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Page 1: Weaving an enhanced sense of self and a collective sense of self through creative textile‐making

This article was downloaded by: [Tufts University]On: 04 November 2014, At: 08:00Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: MortimerHouse, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

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Weaving an enhanced sense of self and a collectivesense of self through creative textile‐makingJill Riley aa Doctoral student & lecturer, Department of Occupational Therapy , Cardiff University ,Wales E-mail:Published online: 26 Sep 2011.

To cite this article: Jill Riley (2008) Weaving an enhanced sense of self and a collective sense of self through creativetextile‐making, Journal of Occupational Science, 15:2, 63-73, DOI: 10.1080/14427591.2008.9686611

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Page 2: Weaving an enhanced sense of self and a collective sense of self through creative textile‐making

FEATURE ARTICLE

Weaving an Enhanced Sense of Self and a CollectiveSense of Self through Creative Textile-Making

Historically, the occupation of textile-making has fulfilled basic human needs. It also offers a means ofexpressing cultural and personal identity and developing self-awareness. Drawing on an ethnographyof a British guild of weavers, spinners and dyers, this paper explores how a sense of self is enhancedby becoming and being a textile-maker through creative doing, and a collective sense of self developsfrom belonging to a guild. The findings indicate that a sense of self comes from an intrinsic need tomake textiles that is closely connected to one’s personal background, affinity for materials, skillmastery, passion for rhythm and process, spiritual commitment and continuity with the past. Acollective sense of self is related to sharing occupation and working together as a part of a group. Thisbrings about a sense of belonging, which in turn enhances quality of life and perceptions of well-being.

Key Words: Becoming, Identity, Collective sense of self, Textiles, Weaving

Jill Riley

As a craft discipline, textile-making can be

perceived as multi-media and amongst the most

hybrid of contemporary crafts, incorporating

techniques such as embroidery, knitting,

weaving, spinning, felting, dyeing and basketry

(Colchester, 1991; Gale & Kaur, 2002). In

western cultures, individuals who engage in

such crafts have consciously chosen to express

themselves through a set of established

practices and traditional principles, which are

historically constructed (Greenhalgh, 2002).

The ability to choose and to selectively engage

in particular occupations in this way, defines

individuals as having a sense of self

(Christiansen & Townsend, 2004; Harvey &

Pentland, 2004).

In occupational science, creative self-

expression through textile-making has been

addressed by Reynolds (1997, 2004) and

Reynolds and Prior (2003) in their

phenomenological studies of women with

chronic illnesses. Dickie (2003b), in an

ethnography of American quilting guilds,

focused on the centrality of learning aspects of

the craft, and in a later paper, the importance of

creativity as a part of the process of making

(Dickie, 2004). Together with Howell and

Pierce (2000), who explored the restorative

value of quilting, these authors offer

considerable insight into the dimensions of

textile-making as meaningful occupation.

This article aims to add further insight into the

dimensions of textile-making as creative

occupation. It draws on the findings from an

ethnographic study of a guild of weavers,

spinners and dyers, where I, as the researcher,

am also a member. The wider study explored

occupational engagement in textile-making and

its influence on health and well-being, in the

context of contemporary British culture. Here, I

initially explore the nature of textile-making as

socio-culturally situated, skilled and

meaningful occupation, and its historical

relationship with health and well-being. I then

go on to outline the methods and my role as an

insider researcher. Finally, themes relating to

how textile-making can enhance an individual’s

sense of self and how belonging to a guild

develops a collective sense of self are presented.

The Nature of Textile Crafts as Occupation

In its broadest sense, the term occupation refers

to all purposeful activity in which humans

engage in the context of community, society,

culture and time (Wilcock, 1998; Yerxa, 1993).

The textile crafts can be traced back to the

beginning of civilisation and throughout

history textile products have catered to the

human need for protection, clothing and

decoration (Colchester, 1991; Geijer, 1979).

Consequently, as a form of occupation, textile-

making offers a good example of how people

have fulfilled basic human needs and adapted

to environmental change. In the 21st Century,

and particularly in western societies, textiles

also have a central place in fulfilling

psychological and spiritual needs through

differentiating and personalising space (Graves,

2002).

Textile craftsmen have had a place in every

society and their skills have been widely shared

and communicated. Textiles continue to

provide “a perfect vehicle” for establishing,

Jill Riley, MSc, PG Dip, DipCOT,Doctoral student & lecturer,Department of OccupationalTherapy, Cardiff University, Wales

Correspondence to:[email protected]

© 2008 Association for theJournal of Occupational Science

Journal of Occupational Science2008, 15(2), pp 63-73

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expressing and maintaining cultural identity (Gale & Kaur,

2002, p. 91). They are also a part of our personal identity,

signifying social status and role (Gale & Kaur). For instance,

the textile fabrics we wear whether by choice or sometimes

out of necessity, make a statement about ourselves. Textiles are

a fundamental part of everyday dress and “individuals utilise

dress to create expressions of who they are in relation to

others” (Goodman, Knotts & Jackson, 2007, p. 102). Textiles

then, have “almost limitless potential for communication”

expressing issues such as poverty, opulence and sexuality

(Schnieder & Weiner, 1989, p. 1). As such, textiles and

textile-making can be a “strong enabler for knowing oneself

and knowing one’s being” (Hasselkus, 2002, p. 17). This

comes about through actively engaging in occupation, in

other words through doing (Wilcock, 2006).

