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EALING/SteriadeClass2 1 9/8/12

Class 2: Weight with syllables and intervals

Part 1 Introduction: generalizations about weight distinctions 1. The weight hierarchy: some rhythmic units are more likely to be metrically prominent, in stress

or in quantitative meter, than others units. Theory-neutral notation for such units: π. 2. The focus now is on whether π is an interval or as a syllable (or a rime). Weight has inherent

interest, so we’ll digress sometimes from the comparison between intervals and syllables.

3. Greater weight is reflected in four ways in stress:

• Attraction: a heavy π deflects stress from some default position onto itself. e.g. CVC'VVX in Malayalam, which otherwise has initial stress. • Rejection: a light π, occupying the default position for stress, rejects stress. e.g. XC'VCəә in French, where stress is otherwise final: vivait [vivé] vs. livre [lívrəә] • Distance: a heavy π is a better buffer between stress and _# than a light π.

e.g. XCVC'VCVV(C) but XC'VCVCV(C) in A.Greek.

• Need for enhancement: only a light π needs to lengthen under stress. e.g. C'V(C) needs to become C'VV(C) in Swedish; C'VCC does not.

4. Things that contribute weight.

• The overall duration of π:

VCC > VC > V • The length of the sonorous post-V portion of π:

VV > VC[son] > VC[obst] • The inherent properties (duration and amplitude) of V:

V[+low] > V[-high] > V[+high] > schwa • These preferences tend to combine in cross-linguistically constant ways, roughly like this: VVC > VV, VC[son]C > VC [obst]C > VC[son] > VC[obst] > V

Order here not constant V[+low] > V [-high] > V≠schwa > schwa

• Consonant identity: some C1C2 clusters count as one C for purposes of assigning weight:

VkrV is parsed as π̆ π in some meters of A.Greek, while VksV is parsed as π̅ π.


• Pre-nuclear material matters: the longer, less sonorous the onset, the heavier a following π. C[-voice]VX > C[+voice]VX > VX and CCVX > CVX etc.

5. Binary vs. n-ary weight contrasts

• Most stress systems provide evidence for just two weight categories, as if the hierarchy above is divided into one light and one heavy region. • A few systems show evidence for three or more distinct regions. E.g. Stress the leftmost heaviest π in the word (dialects of Hindi, below). • Evidence is not always available for the full scale, but in all testable cases it appears that weight is always a scalar property, and the scale is largely the same: Ryan 2011.

6. Effect of position

• In a number of languages word-final consonants don’t contribute weight Both final VC and V count as lighter than final VCC (Norwegian) • Sometimes being initial lends more weight to a position: Medial CVCCV parsed as π̆ π while initial CVCCV is parsed as π ̅ π. (Yupik). Stress the rightmost heavy (or heaviest) and otherwise stress the leftmost light (X). • In some cases, prevocalic nuclei count as lighter than preconsonantal ones V1 in V1.V2 rejects stress; V1 in V1CV2 does not. (Finnish, Norwegian) V:1 in V:1.V2 counts as lighter in the meter than V:1 in V:1CV2 (Greek, Latin)

7. This lecture reviews weight data that differentiates interval from syllable theory. The source of all such differences is that non-final intervals typically contain more Cs than corresponding non-final rimes: they contain, in syllabic terms, the ‘rime’ plus the following ‘onset’. This one fact generates three kinds of differences:

(a) More weight categories with intervals: In non-final position, a wider range of weight

distinctions arises with intervals. The English examples below show 5 possible weight steps, assuming that each extra consonant adds enough duration to the interval:

V < VC < VCC < VCCC < VCCCC i (serial) ɪk (spherical) ɪŋk (inchoate) ɪŋkr (increment) ɪnskr (inscription)

For the same clusters, under the same assumptions, rimes create at most 3 weight steps:

V < VC < VCC i (seri.al), ɪk (spheri.cal) ɪŋk (in.choate, in.crement) ɪns (ins.cription)


(b) Across positions, pairs that are distinct in weight for one theory are equivalent for the other: Rimes: π1 in VCCV is lighter (assuming VC.CV, or V.CCV) than π in final VCC. Intervals: π1 in VCCV and VCC are, given identical segment durations, equivalent.

