.
In fact, many different materials feature in our work. A
tapestry weaver who visited the guild to talk about his work
described his interest in a diverse range of materials such as
linen, jute, hemp and wool and also foils; “an obsession with
foils”. His collections of sweet wrappers are woven into his
tapestries for special textural effects.
The need to explore materials and work with them is evident
in Carys’ work. I interviewed her in her home studio where we
discussed her latest tapestry – still on the loom.
At the moment what I’m doing is having a look to see whatnatural yarns can do for me and I’m just weaving a panelof plain jute, plain raffia, seeing what the contrasts arebetween mill spun yarns and my own hand-spun. So I’vegot two lots of wools uncoloured and then there’s going tobe a little bit of…oh, I thought I’d put some cotton in,some warp and see what all the different textures can dofor me.
Carys, now in her mid-seventies and a prolific tapestry
weaver, is continually exploring the potential of different
materials in her work. She has recently investigated the use of
sheep ear tags for a series of tapestries she has woven for a
travelling exhibition, for instance. Gale and Kaur (2002, p.
63) suggested that the interaction between the textile-maker
and their materials is highly significant and is related to a
‘hands-on’ philosophy. In common with other crafts people,
textile-makers develop a loyalty to their medium, responding
to material in a way that reflects an innate and individual set
of capacities and sensitivities (Dormer, 1997c; Metcalf, 1997).
This is closely linked to a craftsperson’s knowledge of
materials, tools and processes (Dormer, 1994), together with
the mastery of skills.
Skill masterySkills are an essential human capacity and a vital component
of occupation (Yerxa, 1993). Producing creative textiles by
hand, in line with other handcrafts, requires considerable
skill. Such skills are learned through experience and
demonstrated in practice (Dormer, 1994). For Dormer
(1997b), craft is “a process over which a person has detailed
control that is the consequence of craft knowledge” (p. 7). In
other words knowledge gained through experience, our senses
and practical engagement in the process (Dormer, 1994). It is
“as much an art of doing as an art of knowing” (Polanyi, 1958,
p. 54).
Achieving control of the process, that is “within the
productive operation” (Adamson, 2007, p. 73) requires skill
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Figure 1: Examining the Tied Peaks on Cloth Prepared
for Dyeing
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mastery. The word skill, however, means different things in
relation to different crafts (Pye, 1995) and where textiles are
concerned skills differ in relation to the area of production.
Thus, the skills required to spin fibres into fine thread differ
from the skills needed to operate a weaving loom and produce
cloth. It was evident from fieldwork, however, that the skills
required to produce a textile through interaction with
equipment and materials required considerable practice before
mastery was achieved.
As crafts, spinning and weaving in particular require a
considerable level of skill and control, and mastering the
processes requires high levels of intrinsic motivation. It also
requires familiarity with and understanding of the equipment
(Dormer, 1994). The guild silk spinning workshop was lead
by Eleanor, an experienced spinner and teacher. Workshop
participants had varying levels of expertise and knowledge,
but all appeared eager and willing to practice and learn. As
Carys put it “it’s a very long learning process…I think I shall goon learning until the end of my days”.
Workshop participants brought along their spinning wheels
and began by adjusting these; oiling the mechanisms and
tensioning the drive bands. Such adjustments are essential in
order to achieve good results. Spinning silk requires a different
technique from other fibres; it requires a high twist and slow
feed onto the bobbin and therefore a higher degree of control.
For the more experienced spinners, this quickly becomes a
smooth and rhythmical operation (Figure 2). Treadling the
wheel at the right speed and feeding in the fibre with the right
amount of twist to obtain a smooth yarn becomes second
nature. For the beginner however, it can be a frustrating
process; the fibre feeds in too quickly and becomes thick and
lumpy or breaks. Becoming a competent spinner who can
tackle any fibre takes considerable determination,
perseverance and practice. Such control and mastery requires
“repeated engagement” in the craft in order to capitalise on
experience and acquire special competence (Carlson, 1996, p.
150). This special competence might be seen as a component
of craft knowledge, it becomes a part of the self (Dormer,
1994); although Dormer points out that craft expertise is more
than just competence, it allows for more detailed exploration
and an ability to find solutions to problems.
Skilled craftsmanship, such as spinning or weaving, requires
“bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence” (Metcalf, 1997, p. 75). This
assumption was first proposed by Howard Gardner, in his
theory of multiple intelligences and the concept of bodily
intelligence, that is, the ability to use the body in highly
differentiated and skilled ways (Gardner, 1993). When skills
and capacities are exercised and utilised in this way through
meaningful occupation then, for Wilcock (1998), there is the
potential to maintain health.