Textile-Making as Purposeful and Creative Doing

Textile craft is intimately bound up with making, which is an

aspect of doing. For Fidler and Fidler (1978), doing conveyed

“a sense of performing, producing or causing” (p. 305).

Collingwood (1938) described a craft as being exercised upon

something, a raw material for instance, with the aim of

transforming it into something different; weaving cloth from

yarns or spinning a thread from raw fibre. As such, it is both

purposeful and goal directed, leading to an end product in the

form of a crafted object.

Textile-making is complex, creative and “revealing of human

ingenuity” (Schoeser, 2003, p. 7). It can involve the creation

of the ingredients, such as yarn from fleece or natural dye

from plants as well as utilising natural materials such as

willow for basket making and wool for felting. In this way, it

can be considered as “the mastery of material” (Constantine &

Larson, 1985, p. 8). Like other crafts, such as ceramics, wood-

turning or glass-blowing, it requires a high degree of control

and development of skills and knowledge that take time to

acquire (Metcalf, 1997; Sutton, 1982). This is particularly the

case for spinning and weaving where, from my personal

experience of learning these crafts and becoming a textile-

maker, I am aware that the process must be understood and

rules assimilated through practice before one can be

innovative and creative. Dormer (1994) referred to this form

of practical or tacit knowledge as “craft knowledge” (p. 11),

something which is acquired through doing. For example, it is

possible to combine natural and synthetic fibres when

weaving in ways that can lead to new textural and visual

effects in the finished cloth, but this can only be achieved

through understanding the fibres themselves and how they

react together in the finishing process.

Creativity in craftsmanship comes from imagination and risk

taking: experimenting with unfamiliar materials in unusual

combinations and modifying equipment. “Curiosity,

investigation, rule-breaking and lateral thinking are the

foundations of creativity” (Sutton & Sheehan, 1989, p. 158).

However, skills and processes must be mastered before they

can be reconsidered (Sutton & Sheehan). Weaving, for

instance, progresses from the bottom up and requires “pre-

planning and the ability to pre-visualise” in order to construct

cloth or tapestry sequentially (p. 37). Tapestry weaver Bobbie

Cox described learning to design in ways that respond to

sequential construction, “the unique language of weaving”

(Kumar, 2004, p. 164). With this understanding and with

thorough knowledge of the equipment, the weaver can

overcome limitations and think creatively.

With reference to Wilcock (2006), such skilful, purposeful

and creative doing, which contributes to becoming a textile-

maker through mastering skills and processes, is intimately

connected with being – a sense of who we are – a weaver, a

spinner or a fibre artist for instance. This sense of being is

developed in the context of time, society and culture.

Temporal and Socio-Cultural Aspects of Textile Making

Occupational engagement is temporally and socio-culturally

situated (Kielhofner, 2002; Wilcock, 1998; Yerxa, 1993). The

traditional materials, techniques and formats used in pre-

industrial societies and cultures survive today (Metcalf, 1997;

Schoeser, 2003). In her study of American craft workers,

Dickie (1996, 2003a) revealed the paradox of engaging in pre-

industrial craft production whilst being part of a post-

industrial economy.

Although textile-makers continue to use the same materials

and techniques as their fore-fathers, the purpose of their work

has changed. In pre-industrial societies traditional crafts were

basically utilitarian, a product of human need (Lucie-Smith,

1981). In post-industrial societies, however, crafts are

produced for many different reasons: as a means of self-

fulfilment for instance, as well as for income or utility. There

is also potential for traditional crafts to maintain cultural

identity (Gilbert, 1996).

Textiles reflect the attitudes and beliefs of the societies that

produce them (Colchester, 1991). As the master Japanese

weaver, Junichi Arai (1989) put it: “mankind has throughout

history been deeply concerned with fabric from the cloth we

are wrapped in at birth to the cloth we are wrapped in at

death” (p. 8). In between birth and death, the textiles we wear,

use and display reflect our culture and arguably our social

status, and are a projection of the self, a part of identity

(Colchester, 1991); they also hold meaning.

Textiles and Meaning

Meanings are personally and socially derived, coming from

the individual’s personal values, history, community and

culture (Hasselkus, 2002, p. 3). Humans have an ordinary and

familiar relationship with cloth (Gale & Kaur, 2002) and the

individual’s cultural and social domains will influence the

meaning of that relationship. Indeed cloth and its decoration

have symbolic meaning in the context of the culture in which

it is produced and used. It can represent authority, wealth,

birth and death (Schneider & Weiner, 1988). As Gale and

Kaur (2002) put it: “Textiles reach the senses, they provoke

and draw on memories, they become familiar friends, they

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have even been a sign of terror” (p. 10). In other words the

feelings that textiles evoke are linked to a context, which

forms the background that shapes the meanings of

individuals’ life events (Russel, 2001, p. 10). For the women

in Reynolds and Prior’s (2003) study, all of whom had chronic

illness, making textiles contributed to self-efficacy, self-image

and a sense of satisfaction.