Rimes: π1 in V.CV is lighter than in VC. Intervals: π1 in VCV and VC are equivalent. Rimes: π1 and π2 in V.CV are equivalent Intervals: π1 is heavier than π2 in VCV

(c) Durational differences among all Cs matter for intervals: e.g. aksa vs. akra: if /s/ is longer

than /r/ then the two intervals [aks], [akr] differ in duration, and thus potentially in weight. Part 2: Effects of hiatus on weight: V.V vs. V.CV In the next 4 parts we verify the predictions about weight made by interval representations. First up: V intervals (π1 in V.V or V#) are lighter than VC (π1 in VCV)

8. Finnish stress (Karvonen 2008) described syllabically:

a. Initial primary stress, 2nd syllable is never stressed, no matter how heavy.

kói.vu ‘birch’ má.ta.la ‘low’ vá.paa ‘free’ lá.pi.o ‘shovel’ sí.ka ‘pig’ hél.sin.ki ‘Helsinki’

The first two syllables = the initial foot.

b. In words of 4-5 syllables, secondary stress is on penult if syllables following the initial foot are all light: Karvonen’s formula X́X L̀L, X́X LL̀L, X = syllable of any weight, L = a light.

kálentèri ‘calendar’ kó.les.te.rò.li ‘cholesterol’ mónopòli ‘monopoly’ fór.mal.de.hỳ.di ‘formaldehyde’

c. Similarly in a word of the form X́X(L)H̀L, secondary stress falls on the penult.

dó.de.ka.èd.ri ‘dodecahedron’ í.ko.sa.èd.ri ‘icosahedron’

d. However, when there is hiatus between the penult and the final the results differ:

5-6 syllables: antepenultimate stress 4 syllables: no secondary stress ér.go.nò.mi.a ‘ergonomics’ sín.fo.ni.a ‘symphony’ mí.nis.tè.ri.ö ‘ministry’ pró.so.di.a ‘prosody’ té.le.vì.si.o ‘television’ kómp.pa.ni.a ‘company’ dé.kom.po.sì.ti.o ‘decomposition’ kó.me.di.a ‘comedy’ kón.ser.va.tò.ri.o ‘conservatory’ áteria ‘meal’

Karvonen does not analyze the difference between words with final V.V and V.CV. The penultimate syllables in both such words are light, so there is no expectation that the stress will differentiate the two classes.


9. Interval representations predict the difference: V intervals are lighter than VC. The lighter the

position, the less suitable it is for stress.

a. Here is the proposed weight scale in interval representations (V length ignored): V < VC < VCC π̆ π π̅

b. The lightest interval, V, is unstressable in Finnish: * π̆[+stress] : Assigns a * for each stressed π̆

c. Subject to this condition, a secondary stress on the penult is preferred: *LAPSE R *LAPSER: Assigns a * for each sequence of 2 stressless syllables at end of word.

d. In general, no more than 2 stressless syllables are allowed in Finnish (*EXTLAPSE), but to avoid stress on a V interval this constraint is violated as well. *EXTLAPSE: : Assigns a * for each distinct sequence of 3 stressless syllables.

kolesteroli *π̆[+stress] *LAPSE R televisio *π̆[+stress] *LAPSE R

☞kólesteròli W télevisìo W L kólestèroli ☞ télevìsio kalenteri *π̆[+stress] *EXTLAPSE sinfonia *π̆[+stress] *EXTLAPSE ☞kálentèri W ☞sínfonia W L kálenteri sìnfonía

[Above are comparative tableaux (Prince 2002): constraints marked W favor (= are better satisfied by) the winner, those marked L favor the loser; no mark – equvalent to ‘e’ for ‘equal’ in other formats – means that the constraint is equally satisfied/violated by winner and loser.]

Comparable data in Norwegian, Appendix 1.

Part 3: Final VC-VCC vs. medial VC -VCC (aka consonant extrametricality)

10. Summary of the phenomenon: In many languages, π1 in VCCV counts as heavy: it attracts stress, or resists stressed σ lengthening. But in these languages final VC counts as light.

11. Earlier analyses: First metrical analysis (Hayes 1981; Harris 1983) stipulates that the last C is excluded from the weight computations. A different recent interpretation (Lunden 2007; Gordon et al. 2010): final VC is light because the final lengthening of V# causes it to become similar in duration to VC.

12. Interval representations help here: a final VC interval is equivalent to π1 in VCV: the ‘final extrametricality’ effect is predicted.

13. Seri (Marlett 2009, http://www.und.nodak.edu/instruct/smarlett/Stephen_Marlett/GrammarDraft.html )


a. Seri stress occurs only in the window of the last three syllables

EXTLAPSER: a * to every candidate with 3 or more stressless syllables at the right edge. b. Stress the final if final is heavy: VCC or VV(C)

moxhámt ‘last year’ icocáxz ‘gypsum’ cocásjc ‘tropical beach-grass’ conámj ‘a large grasshopper’ sapátx ‘sweetbush’ patpayóo ‘juvenile zebra tailed lizard’

mentoxíil ‘a hydrozoan’

WEIGHT TO STRESS (*π̅[-STRESS]): a * for every heavy stressless π (see below weight scale). (but ONESTRESS >> WEIGHT TO STRESS so only one stress surfaces; and STRESSR chooses which heavy syllable gets to surface if more than one occurs.)