A passion for rhythm and repetition in the processA personal sense of well-being comes from the excitement of
challenge and the satisfaction of achievement (Fidler & Fidler,
1978). Being a competent spinner or weaver is closely
connected to a passion for the process, leading to the
production of a well-constructed yarn or fabric. Incorporated
in this is an intense level of satisfaction, pleasure and
enjoyment that comes from the sequence and rhythm of
working a loom or spinning wheel. As a spinner and weaver I
have experienced this. In 2005, I attended a course with a
fellow guild member Carole, on weaving complex cloth, and
as I mastered the use of the dobby loom (Figure 3) I tried to
capture this experience in words:
As time progressed I became familiar with the loom anddidn’t have to concentrate heavily on how to work it, Ifound a rhythm: clicking down the back bar with my rightheel to move the lags forward, pressing the front bar downwith my left foot to open the shed, throwing the shuttle,releasing my foot to close the shed and beat in the weft.This goes something like ‘click, step, throw shuttle, closeshed and beat’. The rhythm can be maintained providingthere are no interruptions and the loom works smoothly.
David described this rhythm and repetition in the process as
“Zen…that’s one of the reasons I like production weaving becauseit’s a very continuous repetitive action, rather than tapestryweaving that I find quite frustrating because it’s all little shortbits”. For David, Zen is a sense of unity with, and a conscious
mastery of the process that it is possible to achieve through
J I L L R I L E Y
Figure 2: Spinning Fine Silk: Spinning Workshop 2005
Figure 3: Mastering the Dobby Loom: Complex WeavingCourse 2005
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highly skilled repetitive action. This concept of Zen was
endorsed by Smart (1969).
Lucy, on the other hand, finds the repetitive process of
knitting is a way “to wind down from intense cerebral activity…Iknow I need that…it’s not something mundane, it can besomething routine that you don’t have to think about too much”.
When talking about spinning and knitting, she went on to
describe “that element of repetition that can be quite comforting,you know a bit like a mantra, or something that, just over andover again, you then relax down into it”. This rhythmical
repetitive process that comes once skills have been mastered
leading to a creative end result is a form of flow, where the
body is in harmony with the mind, providing an optimal
experience that “adds strength to the self” (Csikszentmihalyi,
1990, p. 95). For David this form of experience is closely
linked to his spiritual well-being.
Spiritual commitmentGale and Kaur (2002) suggested that an “inner psychological
or spiritual experience” is common in textile craft (p. 10),
where making is associated with “honest work” through
which individuals clarify their values and find a sense of
coherence (Dormer, 1997a, p. 222). Imay (2002), a Japanese
textile artist, described how finishing a piece of work through
a time-consuming process such as weaving is “not just an
externalisation of the self as an object but probably the
expression of the internal self” (p. 137).
David articulated the spiritual importance of textile-making to
him: “If I haven’t got a piece of craftwork on the go I really getgrouchy, I get irritable. It’s a very necessary part of my, very mucha part of my spirituality …. because it’s the creative side of methat comes out”. As we pursued this concept further, David
went on to say “it is part of my prayer life, to a certain extent,weaving. If I don’t weave then my prayer life is not good becauseI need, the rhythm of weaving is much more Zen than me sittingdown and repeating mantra”. In this way, the rhythm of
weaving is serving a similar purpose to mantra, cleansing and
protecting the mind by maintaining a spiritual connection
(Snelling, 1998).
Lucy, who has done several workshops and courses with
masters in the craft refers to their sense of commitment;
“There’s something about the essence of what you’re trying to do….some of these people are very principled in what they’re doingand why they’re doing it…You can see the integrity of their workin the results and I think to be able to pick up on that and see howthey apply their skills and the reasons why, it just makes it lesstrivial, less of a surface thing. It gives you some depth to what youare doing”. Lucy also believes that this spiritual essence, a
sense of being is embedded in continuity with the past.
Continuity with the pastA sense of continuity comes from learning and appreciating
how skills have developed and passed from one generation to
another (Shils, 1981). It goes beyond a developing need to
make textiles and our personal backgrounds to
“connoisseurship”, or the “knowledge of familiarity”
(Dormer, 1994, p. 22). In other words, though appreciating
and learning how past masters have developed the craft, one
can enrich one’s own craft knowledge and skills. Lucy gives an
example of how skills are handed on, referring to her
knowledge of some well-known textile makers:
Thinking of Jenny Balfour-Paul, I mean she learned her
craft from Susan Bosance and Susan Bosance learnt from
Marilyn Larcher and you think this is your direct tap to
back in the ‘20s and so on when they were trying to revive
the dyeing crafts.
This sense of continuity contributes to our sense of self, of
being who we are. Lucy went on to tell me about her
experience of looking at old tapestries with a group of like-
minded people, guided by a tutor who had done some
background research herself: “We were seeing things that she
hadn’t seen…so there’s that sharing as well, not just historically,
but the cross-fertilisation when you’re mixing with people with
common interests”. Sharing ideas and skills in this way fosters
a sense of belonging that comes through collective and shared
occupation, not just with our contemporaries, but with past
masters of textile crafts.