For Christiansen and Townsend (2004), occupations are part

of people’s life stories and gain meaning over time. Because

meanings are socially, temporally and historically constructed,

the meanings of textile-making differ, sometimes subtly, for

each individual maker. Weavers Alison Morton and Sue Hiley

Harris both live and work in Wales. They both derive

inspiration from the Welsh landscape for their work and share

a love of natural materials and the process of making, yet their

work has developed in quite different ways. Alison weaves

functional towels and table linen because she believes that

people should, where possible, find beauty in everyday things

(Dames, 2004). In contrast, Sue’s recent work is three-

dimensional and conceptual in nature, mathematical structure

and form has meaning for her (Powell, 2007). For both,

however, reviews of their work suggest that their love of

weaving contributes to their quality of life and sense of well-

being (Dames; Powell).

The Historical Relationship between Textile Making,Health and Well-Being

Historical accounts of textile-making reveal that it could be

beneficial or detrimental to health and well-being. In Britain,

the domestic textile crafts of spinning and weaving were

amongst the first to be mechanised (Lucie-Smith, 1981), and

the industrial environment where textiles were produced in

the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was not

conducive to physical health. This is reflected in the

experiences of women employed in the Lancashire cotton

mills where “the threat to health of the potentially lethal

combination of humidity and polluted air – so laden with

cotton dust and fibres that the visual effect was likened to a

snowstorm – caused many operatives to suffer from

respiratory complaints” (Lubelska, 2002, p. 169).

In early post-industrial Britain, textile mill workers had little

choice about the conditions in which they worked, but today

individuals in western societies can selectively engage in

making textiles for pleasure, as a hobby and for personal self-

expression, as well as for economic reasons (Gale & Kaur,

2002). Such occupational choices are, according to Davis and

Polatajko (2004), influenced by individuals’ innate cognitive,

affective, and physical abilities as well as by their preferences,

values, and lifestyles.

Today the relationship between textile-making, health and

well-being remains complex. Gale and Kaur (2002) made the

point that in contemporary society, a life dedicated to craft

now conflicts with society’s expectations of work, as well as

personal expectations about standards of living – it is not

generally lucrative and many have to find other means of

income to sustain their craft. Such social pressures could,

from an occupational science viewpoint, conflict with an

individual’s sense of competence and effectiveness, and

personal values, which may then impact on health and well-

being (Kielhofner, 2002). From another perspective, the sense

of autonomy that comes from craft work can often be balanced

with other forms occupation (Dickie, 1996).

In summary, an analysis and synthesis of the background

literature relating to occupational science, textiles and crafts

reveals that being and becoming a textile-maker appear

intimately connected to doing, through engaging in a process

of making. Such purposeful doing requires skill, together with

an understanding of the process in order to be innovative and

creative. Being a textile-maker is a part of one’s personal

identity in the context of society, culture and time. Textiles

and textile-making hold meanings that are temporally

constructed, and its history reveals a dynamic and complex

relationship with health and well-being. Following a

description of the methods, the concepts of doing, being

and becoming are explored further in relation to the

study’s findings.

Methods

The study aims to explore how people engage in creating and

making textiles by hand, individually and collectively, what it

means to them in the context of British culture and a

technological society, and how their engagement influences

their quality of life and perceptions of well-being. The

naturalistic and longitudinal nature of this ethnographic

study, where fieldwork was conducted over a period of one

year, allowed for an in-depth and holistic exploration of

creative textile-making as occupation with a group of British

makers. The constructivist nature of the study meant that

research questions were continually generated during

fieldwork. This paper concentrates on aspects of the findings

that relate to the following research questions: How and why

do individuals become engaged in textile-making? What

aspects are important to them? How does belonging to a guild

influence textile-making for individuals?

Ethnography

Ethnography offers a way of exploring textile-making as it

happens and capturing the subjective and collective meanings

of those who engage in it. The prolonged nature of the

ethnographic process allows for such exploration through

placing specific events and happenings into a broader socio-

cultural context (Tedlock, 2000). It is characterised by

fieldwork where the researcher becomes an instrumental part

of the process, through the simultaneous use of participant

observation and interviewing (Delamont, 2004; Dewalt &

Dewalt, 2002).

Symbolic interactionism

The study is informed by symbolic interactionist theory.

Blumer (1969) described the nature of symbolic

interactionism as coming from three premises: that people act

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towards things on the basis of the meaning they have for

them; that the meaning is derived from or arises from one’s

social interactions with others and that meanings are modified

through an interpretive process. Symbolic interactionism can

be considered in relation to textile-making in that the maker

interacts closely with objects in the form of tools, equipment

and materials, which are likely to hold symbolic meanings.

This is commensurate with Hocking’s (1997) person-object

interaction model, in that objects are given meaning through

a process of symbolic interaction and may contribute to the

development of occupational roles.