c. Stress is penult otherwise: STRESS R (by I); STRESS R

héhe ‘plant’ hasahcápjö sinita (cactus) hápaj ‘octopus’ mojéptxö curve-billed thrasher cacájöc bagworm moth

d. There are some exceptions in all directions, including antepenult stress, but they’re said to be exceptional. EXTLAPSER >> IDENT STRESS IO >> OTHER CONSTRAINTS

14. A weight scale: only 2 regions – VCC or heavier (π ̅) and VC or lighter (π̆) – will matter.

VVCC > VVC > VV > VCC > VC > V

π̅ π̆�

EXTLAPSER >> IDENT STRESS IO >> WEIGHT TO STRESS (*π̅[-STRESS]) >> STRESSR

icocaxz *π̅+[-stress] STRESSR cacajöc *π̅+[-stress] STRESSR ☞ icocáxz W L ☞ cacájöc W L icócaxz cacaj'öc

moxhamt ONESTRESS *π̅+[-stress] moxhamt *π̅+[-stress] StressR ☞ moxhámt W L ☞ moxhámt W móxhámt móxhamt


15. Estonian (data from Hayes 1995: 56; see also Prince LI 1980). Data with overlength ignored.

a. All words bear initial main stress. The second syllable is never stressed pímestavàle, or pímestàvale; ósava; várasèimattèle

b. No clash in this data (*CLASH). No lapse of more than 2 πs (*EXTLAPSE). c. Final syllables are stressable only if VCC or VV(C)

pímestav (*pímestàv) téravàmaltt, téravamàltt pímestàvale (*pìmestàvalè) lú:lettài

d. In words of 3 πs or longer, there is a possible stress on the third, π3. • If π3 is final, then stress on it is obligatory on VCC and VV(C), impossible otherwise ósava, pálaval lú:lettài só:yemàks

We analyze this part, more data below the analysis. *LAPSE: No sequence of stressless π. NONFINALITY (NF): The final π is unstressable

(or, equivalently, there is at least one π coming in between # and nearest stress)

pimestav NF *RLAPSE so:yemaks *π̅+[-stress] NF ☞ pímestav W L ☞ só:yemàks W L pímestàv só:yemaks

Medial lapse (*MLAPSE) is worse here than final lapse; could explain the variation below:

teravamaltt *π̅+[-stress] *MLAPSE teravamaltt *MLAPSE *π̅+[-stress] ☞ téravamàltt W L ☞ téravàmaltt W L téravàmaltt téravamàltt

• If π3. is non-final this stress is obligatory if π3 is heavy, optional otherwise várasèimattèle párimàtteltt ~ párimattèltt pímestavàle, or pímestàvale

• Weight of later positions doesn’t matter: if π3 is light there is no attempt to get stress on heavy π4: válluttayàtteka, válluttàyatteka érinevàttesse, érinèvattèsse 'ülistàvamàit, 'ülistavàmait

Similarly, stress can land on π5 or π6, provided neither is light (VC or V) and final: pímestàvasse, pímestavásse

16. Significance of this data: • Final VC is light in so many systems that a non-stipulative explanation is called for. • Lunden (2007) and Gordon et al. (2010) claim that the light status of some final VC syllables is due to the fact that VC# and (final-lengthened) V# are close in duration; significant final lengthening is only possible in the absence of a length contrast.


• But Seri and Estonian (and A. Greek) show that VC# is light even in languages with a final V-length contrast, so final lengthening cannot be the reason. Further evidence against the final lengthening interpretation of this data in Appendix 1 where Norwegian is analyzed.

Part 4: What about languages where final VC is heavier than final V?

17. I propose to analyze these cases as if they are French (recall the Rejection effect in (3)):

DEP, IDENT LONG, *π̆[+stress] >> STRESS R

This means: I want to stress the final, without expanding it, but any extra short final π̆ (i.e. V) forces me to retract to some other position.

18. Something obvious but essential repeated:

Syllable- and interval-representations assign different weight to VCV, VCVC. Syllabic representations: π1 = π2 in VCV, because V.CV, both syllables are light. π1 < π2 in VCVC, because V.CVC, the second syllable is heavy Interval representations: π1 > π2 in VCV, because the first interval contains an extra C.