A collective sense of self
Through belonging to the guild, members develop a ‘collective
self’ that reflects the group’s norms and characteristics (Brewer
& Gardner, 1996, p. 84). Drawing on Brewer and Gardner’s
definition, the guild as an ‘in-group’, provides “a frame of
reference for self-evaluation at an individual level” (p. 85).
Additionally, belonging to an in-group elicits co-operation
amongst members.
In socio-cultural terms the guild lies between the two
frequently cited organisational forms: Gemeinschaft, “a
community based on a shared sense of identity”, and a
Gesellschaft, “an institution intended to facilitate action and
achieve instrumental goals” (Nisbett, 2005, p. 56). Guild
members have a shared identity as spinners, weavers and
dyers and this fosters a sense of unity and belonging. The guild
also facilitates action in that we utilise our skills collectively.
Working together through shared occupationThrough being part of a guild, there is opportunity for sharing
expertise, ideas and interests and learning from each other. We
also work together for the benefit of the guild and to promote
our crafts to the public. The guild’s annual exhibition is a good
example of this, in that members come together to show and
sell their work, the culmination of their individual
occupational achievements, but putting on an exhibition is
also a shared occupation. As such, it contributes to our sense
of belonging and ultimately to a social and community
contribution through craft promotion.
Staging the exhibition requires a collective commitment and
as Blumer (1969) described it, joint action. In the first place,
it requires organisation, design and construction and to
achieve this we must work as a team, sharing the tasks. Once
in place, the exhibition requires manning. The venue, a
national museum, attracts a wide cross-section of the public
from international visitors to local school children and
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exhibiting there gives us an opportunity to demonstrate our
crafts, offer information and encourage interest. These are
things that Charlotte, a founder member of the guild, feels
some members might not otherwise have an opportunity
to do.
In a sense, the exhibition is symbolic of our collective
achievements and cohesion as a group, bringing together the
results of our individual actions. It is also the product of joint
action. Such joint action, from a symbolic interactionist
perspective, arises from a background of participants’ previous
action. In this way there is always a connection and continuity
with the past (Blumer, 1969, p. 20). Additionally, where
group members who share self-defining attributes engage
in social action, they present an image of what the group
stands for (Hogg, 2001); the preservation and promotion of
textile crafts.
It is important to remember, however, that each individual
comes to the group from a different socio-cultural background
and with different life experiences, which will also have a
bearing on collective action and its meaning. This contributes
to a collective sense of self, something that others may have
difficulty understanding. As Kate put it, when talking about
her passion for textiles and making:
You can wax lyrical to other friends about sheep and
whatever and they think you’re absolutely round the
bend….You can talk to people at the guild and they
understand…and I think that’s really important. That
they know where you’re coming from and you’re all in a
way…well you’re all coming from the same thing.
In this way, the guild fosters a strong sense of belonging. It is
the context where “the individual self is framed by the
collective self” (Hogg, 2001, p. 134). Through a collective
sense of self and through belonging we come to know who we
are and what our purpose is, where a sense of belongingness
is a strong indicator of health and happiness (Tice &
Baumeister, 2001).
Conclusion
For guild members, engaging in creative textile-making is an
occupational choice driven by intrinsic needs and
motivations, and related to our personal socio-cultural
backgrounds and development. It is also linked to our affinity
for materials, a passion for the process of making, and
willingness to continually hone skills, master equipment and
engage in a process of life-long learning. For some, it is an
intense psychological and spiritual experience offering a sense
of continuity with the past.
This study informs occupational science by identifying how
engaging in creative handcraft as occupation, in other words
through doing, contributes to an individual’s sense of self, of
being and becoming who we are. Being a guild member also
brings about a collective sense of self, a sense of belonging,
which ultimately contributes to our quality of life, perceptions
of health and well-being.
The findings from this study relate to a single case, a Welsh
guild of weavers, spinners and dyers. The study’s limitations
lie particularly in its socio-cultural specificity; it is also
discipline-specific, relating to textile-makers with particular
areas of interest, knowledge and skill. To fully understand
creative craftwork as a form of occupation and ultimately how
it influences health and well-being, occupational science
would benefit from naturalistic studies of craftspeople in
different cultural settings and across different craft disciplines.
J I L L R I L E Y
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J I L L R I L E Y
73J O U R N A L O F O C C U P AT I O N A L S C I E N C E V O L 1 5 ( 2 ) , J U L Y 2 0 0 8
FIFTH AUSTRALASIAN OCCUPATIONAL SCIENCE SYMPOSIUM
Contextual Perspectives – Participation for Wellbeing
John Scott Meeting House, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Victoria, AustraliaWednesday November 12 – Friday November 14, 2008
The programme includes:• theme related site visits on the Wednesday afternoon followed by the opening ceremony in evening
• invited keynote speakers and presenters addressing the themes of Community Context – Social Inclusion and Occupational Context – Diversity
• opportunity for interdisciplinary discussion and debate
PROGRAMME DETAILS TO BE ANNOUNCED
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