The guild as a context for the study

The context for this study is a Welsh guild of weavers,

spinners and dyers, where I am also a member. As fieldwork

commenced in 2004 the guild had 21 active members,

including myself, two were male and all were middle to older

aged adults. The guild draws its membership from a wide

geographical area of Wales, with members coming from

different backgrounds and having varied interests and levels of

experience in making textiles. At the time of fieldwork the

guild held meetings once a month during the evening in a

village church hall on the outskirts of a city. Practical

workshops were held on Saturdays, three times during the

year, in a neighbouring hall. The guild also took part in

promotional and special interest events and held its annual

exhibition of members’ work at a national museum.

The guild is part of a wider network of British guilds giving

members opportunities to take part in national events such as

summer schools, conferences and exhibitions as well as

receive information on international textile events via

newsletters and the internet. During fieldwork I participated

in guild meeting and workshops, conferences and seminars,

and attended courses with other members, in other words all

activities in which members engaged.

Being an insider – a reflexive approach to fieldwork

This ethnography is essentially reflexive and participatory in

nature. As a long-standing member of the guild and a weaver,

I am a participant and an insider researcher. I bring my own

experiences, concepts and questions into the research and

consider that meanings are co-constructed (Denzin, 2001).

Coming from a position of acceptance within the group can

offer the advantage of deeper understanding through

subjective insight and cultural interpretation (Adler & Adler,

1987). There is, however, a possibility that over familiarity

with the field can lead to taken-for-granted assumptions about

ordinary activity (Atkinson, Coffey, & Delamont, 2003). As a

member of the guild, I was already immersed in its activities,

but as a researcher, I needed to develop a heightened reflexive

awareness of my familiarity with the more mundane aspects of

textile-making and group activity. In guild meetings, for

instance, there is a definable pattern of activities such as

setting up the room, making tea and giving out notices. On

the face of it they appeared to contribute little to textile-

making as occupation, but through attending closely and

questioning my assumptions I began to appreciate their

contribution to group cohesion and the part this played in the

group’s identity. As a reflexive researcher, I constantly reflected

on how my ideas, opinions and interpretations impacted on

the research process and findings, through the ongoing

generation of reflexive and methodological memos. Through a

reflexive approach to fieldwork I was able to use self-insights

to assist understanding, through a process of “critical,

analytical and self-conscious awareness” (Coffey, 1999, p. 32).

Gaining access and consent

Gaining access and consent from gatekeepers is a necessary

part of proceedings even where the researcher is familiar with

and known in the setting (Adler & Adler, 1998). Following

University approval and 3 months before fieldwork was due to

commence, I wrote to the chairman of the guild outlining the

research and requesting permission for fieldwork to take place

during the next guild calendar year. On receipt of written

approval from the committee I sent a letter and information

sheet to all guild members explaining how the research would

be conducted; the nature of participant observation,

interviewing and use of photography; giving ethical

assurances of confidentiality and anonymity; and inviting

questions or comments. In addition, interviewees were

contacted individually and sent a further information sheet

prior to interview with ethical assurances, explaining the

purpose and format of the interview, and requesting written

consent to proceed. Permission to take photographs was

requested from workshop participants when appropriate and

written consent obtained for publication.

In ethnography, however, because of its prolonged nature,

gaining access and consent is a process of constant re-

negotiation (Adler & Adler, 1998). I did this at intervals as

field work progressed in informal conversation and reports in

the guild newsletter on the nature and progress of the

research. As fieldwork came to a close I also presented the

findings to the guild in an illustrated talk at an evening

meeting. These procedures acted as a means of making the

process transparent and checking on the credibility and

authenticity of the findings (Guba & Lincoln, 2005; Lincoln

& Guba, 1985).

Making the process transparent and sharing the findings, I

felt, was also a part of my reciprocal relationship with other

guild members. As a member of the guild I did not want to be

exploitative and ethically I felt that the research should benefit

the guild as well as a wider academic audience. This was

achieved in small, but significant ways: some of the

photographs taken during fieldwork were used by the guild

for publicity and the findings relating to the future guild

development and publicity led to a new website.

Data gathering and recording

Following the guild calendar year from 2004 to 2005, data was

gathered through participant observation and generation of

field notes from meetings, workshops and fringe events.

Digital photographs were taken to record and document

events in workshops and documentation such as newsletters,

magazines and from internet websites was collected. In

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addition, in-depth interviews with seven guild members of

varying experience and different backgrounds were

conducted. These occurred at the end of the guild calendar

year, in order to explore themes and concepts emerging from

fieldwork in greater depth, as well as elicit participants’

subjective meanings and feelings. The emerging issues from

each interview together with a copy of the interview

transcript, were sent back to participants for verification and

comment – a form of member validation (Seale, 1999).

Data analysis

Analysis required sensitivity to the diverse nature of the data,

in that the different forms: textual, visual and material, offer

different but complementary perspectives on textile-making

as occupation. The process was “inherently iterative” (Dewalt

& Dewalt, 2002, p. 13); personal reflection on my own lived

experience and pre-understandings as researcher and

participant were central to the analytical process. Drawing on

Alvesson and Skoldberg’s (2000) levels of reflexive

interpretation, analysis incorporated four inter-connecting

layers.