π1 = π2 in VCVC, both intervals are VC. In VCV, if π2 is too short for stress, retraction to π1 offers better weight in an interval analysis. In VCVC, better weight is not a reason to retreat stress to penult, but non-finality may be. 19. Manam (Kenstowicz 1994:614)

• Stress a VC final: malabóŋ ‘flying fox’, Zaranóm (name) • Otherwise stress penult: moarépi ‘rice’, i-ʔínta ‘he pinched me’, u-taga-íʔo ‘I followed you’

20. Weight scale:

VC > V π π̆

21. Illustrations:

malaboŋ *π̆[+stress] STRESS R moarepi *π̆[+stress] STRESS R maláboŋ W moarepí W ☞ malabóŋ ☞ moarépi L

22. Some suffixes (AP) cause antepenult stress:

i-rápuŋ-i ‘he waited for her’ The AP suffixes seem to impose a further buffer condition Δ-# > π, but the data is very sparse.

23. Mam (Hayes 1995:281) • Stress a long V: nʧó:koʃa, ʧá:qan • Otherwise the rightmost syllable closed by ʔ: nʂúʔxala, puʔláʔ • Otherwise the last syllable if closed by any consonant: ʂpiʧáʠ • Otherwise on the penult: spík’ja


The data is gappy but here is a sketch of an analysis: a. The weight scale

V: > Vʔ > VCC > VC > V

π̅++ π̅+ π̅ π π̆ b. The rankings

*π̅++[-stress] *π̅+[-stress] >> *LAPSE *π̆[+stress] >> STRESSR

24. Illustration

nʂuʔxala *π̅+[-stress] *LAPSE ʂpiʧáʠ *π̆[+stress] STRESS R nʂuʔxála W L ʂpiʧáʠ ☞ nʂúʔxala ☞

ʂpiʧáʠ W

spík’a *π̆[+stress] STRESS R spík’a W L ☞ spík’a

Part 5: Stress in Indic and SE Asia: hierarchies of weight

25. Until now I have shown that intervals the more fine grained weight distinctions made available by intervals are useful in specific cases. Now we look at an entire system where the full fledged hierarchy is documented. I choose Bhojpuri, but a number of Indic stress systems could do.

26. Bhojpuri segmentals (Shukla 1981). a. B. vowels: long and short, nasal and oral contrasting in all positions. b. B. vowel allophony:

i. long vowels are of intermediate length in absolute final position, written as Vˑ, elsewhere full length Vː.

ii. short vowels are centralized (high and mid Vs lower, low Vs higher) if totally stressless. I write î and â. This distinguishes secondary stressed from stressless1.

27. Syllable types include (C)VCC, (C)VVC, in all positions, including word-finally.

28. Stress notation: grave means secondary stress; acute means primary. I translate these into numbers: 2 = secondary stress; 1 = primary, 0 = no stress.

29. The stress distribution shows the effect of an interval weight hierarchy (items 1-21 below) and,

in one case, an effect of nonfinality among positions of equal weight (item 22). Intervals help eliminate a ranking paradox that arises with syllabic representations.

1 Shukla’s description of distribution of stressless syllable: ‘A weak syllable immediately following a stressed syllable remains unstressed [...] if it is followed by a strong syllable ( = destressing in clash, DS; e.g. càpûríˑ 201) or if it constitutes the last syllable in the word and does not have a coda (= because V interval is weaker than VC, DS; e.g. ná:gìnî 120).”


30. Stress data Weight differences, in intervals

1. pàhùnâíˑ ‘the pleasure of being a guest’ 2201 3. kàháˑ ‘say!’ 21 6. càmá:ìnî ‘a leather worker’s wife’ 2120 VV > VC 7. càpûríˑ ‘a small basket’ 201 8. bàhîníˑ ‘sister!’ 201 4. gá:bhìnî ‘pregnant (non-human’ 120 5. ná:gìnî ‘female snake’, cá:bùk ‘whip’ 12(0) VVC > VC 9. hùmé:lî ‘necklace’ 210 2. àjó:r ‘bright light’, hàmá:r ‘my’ 21 10. máhkàb ‘smelling’ 12 VCC > VC

11. bò:là:cá:lìˑ ‘conversation’, 2212 12. dùá:ràˑ‘yard’, kàhá:nìˑ ‘story’, càmé:lìˑ‘jasmine’ 212 VVC > VV 13. pá:nìˑ ‘water’ 12 14. màhtá:rìˑ ‘mother’ 212 VVC > VCC 15. á:nànd ‘pleasure’ 12 16. kámràˑ ‘room’ 12 VCC > VV 17. páncà:ìtî ‘assembly’ 1220 18. ùbàhánî ‘rope for drawing water form a well’ 2210 19. kùtùínî ‘bitch’ 2210 VC > V 20. bàhúrî ‘again’2 210 21. súnû ‘listen, imper.’ 20 22. báhùt ‘much’ 12 VC = VC (NF effect)

31. One argument for intervals: syllabic representations conflate certain weight distinctions (e.g. VV before a C-initial syllable vs. VV elsewhere). This conflation leads to a paradox: some VV syllables lose stress to VCC (páncà:ìtî) but others don’t (màhtá:rì.).

