drug policy in brazil: a long-overdue discussion

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Drug Policy in Brazil: A longoverdue discussion By: Ilona Szabó * Latin America is at the epicenter of the global drug policy debate. In just a few years, a decadesold taboo that prevented new thinking on ways to manage the production, trade and consumption of narcotics has been shattered. As a result, a wide array of policy and programming alternatives to the drug control regime – ranging from the decriminalization of drug use to the legal regulation of drugs markets – have been tabled, in some cases for the first time. Almost every president in the region acknowledges that the costs of the war on drugs have been devastating. With just 9 percent of the world's population, Latin America exhibits more than 30 percent of its annual homicides. It is hardly surprising, then, that governments are starting to rethink their approaches to controlling drugs. This is especially so since the "war" on drugs has resulted in more avoidable deaths and higher social costs than their consumption. The costs of waging the war has also drained public coffers and exposed democratic institutions to unparalleled corruption and organized crime. Particularly, given the devastating implications of this failed war on Brazil's society and democratic institutions, the government's silence is deafening. Brazil experiences the highest absolute number of homicides on the planet. For example, in 2012, roughly one Brazilian citizen was assassinated every 10 minutes. According to the Brazilian Forum on Public Security, more than 47,000 people were violently killed that year and more than twothirds executed with firearms. Unlike some other countries in Latin America, Brazil does not have a system to track deaths due specifically to drug violence and organized crime. Even so, the available data gives some insights into the scale of the problem. In 1980, before the arrival of cocaine, the homicide rate was 11.7 per 100,000. By 2010, the rate had more than doubled to 26.2 per 100,000. In just 30 years, and in the wake of repressive policies of containment and control, more than 1,000,000 Brazilians lost their lives in a war without end. The notable absence of Brazil from the international debate on drug policy is at odds with its reputation as an emerging global leader. Moreover, its refusal to engage with more progressive approaches to managing drugs reveals a jarring dissonance with its own domestic realities. This is because Brazil is not only experiencing an epidemic of violence generated by militarized approach to controlling drugs, but it is also witnessing a surge in the consumption of all manner of drugs, and transshipment to consuming nations in Western Europe and beyond.

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Page 1: Drug policy in Brazil: A long-overdue discussion

 

               Drug  Policy  in  Brazil:  A  long-­‐overdue  discussion  By:  Ilona  Szabó  *    Latin   America   is   at   the   epicenter   of   the   global   drug   policy   debate.   In   just   a   few   years,   a  decades-­‐old  taboo  that  prevented  new  thinking  on  ways  to  manage  the  production,  trade  and  consumption   of   narcotics   has   been   shattered.   As   a   result,   a   wide   array   of   policy   and  programming  alternatives  to  the  drug  control  regime  –  ranging  from  the  decriminalization  of  drug  use   to   the   legal   regulation  of  drugs  markets  –  have  been   tabled,   in   some  cases   for   the  first  time.    Almost  every  president   in   the   region  acknowledges   that   the  costs  of   the  war  on  drugs  have  been  devastating.  With  just  9  percent  of  the  world's  population,  Latin  America  exhibits  more  than  30  percent   of   its   annual   homicides.   It   is   hardly   surprising,   then,   that   governments   are  starting  to  rethink  their  approaches  to  controlling  drugs.  This  is  especially  so  since  the  "war"  on   drugs   has   resulted   in   more   avoidable   deaths   and   higher   social   costs   than   their  consumption.   The   costs   of   waging   the   war   has   also   drained   public   coffers   and   exposed  democratic  institutions  to  unparalleled  corruption  and  organized  crime.    Particularly,   given   the   devastating   implications   of   this   failed   war   on   Brazil's   society   and  democratic  institutions,  the  government's  silence  is  deafening.  Brazil  experiences  the  highest  absolute   number   of   homicides   on   the   planet.   For   example,   in   2012,   roughly   one   Brazilian  citizen   was   assassinated   every   10   minutes.   According   to   the   Brazilian   Forum   on   Public  Security,  more   than  47,000  people  were  violently  killed   that  year  and  more   than  two-­‐thirds  executed  with  firearms.    Unlike  some  other  countries  in  Latin  America,  Brazil  does  not  have  a  system  to  track  deaths  due  specifically  to  drug  violence  and  organized  crime.  Even  so,  the  available  data  gives  some  insights  into  the  scale  of  the  problem.  In  1980,  before  the  arrival  of  cocaine,  the  homicide  rate  was  11.7  per  100,000.  By  2010,  the  rate  had  more  than  doubled  to  26.2  per  100,000.  In  just  30  years,  and  in  the  wake  of  repressive  policies  of  containment  and  control,  more  than  1,000,000  Brazilians  lost  their  lives  in  a  war  without  end.    The  notable  absence  of  Brazil  from  the  international  debate  on  drug  policy  is  at  odds  with  its  reputation   as   an   emerging   global   leader.   Moreover,   its   refusal   to   engage   with   more  progressive  approaches  to  managing  drugs  reveals  a  jarring  dissonance  with  its  own  domestic  realities.  This  is  because  Brazil  is  not  only  experiencing  an  epidemic  of  violence  generated  by  militarized  approach  to  controlling  drugs,  but  it  is  also  witnessing  a  surge  in  the  consumption  of   all   manner   of   drugs,   and   transshipment   to   consuming   nations   in   Western   Europe   and  beyond.        