Layer one begins with tentative and preliminary

interpretations though a process of coding data (Coffey &

Atkinson, 1996). This layer uncovers the process of making

and constructing textiles (doing), the knowledge and

understanding required, the typical attributes and abilities of

individual makers, the intrinsic and extrinsic factors that

influence occupational engagement, together with the nature

of the guild and the impact of guild membership on textile-

making as occupation. The second layer, through a deeper and

more integrated level of interpretation as fieldwork

progressed, and through developing categories and themes

(Charmaz, 2006; Lofland, Snow, Anderson, & Lofland, 2006),

illustrates how the individual, through becoming and being a

textile-maker can shape textiles as an occupational form and

how guild membership contributes to this and a sense of well-

being through belonging.

The third layer links the themes from the first two layers with

contextual socio-cultural and historical influences that shape

textile-making as occupation for individuals and in the

context of the guild. These include the influence of the

environment; the link between textiles, humans and nature;

the impact of wider networks; lifestyle trends; the significance

of being in Wales; traditions and the influence of past masters.

Finally, through raising the analysis to a meta level, the fourth

layer relates textile-making to wider socio-cultural concerns

such as gender, changing social trends, global connections and

the development of multi-disciplinary approaches to making;

technology; and the link between textile crafts and industry.

The following sections concentrate on the themes that

illustrate how an individual’s sense of self is enhanced through

becoming and being a textile maker and how a collective sense

of self develops through belonging to a special interest group

such as a guild. Pseudonyms are used to protect anonymity.

An individual sense of self

Symbolic interactionists contend that “the self is a process of

reflexive and communicative activity” and an individual’s

sense of self is “inextricably linked to their relationships with

others” (Sandstrom, Martin, & Fine, 2006, p. 93). The

following themes illustrate how participants develop a sense

of self as textile-makers.

An intrinsic need to make textilesAn intrinsic need to make textiles is concerned with

individuals’ inner drive and motivations for making. I use the

term ‘need’ because satisfying it appears to be something that

individuals must do at various points in their life to a greater

or lesser extent. Galtung (2005) described ‘needs’ as pointing

outside and “satisfaction depends on the inside-outside

interface” (p. 480). In textile-making satisfaction comes from

engagement with materials and equipment and creating

something in the process, in other words through doing.

For the participants in this study, who are a mix of professional,

semi-professional and amateur makers, the intrinsic need to

make textiles is related to our personal backgrounds and

development. This first arose in conversation during one of our

guild meetings where David, Lucy and I began discussing our

ancestral backgrounds. David and I could both recall family

members working in the spinning and weaving trades in the

North of England and Lucy remembered how members of her

family had been lace makers in Buckinghamshire. We had all

begun making textiles as children. The influence of personal

background and relationships also prevails in profiles of textile-

makers found in textile magazines and exhibition catalogues

(for example: Draper, 2005; Hughes, 2005). I decided to pursue

this further during interviews.

Eleanor, now in her early 70s, a spinner, weaver and dyer who

teaches and sells her work recalls her childhood memories of

her mother as a keen embroiderer and their housekeeper “whowas an excellent knitter….so she got me knitting as well”.

Eleanor went on to pursue a career in radiography and later

hospital administration. She was introduced to weaving in the

1950s by an occupational therapist:

We were frequent visitors to each other’sdepartments….and used to potter in the evenings and Iactually put a warp on and did my first piece of weavingthere…so it was in the back of my mind that weaving wassomething I would quite like to do.

Eleanor began weaving again some years later after the death

on her first husband when she had the opportunity to work

with two professional weavers whilst she was recuperating

from her bereavement. Her occupational trajectory indicates

that she had an underlying need to make textiles and she has

continued to do so to varying extents, even though at certain

points in her life this has been overtaken by the need to

pursue a career and earn a living. As she told me about her

work in hospital administration she added “in the course of allof this, my mind just kept going back to weaving”. Eleanor’s

intrinsic need eventually led her to take up spinning and

weaving full-time, selling her work through galleries and

teaching the crafts.

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David’s intrinsic need, however, appears so strong that he has

never stopped making whatever the circumstances. Now in

his 40s, David is a parish priest and a weaver with a strong

family background in textiles. He began making textiles at a

very young age.

From the age of about 3 I was encouraged to learn to knit

and started sewing, things like that. Then at the age of 9

I was given my first lace pillow and started working in,

attempting to learn lace from books from the local library.

At the age of 11 I went to a coffee morning and met a

weaver…and I sat all morning and played on her inkle

loom.

He visited her studio every weekend learning to weave: “doing

table mats first of all and then a length of fabric and I’ve been in

love with lengths of fabric ever since”. David went on to gain a

degree in textiles before later becoming a priest. He described

his tiny room in theological college where the lack of space for

equipment meant that he ended up:

…doing a lot of embroidery rather than weaving. So I

embroidered my way through theological college doing

stoles for people and a bit of tailoring and a lot of sewing

and things, which was good fun.

David has continued to adapt to his environment and

circumstances. This is evident from his use of space at home

where a downstairs room houses two large working looms and

the garage is packed with equipment waiting for the day when

he can expand and run workshops.

For these participants the need to make textiles, which is

rooted in childhood and began to flourish in adulthood, is a

part of their sense of being. Through active engagement in

making, in other words through doing, they have mastered

skills and developed knowledge; this is the process of

becoming a textile-maker. In his narrative studies of American

craft artists, Mishler (1999) identified similar trajectories, but

for people with a passion for textiles this intrinsic need is also

related to an affinity for materials.