a. The syllabic weight paradox: VV >?< VC Evidence for VV > VC (14, 12) Evidence for VC > VV (16, 17)

b. No weight paradox with intervals: VVC > VCC > VV > VC Evidence for VVC > VCC (14, 12) Evidence for VCC > VV (16, 17) Evidence for VV > VC (6-8)

32. A similar argument: some V syllables never get stress, but others do. In interval terms, the

distinction is that between VC and V intervals.

a. The syllabic mystery: Some syllables whose rime is a V never get any stress: pàhùnâí. (1), súnû (21)

2 Text gives a final grave, but that must be a typo.


Most others fail to get stress only in double clash with stronger stress: ùbàhánî (18)

b. The interval resolution: 2 distinct intervals VC > V behind one (C)V syllable.

33. An interval analysis: the weight scale

VVC > VCC > VV > VC > V

π̅ + π̅ π π̆ π̆̆

34. The analysis, 1st part: how to get main stress in the right place π̅ +[-MS] >> *π̅ [-MS] >> *π [-MS] >> NF(MS) >> *π̆ [-MS]

MAINSTRESSR MAINSTRESSR (W), MAINSTRESSL • X[-MS]: assign a * to any form where a position of type X does not carry MS • MAINSTRESSR(W): at most one stress separates the main stress from the end of the word. Assigns a * to forms in which more than one stress follows main stress.

• MAINSTRESSR: no stress separates the main stress from the end of the word • NONFINALITY (MS): Main stress is separated by at least one π from the end of the word.

35. The ranking arguments: π̅ +[-MS] >> *π̅ [-MS]: á:nànd, *à:nánd (14-15) *π̅ [-MS] >> *π [-MS]: pàncá:ìtî, *páncà:ìtî (16) *π [-MS] >> NF(MS): càpûríˑ, *càpúrìˑ (7) NF(MS) >> *π̆ [-MS]: báhùt, *bàhút (22) NF(MS) >> MAINSTRESSR: báhùt, *bàhút (22), etc. MAINSTRESSR(W) >> MAINSTRESSL bò:là:cá:lìˑ, *bó:là:cà:lìˑ (11)

[further ranking arguments left to the reader].

36. The analysis, 2nd part: how to get the difference bvetween 2 stress and 0 stress Intuitively: all πs get stress except the very lightest ones, and the ones that clash with heavier ones.

π̅ +[-stress], *π̅ [-stress], *π[-stress] >> DOUBLE CLASH >> *π̆[-stress] >> * CLASH

*DOUBLECLASH: no stressed π between two stresses, one of which occupies a heavier π.


37. The ranking arguments for the second part: π̅ +[-stress], *π̅ [-stress], *π[-stress] >> DOUBLE CLASH: pàncá:ìtî, * pànca:ìtî3 (17) DOUBLE CLASH >> *π̆[-stress]: càpûríˑ, *càpùríˑ (7)

*π̆[-stress] >> * CLASH: báhùt, *báhut (22)

[more rankings to be discovered, again left to the reader.] Part 6: What will count as a counterexample to this analysis of weight/stress? 38. Intervals provide a finer grained weight hierarchy. The quantity-sensitive constraints on stress

attraction and stress rejection can access every step on the scale. So this system is more powerful than a stress constraint inventory based on syllable-weight.

Is there something it cannot describe?

39. A potential source of counterexamples are systems in which the heaviest syllable wins and, at equal weight, the rightmost wins. To reduce the suspense: there are no such systems. Let’s imagine them.

40. Concretely, yet hypothetically:

• final VC gains stress over medial VCC (e.g. kampár) • final VCC wins over medial VCC (kampárt) • medial VCCC wins over final VC (rámskat) • final V wins over a medial V.C (patá).

41. In syllabic-weight terms, this is easily described: ‘the rightmost heaviest rime wins’.

a. Syllabic weight hierarchy

VCC rime > VC rime > V rime π̅ π π̆

a. Constraints and data bearing on the rankings. (ONESTRESS undominated)

*π̅[-stress] >> *π[-stress] >> STRESS R >> STRESS L rámskat kampár,

kampárt patá

42. In interval-weight terms, this is not so easily described:

The pair rámskat, kampárt shows that VCCC intervals are heavier than VCC, and that at equal weight the rightmost wins. But the pairs kampár, patá contain, in interval terms, a heavier π1 than π2, so one expects penultimate stress. Their final stress is impossible to explain.

If you find such systems, let me know.

3 There’s another candidate, which eliminates the double clash: *pàncá:itî. We need to add a ranking, perhaps *LapseR >> Double Clash, which will force some stress on the penult.