Page 2: Drug policy in Brazil: A long-overdue discussion

 

               And  there  are  ominous  signs  that  the  situation  in  Brazil  could  worsen.  For  example,  a  major  federal-­‐level   public   security   program   known   as   PRONASCI,   which   funded   states'  improvements   and   innovations   in   the   security   field,   experienced   sharp   budget   cut-­‐backs  under  the  new  government  that  came  into  power  in  2011.  This  volta  face  is  occurring  despite  the   positive   dividends   generated   on   the   ground,   including   the   so-­‐called   pacification   police  (UPP)   in   Rio   de   Janeiro.   In   a   worrying   sign,   the   new   government   has   also   suspended   the  national  plan  for  the  reduction  of  homicides  in  2011  and  there  are  no  obvious  replacements  in  sight.    If  genuine  security  and  safety  dividends  are  to  be  achieved  in  Brazil,  the  government  needs  to  make   some   pragmatic   choices   in   relation   to   national   drug   policy.   For   example,   law   11.343,  passed  in  2006  -­‐-­‐  which,  in  theory,  exempts  drug  consumers  from  prison  and  thus  separates  users  from  traffickers  -­‐-­‐  needs  to  be  detailed  and  enforced.  But  so  long  as  drug  consumption  is  still  dealt  by  the  criminal  justice,  and  consumers  are  publicly  vilified  as  criminals,  there  is  little  chance  that  the  law  will  get  much  purchase.  At  a  minimum,  Brazilian  lawmakers  need  to  break  the  taboo  around  drugs  and  initiate  an  informed  debate  about  alternatives  to  the  status  quo.  Over   a   quarter   of   Brazil’s   inmate   population   –   the   fourth   largest   after   the   U.S.,   Russia   and  China   –   are   serving   drug-­‐related   sentences   or   awaiting   trial   on   drug   charges.   The   2006  legislation   initially   intended   as   progressive   ended   up   being   regressive.   Between   2007   and  2010,  the  number  of  people  incarcerated  for  drug-­‐related  crimes  increased  by  over  62%.  This  increase   was   due   primarily   to   the   imprisonment   of   first-­‐time   offenders   who   had   no  involvement  with  organized  crime.      In   2012,   a   Congressional   Commission   was   established   to   revise   the   Criminal   Code.   It  recommended  the  decriminalization  of  the  possession  of  quantities  of  drugs  sufficient  for  five  days   of   personal   individual   use,   but   there   is   no   sign   this   will   be   voted   on   any   time   soon.  Another   bill   is   being   discussed   in   the   Senate   that   goes   against   the   regional   trend   by  suggesting,  among  other  controversial  and  somewhat  outdated  proposals,  an  increase  in  the  mandatory  minimum  sentence  given  to  drug  dealers.  These  proposals  are  still  to  be  voted  on  by  the  Brazilian  Congress.      The  Supreme  Court  is  expected  to  decide  in  2014  if  the  criminalization  of  the  possession  and  use   of   drugs   is   constitutional.   The   expectation   is   that   it   will   decide   in   favor   of   the  decriminalization  of  drugs.  It  is  likely  that  drug  policy  reform  in  Brazil  will  be  precipitated  by  Supreme  Court  decisions  and  civil  society  mobilization  and  campaigns.    From  a  public  health  perspective,   it   is   critical   that  Brazil   and   its  neighbors  offer   support   to  users  with  chemical  dependencies,  including  for  those  abusing  alcohol  and  prescription  drugs.  But  without  changes  to  the  existing  laws  and  ensuring  opportunities  for  improved  treatment,  for   example,   Brazil's   recently   launched   Plan   to   Combat   Crack   and   Other   Drugs   will   not  succeed.   Unfortunately,   Brazil   does   not   have   a   public   health   system   ready   to   support   the  majority  of  drug  dependents.  

Page 3: Drug policy in Brazil: A long-overdue discussion

 

               More  positively,  Brazil  has  shown  an  impressive   level  of   innovation   in  the  public  health  and  security   sectors.   Its  programs   to   treat  HIV-­‐AIDS  and   reduce   smoking  are  widely   considered  world  class.  Likewise,   its  community   justice   interventions  and  community  policing  activities  are  being  closely  monitored  and  copied  across  Latin  America.   It   is   inevitable  that  Brazil  will  eventually   develop   more   humane   approaches   to   drug   policy   as   it   contends   with   its   worst  social   crisis   in   decades.   But   it   will   also   take   courage   on   the   part   of   Brazil's   leadership   to  imagine  an  alternative.  It  is  also  critical  that  the  proposed  cure  is  not  worse  than  the  illness.    Brazil   faces   a   real   and   present   danger   from   which   it   cannot   and   must   not   hide.   At   the  upcoming   2014   presidential   election,   candidates   have   an   unprecedented   opportunity   to  contribute   to   building   a   new   architecture   for   national   drug   policy.   A   new   approach   would  emphasize   public   health,   social   justice   and   cultures   of   peace   rather   than   repression,  enforcement   and  war.   If   Brazil   is   to   consolidate   its   international   legitimacy   and  position   as  promoter  of  human  rights,  it  needs  to  adopt  more  humane  policies  back  home.    *   Executive   Director   of   the   Igarapé   Institute   and   Executive   Coordinator   of   the   Global  Commission  on  Drug  Policy