An affinity for materialsAn affinity for fibres, texture and cloth is strongly prevalent

amongst textile makers. Where textiles are concerned, the

senses of touch and smell are as important as seeing in

evoking memories and meanings (Graves, 2002;

Pajaczkowska, 2005). “Those of us who love materials can

never resist touching them” (Graves, p. 49). In the textile

crafts, “the sense of touch can carry a status at least equal to

visual aesthetics” (Gale & Kaur, 2002, p. 63).

The need to touch, feel, smell and examine fabric and fibre is

a common feature of guild meetings, workshops and events

(see Figure 1). As the majority of our speakers are textile

artists and makers themselves, they appreciate this and

willingly pass round examples of their work to feed the senses.

In fact, many different materials feature in our work. A

tapestry weaver who visited the guild to talk about his work

described his interest in a diverse range of materials such as

linen, jute, hemp and wool and also foils; “an obsession with

foils”. His collections of sweet wrappers are woven into his

tapestries for special textural effects.

The need to explore materials and work with them is evident

in Carys’ work. I interviewed her in her home studio where we

discussed her latest tapestry – still on the loom.

At the moment what I’m doing is having a look to see whatnatural yarns can do for me and I’m just weaving a panelof plain jute, plain raffia, seeing what the contrasts arebetween mill spun yarns and my own hand-spun. So I’vegot two lots of wools uncoloured and then there’s going tobe a little bit of…oh, I thought I’d put some cotton in,some warp and see what all the different textures can dofor me.

Carys, now in her mid-seventies and a prolific tapestry

weaver, is continually exploring the potential of different

materials in her work. She has recently investigated the use of

sheep ear tags for a series of tapestries she has woven for a

travelling exhibition, for instance. Gale and Kaur (2002, p.

63) suggested that the interaction between the textile-maker

and their materials is highly significant and is related to a

‘hands-on’ philosophy. In common with other crafts people,

textile-makers develop a loyalty to their medium, responding

to material in a way that reflects an innate and individual set

of capacities and sensitivities (Dormer, 1997c; Metcalf, 1997).

This is closely linked to a craftsperson’s knowledge of

materials, tools and processes (Dormer, 1994), together with

the mastery of skills.

Skill masterySkills are an essential human capacity and a vital component

of occupation (Yerxa, 1993). Producing creative textiles by

hand, in line with other handcrafts, requires considerable

skill. Such skills are learned through experience and

demonstrated in practice (Dormer, 1994). For Dormer

(1997b), craft is “a process over which a person has detailed

control that is the consequence of craft knowledge” (p. 7). In

other words knowledge gained through experience, our senses

and practical engagement in the process (Dormer, 1994). It is

“as much an art of doing as an art of knowing” (Polanyi, 1958,

p. 54).

Achieving control of the process, that is “within the

productive operation” (Adamson, 2007, p. 73) requires skill

J I L L R I L E Y

Figure 1: Examining the Tied Peaks on Cloth Prepared

for Dyeing

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mastery. The word skill, however, means different things in

relation to different crafts (Pye, 1995) and where textiles are

concerned skills differ in relation to the area of production.

Thus, the skills required to spin fibres into fine thread differ

from the skills needed to operate a weaving loom and produce

cloth. It was evident from fieldwork, however, that the skills

required to produce a textile through interaction with

equipment and materials required considerable practice before

mastery was achieved.

As crafts, spinning and weaving in particular require a

considerable level of skill and control, and mastering the

processes requires high levels of intrinsic motivation. It also

requires familiarity with and understanding of the equipment

(Dormer, 1994). The guild silk spinning workshop was lead

by Eleanor, an experienced spinner and teacher. Workshop

participants had varying levels of expertise and knowledge,

but all appeared eager and willing to practice and learn. As

Carys put it “it’s a very long learning process…I think I shall goon learning until the end of my days”.

Workshop participants brought along their spinning wheels

and began by adjusting these; oiling the mechanisms and

tensioning the drive bands. Such adjustments are essential in

order to achieve good results. Spinning silk requires a different

technique from other fibres; it requires a high twist and slow

feed onto the bobbin and therefore a higher degree of control.

For the more experienced spinners, this quickly becomes a

smooth and rhythmical operation (Figure 2). Treadling the

wheel at the right speed and feeding in the fibre with the right

amount of twist to obtain a smooth yarn becomes second

nature. For the beginner however, it can be a frustrating

process; the fibre feeds in too quickly and becomes thick and

lumpy or breaks. Becoming a competent spinner who can

tackle any fibre takes considerable determination,

perseverance and practice. Such control and mastery requires

“repeated engagement” in the craft in order to capitalise on

experience and acquire special competence (Carlson, 1996, p.

150). This special competence might be seen as a component

of craft knowledge, it becomes a part of the self (Dormer,

1994); although Dormer points out that craft expertise is more

than just competence, it allows for more detailed exploration

and an ability to find solutions to problems.