Part 7: ‘Complex onsets’ and weight 43. A basic asymmetry in quantitative rhythm:

a. Heavy clusters: aksa = π̅ π: same metrical distribution as unambiguous π̅ π, e.g. a:ka b. Light clusters: akra = π̆ π: same metrical distribution as unambiguous π̆ π, e.g. aka

44. We focus on the effect of the consonantal interlude (CI) on the weight of the position that precedes it. CI = the C string separating a nucleus from the next one/ the end of the domain. (Hockett 1955).

45. The constituent theory of weight (CTW4): σ ̅ contains a V+X constituent. a. aksa = π̅ π because the syllabic constituents are [ak][sa] b. akra = π̆ π because the constituents are [a][kra]

46. The interval theory of weight (ITW5): a nucleus N belongs to a lighter or a heavier interval depending on the total duration of the interval (N+CI) that contains N.

47. The ITW account of the akra/aksa contrast: π̅ is a V followed by a long interval to the next V. a. aksa = π̅ π: ks is a long CI: a-[---ks---]-a b. akra = π̆ π: kr is a short CI: a-[-kr-]-a c. aka = π̆ π: kr and k form a quantitative category, so the short CI of k is durationally

similar to the short CI of kr.

48. Like Gordon 1999, in contrast to previous work on weight, the ITW seeks to predict weight from interval durations. But unlike Gordon, who aims to predict rime weight, the ITW aims to predict weight unaided by any hypotheses about syllable division.

Concretely: whether aksa is divided by speakers as ak.sa or as a.ksa, if the interval aks is significantly longer than the interval akr in akra, then π1 in aksa is heavier than π1 in akra.

49. Predictions of ITW for languages where some clusters function as light and some as heavy a. The duration of each member of the light CC class should be less than that of any member of

the heavy CC class.

b. The difference in duration between light CC’s and single C’s should be less than that between light and heavy CC’s.

50. Testing these predictions in Romance languages with quantity sensitive stress and 2 cluster types:

Italian, Romanian: Single C Light clusters Heavy Clusters

CaCaCa CaCaPRa CaCaPCa 2 stress options: fámaka, famáka fámakra, famákra fámaksa, famáksa

Speakers rate penultimate stress as overall best (on scale of 1-7). Antepenult stress has intermediate ratings w. single C and PR-clusters, low ratings with PC. Conclusion: both languages distinguish the weight of PR from PC clusters.

4 The CTW is explicit in the work of Greek grammarians (Herodianus: Allen 1973:29); adopted in modern work, after Halle and Vergnaud 1978. 5 The ITW is implicit in the Greek terminology of syllabic weight (“heavy by nature” vs. “heavy by position”), explicit in Sturtevant 1922. Further references on TITW-related arguments of classical metricists in Devine and Stephens 1995:51.


51. Weight and CI-duration of ks- and kr-type clusters: Italian data from McCrary 2007:1366 Durations measured in 24 nonsense [páCCa] words; 51 speakers of Standard Italian (Tuscany).

52. A pilot experiment on cluster durations in Romance (Northern Italian; Romanian)

a. 5 subjects: 3 N Italian, 1 Romanian b. 2 rates: normal and fast c. 2 stops: p and k d. 7 cluster types: T, Tr, Tl, Tn, Ts, Tt, sT (T: p, k)

[no tl, tt, ts, bd, gd, gz, bz, dl, bn, dn in either language] e. 4 word structures: C(C)V, páC(C)V, páC(C)Vta, kopáC(C)Vta f. 5 vowels: a, e, o, i, u g. carrier phrases: dammi la X per favore (‘please give me X’);

pune-l pe X la loc (‘put the X back’)

53. Mean durations of Romanian P(C): effects of cluster composition, syllable count, speech rate

Cluster Rate Mean Duration SD P (P = p, k) Fast 70.89474 12.26057 PR (R=liquid) Fast 83.71053 22.66669 P//O (O= obst) Fast 139.28814 32.17466 P Normal 106.31579 42.42517 PR (R=liquid) Normal 121.51282 35.72473 P//O Normal 165.82456 29.49947

• Main effect for cluster type with levels "p", "p[+liquid]", "pt/ps/sp" F(2,225)=92.9687, p<.0001 and a main effect of speech rate with values "fast" and "normal" F(1,255)=61.9666, p<.0001 and no significant interaction for cluster type X(use times "X" symbol) and rate F(2,225)=0.8627, p>.05. • No significant difference between P and PR (but a trend in that direction).

Significant difference between PR and P//O. 6 McCrary (2007) argues for a different Interlude Theory: V1 duration is an inverse function of CI-duration. She does not discuss weight per se but does document correlations between CI duration and intuitions of heterosyllabic assignment.