Skilled craftsmanship, such as spinning or weaving, requires

“bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence” (Metcalf, 1997, p. 75). This

assumption was first proposed by Howard Gardner, in his

theory of multiple intelligences and the concept of bodily

intelligence, that is, the ability to use the body in highly

differentiated and skilled ways (Gardner, 1993). When skills

and capacities are exercised and utilised in this way through

meaningful occupation then, for Wilcock (1998), there is the

potential to maintain health.

A passion for rhythm and repetition in the processA personal sense of well-being comes from the excitement of

challenge and the satisfaction of achievement (Fidler & Fidler,

1978). Being a competent spinner or weaver is closely

connected to a passion for the process, leading to the

production of a well-constructed yarn or fabric. Incorporated

in this is an intense level of satisfaction, pleasure and

enjoyment that comes from the sequence and rhythm of

working a loom or spinning wheel. As a spinner and weaver I

have experienced this. In 2005, I attended a course with a

fellow guild member Carole, on weaving complex cloth, and

as I mastered the use of the dobby loom (Figure 3) I tried to

capture this experience in words:

As time progressed I became familiar with the loom anddidn’t have to concentrate heavily on how to work it, Ifound a rhythm: clicking down the back bar with my rightheel to move the lags forward, pressing the front bar downwith my left foot to open the shed, throwing the shuttle,releasing my foot to close the shed and beat in the weft.This goes something like ‘click, step, throw shuttle, closeshed and beat’. The rhythm can be maintained providingthere are no interruptions and the loom works smoothly.

David described this rhythm and repetition in the process as

“Zen…that’s one of the reasons I like production weaving becauseit’s a very continuous repetitive action, rather than tapestryweaving that I find quite frustrating because it’s all little shortbits”. For David, Zen is a sense of unity with, and a conscious

mastery of the process that it is possible to achieve through

J I L L R I L E Y

Figure 2: Spinning Fine Silk: Spinning Workshop 2005

Figure 3: Mastering the Dobby Loom: Complex WeavingCourse 2005

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highly skilled repetitive action. This concept of Zen was

endorsed by Smart (1969).

Lucy, on the other hand, finds the repetitive process of

knitting is a way “to wind down from intense cerebral activity…Iknow I need that…it’s not something mundane, it can besomething routine that you don’t have to think about too much”.

When talking about spinning and knitting, she went on to

describe “that element of repetition that can be quite comforting,you know a bit like a mantra, or something that, just over andover again, you then relax down into it”. This rhythmical

repetitive process that comes once skills have been mastered

leading to a creative end result is a form of flow, where the

body is in harmony with the mind, providing an optimal

experience that “adds strength to the self” (Csikszentmihalyi,

1990, p. 95). For David this form of experience is closely

linked to his spiritual well-being.

Spiritual commitmentGale and Kaur (2002) suggested that an “inner psychological

or spiritual experience” is common in textile craft (p. 10),

where making is associated with “honest work” through

which individuals clarify their values and find a sense of

coherence (Dormer, 1997a, p. 222). Imay (2002), a Japanese

textile artist, described how finishing a piece of work through

a time-consuming process such as weaving is “not just an

externalisation of the self as an object but probably the

expression of the internal self” (p. 137).

David articulated the spiritual importance of textile-making to

him: “If I haven’t got a piece of craftwork on the go I really getgrouchy, I get irritable. It’s a very necessary part of my, very mucha part of my spirituality …. because it’s the creative side of methat comes out”. As we pursued this concept further, David

went on to say “it is part of my prayer life, to a certain extent,weaving. If I don’t weave then my prayer life is not good becauseI need, the rhythm of weaving is much more Zen than me sittingdown and repeating mantra”. In this way, the rhythm of

weaving is serving a similar purpose to mantra, cleansing and

protecting the mind by maintaining a spiritual connection

(Snelling, 1998).

Lucy, who has done several workshops and courses with

masters in the craft refers to their sense of commitment;

“There’s something about the essence of what you’re trying to do….some of these people are very principled in what they’re doingand why they’re doing it…You can see the integrity of their workin the results and I think to be able to pick up on that and see howthey apply their skills and the reasons why, it just makes it lesstrivial, less of a surface thing. It gives you some depth to what youare doing”. Lucy also believes that this spiritual essence, a

sense of being is embedded in continuity with the past.

Continuity with the pastA sense of continuity comes from learning and appreciating

how skills have developed and passed from one generation to

another (Shils, 1981). It goes beyond a developing need to

make textiles and our personal backgrounds to

“connoisseurship”, or the “knowledge of familiarity”

(Dormer, 1994, p. 22). In other words, though appreciating

and learning how past masters have developed the craft, one

can enrich one’s own craft knowledge and skills. Lucy gives an

example of how skills are handed on, referring to her

knowledge of some well-known textile makers:

Thinking of Jenny Balfour-Paul, I mean she learned her

craft from Susan Bosance and Susan Bosance learnt from

Marilyn Larcher and you think this is your direct tap to

back in the ‘20s and so on when they were trying to revive

the dyeing crafts.

This sense of continuity contributes to our sense of self, of

being who we are. Lucy went on to tell me about her

experience of looking at old tapestries with a group of like-

minded people, guided by a tutor who had done some

background research herself: “We were seeing things that she

hadn’t seen…so there’s that sharing as well, not just historically,

but the cross-fertilisation when you’re mixing with people with

common interests”. Sharing ideas and skills in this way fosters

a sense of belonging that comes through collective and shared

occupation, not just with our contemporaries, but with past

masters of textile crafts.

A collective sense of self

Through belonging to the guild, members develop a ‘collective

self’ that reflects the group’s norms and characteristics (Brewer

& Gardner, 1996, p. 84). Drawing on Brewer and Gardner’s

definition, the guild as an ‘in-group’, provides “a frame of

reference for self-evaluation at an individual level” (p. 85).

Additionally, belonging to an in-group elicits co-operation

amongst members.

In socio-cultural terms the guild lies between the two

frequently cited organisational forms: Gemeinschaft, “a

community based on a shared sense of identity”, and a

Gesellschaft, “an institution intended to facilitate action and

achieve instrumental goals” (Nisbett, 2005, p. 56). Guild

members have a shared identity as spinners, weavers and

dyers and this fosters a sense of unity and belonging. The guild

also facilitates action in that we utilise our skills collectively.

Working together through shared occupationThrough being part of a guild, there is opportunity for sharing

expertise, ideas and interests and learning from each other. We

also work together for the benefit of the guild and to promote

our crafts to the public. The guild’s annual exhibition is a good

example of this, in that members come together to show and

sell their work, the culmination of their individual

occupational achievements, but putting on an exhibition is

also a shared occupation. As such, it contributes to our sense

of belonging and ultimately to a social and community

contribution through craft promotion.

Staging the exhibition requires a collective commitment and

as Blumer (1969) described it, joint action. In the first place,

it requires organisation, design and construction and to

achieve this we must work as a team, sharing the tasks. Once

in place, the exhibition requires manning. The venue, a

national museum, attracts a wide cross-section of the public

from international visitors to local school children and

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exhibiting there gives us an opportunity to demonstrate our

crafts, offer information and encourage interest. These are

things that Charlotte, a founder member of the guild, feels

some members might not otherwise have an opportunity

to do.

In a sense, the exhibition is symbolic of our collective

achievements and cohesion as a group, bringing together the

results of our individual actions. It is also the product of joint

action. Such joint action, from a symbolic interactionist

perspective, arises from a background of participants’ previous

action. In this way there is always a connection and continuity

with the past (Blumer, 1969, p. 20). Additionally, where

group members who share self-defining attributes engage

in social action, they present an image of what the group

stands for (Hogg, 2001); the preservation and promotion of

textile crafts.

It is important to remember, however, that each individual

comes to the group from a different socio-cultural background

and with different life experiences, which will also have a

bearing on collective action and its meaning. This contributes

to a collective sense of self, something that others may have

difficulty understanding. As Kate put it, when talking about

her passion for textiles and making:

You can wax lyrical to other friends about sheep and

whatever and they think you’re absolutely round the

bend….You can talk to people at the guild and they

understand…and I think that’s really important. That

they know where you’re coming from and you’re all in a

way…well you’re all coming from the same thing.

In this way, the guild fosters a strong sense of belonging. It is

the context where “the individual self is framed by the

collective self” (Hogg, 2001, p. 134). Through a collective

sense of self and through belonging we come to know who we

are and what our purpose is, where a sense of belongingness

is a strong indicator of health and happiness (Tice &

Baumeister, 2001).

Conclusion

For guild members, engaging in creative textile-making is an

occupational choice driven by intrinsic needs and

motivations, and related to our personal socio-cultural

backgrounds and development. It is also linked to our affinity

for materials, a passion for the process of making, and

willingness to continually hone skills, master equipment and

engage in a process of life-long learning. For some, it is an

intense psychological and spiritual experience offering a sense

of continuity with the past.

This study informs occupational science by identifying how

engaging in creative handcraft as occupation, in other words

through doing, contributes to an individual’s sense of self, of

being and becoming who we are. Being a guild member also

brings about a collective sense of self, a sense of belonging,

which ultimately contributes to our quality of life, perceptions

of health and well-being.

The findings from this study relate to a single case, a Welsh

guild of weavers, spinners and dyers. The study’s limitations

lie particularly in its socio-cultural specificity; it is also

discipline-specific, relating to textile-makers with particular

areas of interest, knowledge and skill. To fully understand

creative craftwork as a form of occupation and ultimately how

it influences health and well-being, occupational science

would benefit from naturalistic studies of craftspeople in

different cultural settings and across different craft disciplines.

J I L L R I L E Y

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FIFTH AUSTRALASIAN OCCUPATIONAL SCIENCE SYMPOSIUM

Contextual Perspectives – Participation for Wellbeing

John Scott Meeting House, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Victoria, AustraliaWednesday November 12 – Friday November 14, 2008

The programme includes:• theme related site visits on the Wednesday afternoon followed by the opening ceremony in evening

• invited keynote speakers and presenters addressing the themes of Community Context – Social Inclusion and Occupational Context – Diversity

• opportunity for interdisciplinary discussion and debate

PROGRAMME DETAILS TO BE ANNOUNCED

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