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

Tr (146ms) Tl (178ms) Tn (237ms) Ts (252ms) Tt (252ms) sT (225ms)

p t k

kr-‐type clusters ks-‐type clusters


54. Mean durations of Italian P(C): effects of cluster composition, syllable count and speech rate

Cluster Rate Mean Duration SD P (P = p, k) Fast 100.6000 13.35507 PR (R=liquid) Fast 135.3235 15.03072 P//O (O= obst) Fast 183.1017 14.89815 P Normal 127.6111 19.09154 PR (R=liquid) Normal 163.6857 25.13466 P//O Normal 228.8364 27.27620

• A main effect of cluster type with levels "p", "p[+liquid]", "pt/ps/sp" F(2,215)= 340.6859, p<.0001. A main effect of speech rate with values "fast" and "normal" F(1,255)=178.2588, p<.0001 and a significant interaction for cluster type X rate F(2,225) = 5.1694 , p<.001. • I lack an interpretation for the rate X cluster interaction. • The results are otherwise similar to Romanian and as predicted by the ITW.

55. Comments: a. Invariant durational difference between weight classes: light < heavy No member of the light CC class (Tr, Tl) is longer than any corresponding member of the heavy CC class (Ts, sT, Tt). Corresponding = belonging to the same word length/speech rate category.

[1 exception: Romanian 1s N pl ≥ 1 s N pn, 1 s N pt, by 11ms, 9ms respectively.]

b. Variation within the class of heavy clusters: Italian 1 s N sp, ps > pt 2 s N sp > pt > ps 3 s N pt > ps > sp 4 s N pt > sp > ps

c. Single stops more similar in duration to light clusters than light clusters to heavy:

Within each word length/rate category, the duration difference between T and TR (D TR – T) is smaller than that between light and heavy CC (D Ts/sT – TR); durations of T and TR are frequently not distinct.

d. TN clusters are intermediate: Italian pn is similar to pl, other TN clusters look heavy. 56. Summary: The durations of light and heavy clusters in the speech of (for the moment, just a few) Romance speakers are consistent with the predictions of the ITW: the differences between light and heavy clusters are more considerable than those between light clusters and C’s.


Part 8: What can we do about Compensatory Lengthening? 57. Loss of Cs sometimes causes compensatory lengthening (CL) of preceding Vs (Ingria 1980 LI ,

Steriade 1982 diss, Hayes 1989 LI.)

58. Input duration [--a--|--n--] Output duration [--a--------]

59. Earlier studies focus on CL cases that can be understood as preserving the duration of the rime. An interval interpretation of CL is sketched here. I ignore the issue of gradient vs. categorical preservation and focus only on the domain within which length is preserved.

60. C-loss in A.Greek: s and j between sonorants; w everywhere • Initial and intervocalic s becomes aspiration or Ø, without CL: sa -> ha; -esa -> -ea • Pre-son s becomes h and then deletes with CL: esmi -> e:mi, esnai -> e:nai • Post-son s has the same behavior: omso -> o:mo

61. Standard claim: The duration of the lost s is compensated only when it and the preceding V belong to the same rime (Hermann 1923, Ingria 1980, Steriade 1982, Hayes 1989).

• This predicts CL in es.mi -> e:mi • It predicts no CL in e.sa -> e.a. , sa -> ha • It fails to predict CL in om.so -> o:mo.To fix this, a rule invoking moras (Hayes’s 1989): om.so -> om.Øo -> oØ.mo -> o:mo. µµ µ µµ µ µµ µ µµ µ

input (1) (2) (3) Narrating these events:

(1) Onset /s/ is deleted (2) Coda /m/ moves into the now vacant onset position; leaves its own mora behind. (3) The mora left empty by the moved /m/ is filled in with features of the nearest vowel .

62. Resyllabification: In XV1C#V2Y strings, V1’s position is light (in A.Greek meter, and elsewhere).

• A syllable-based analysis of this fact: a coda C moves into the empty onset, VC.V -> V.CV • Consider what the moraic analysis of CL predicts for VC#V:

e n #o -> e n. o -> e .no -> *e: no. µµ µ µµ µ µµ µ µµ µ

inputs (1) (2) (3)

(1) Word-level syllabification: coda /n/ has projected a mora of its own. (2) Coda /n/ moves into the vacant onset position; leaves its own mora behind. (3) The mora left empty by the moved /n/ is filled in with features of the nearest vowel. Wrong!


63. This is a general problem: For every language where loss of coda C causes CL, Hayes’s (1989) analysis predicts that resyllabification (VC#V -> V.CV) will also cause CL7: that’s because the mechanism used to produce CL from loss of a segment cannot be blocked from also affecting the resyllabified string. In fact VC#V is always π̆ π, no vowel ever lengthens in such forms.

64. The interval analysis? (a) Loss of duration associated with deletion of any C belonging to any interval (= any non-initial C) may be compensated: a constraint seeks to maintain the global duration of the input interval IDENT DUR (I). (b) Whether CL happens or not depends on ranking of IDENT [±LONG]V vs. IDENT DUR (I). (c) Competing constraint: *V:/_V, vowels cannot be long before vowels, a Greek specific effect.

65. Predictions for systems where IDENT DUR (I) >> IDENT [±LONG]V:

• CL is predicted in es.mi -> e:mi: 1st interval’s duration is preserved. • CL is predicted in omso -> o:mo. 1st interval’s duration is preserved. • No CL is predicted in e.sa -> e.a in Greek, because *V:/_V is undominated. • No CL predicted in sa -> ha because s does not belong to any interval. • No CL predicted in en#o. 1st interval’s duration never changed.

66. Data in survey of CL (Yun CLS 2011, next page) bears out two predictions of the interval analysis:

a. loss of onset C can cause CL b. CL instances affect a preceding V: Cs belong to the same interval as preceding Vs

(There are 2 known exceptions to (b): here an interval analysis has to appeal to a different mechanism than the preservation of the interval’s input duration.)

67. Conclusion on CL: • Evidence from “onset-CL” contradicts the idea that CL preserves the weight of the rime. • Most of the evidence is consistent with the idea that CL preserves interval duration.

7 Most syllable-based analyses of CL share this wrong prediction. The ones that don’t (Steriade 1982) appeal to further stipulations that neutralize all predictions.


Appendix

68. Swedish (Elert 1960, Löfstedt 1992) and Norwegian (Lunden 2006), below.

a. Stress is limited to the last three syllables. Antepenult only if penult is light and antepenult is heavy: 'VCCVCV(C) Or if penult vowel is in hiatus and final is open: 'VCV.V

b. The stressed syllable must be on the heavy side: Vs lengthen to achieve this goal. The stressed syllable must have a VV or VC rime if nonfinal: VV: epó:ke ‘epoch’, drá:ma ‘drama’, bí:son ‘bison’

VC: mángo, distánse ‘distance’, fiásko ‘fiasco’ disíppel ‘disciple’ índigo ‘indigo’, dóngeri ‘denim’, brókkoli.

It must contain a VV(C) or VCC if final:

VCC: elefánt, horisónt, alárm, almanákk, bagatéll VVC: tulipá:n ‘tulip’, basá:r ‘bazaar’, tomá:t, dipló:m


c. Long V’s and C’s surface only under stress. And V:C:, V:CC is forbidden.

69. An interval analysis. Here is a weight scale.

VVC > VV > VCC > VC > V π̅++ π̅+ π̅ π π̆

There will be evidence for each step, but the main division is {π, π̆} vs. the rest. �

70. The essential part of the analysis: STRESS-TO-WEIGHT (SWP; here *Light π[+stress] ) >> *LONG V >> ID LONG V *π[+stress]: A stressed syllable must be at least as heavy as π ̅.

One * for every stressed π or π̆.

bas'ar *π[+stress] *LONG V ep'oke *π[+stress] ID LONG

☞basa:r W L e'poke W L bas'ar ☞ ep'o:ke m'ango *π[+stress] *LONG V al'arm *π[+stress] *LONG V ☞m'ango W ☞al'arm W m'a:ngo al'a:rm

Medial and final VCC do not lengthen because they reach the π ̅-heavy level without violating *LONG V. Final and medial VC must lengthen, because they are just π-heavy. Moral: Intervals don’t divide the C-interlude into coda + onset, so the unified behavior of all VCC sequences can be recognized. Because syllables divide the C-interlude into coda + onset, excluding onsets, they lead to the expectation that final VC and medial VC rimes will be equally heavy.

71. More details relating to the distribution of length. Non-final stress for VC final words is exceptional, but as b'i:son shows, it exists.

*π[+stress], ID STRESS >> *LONG V>> ID LONG V Long C’s degeminate when away from stress: hypothetical appell -> [ap'ell]. No cluster of distinct C’s is simplified: sjasmín does not become *sjamin.

MAX C >> (WSP) *π̅[-STRESS] >> ID LONG C

bas'ar ID STRESS ID LONG V b'iso:n ID STRESS ID LONG V

☞basa:r W L ☞b'i:son W L bas'ar bis'o:n

app'ell *π̅[-stress] *ID LONG C sjasmin MAX C *π̅[-stress]

☞ap'ell W L ☞sjasm'i:n W L app'ell sjam'i:n


72. More details about stress:

Stress does not fall to the left of antepenult (antil'o:pe, *ántilope). Stress tends to go to the antepenult only in search of a VCC which allows it to avoid a long V (d'ongeri), or to avoid hiatus (further below). At equal weight, stress chooses the rightmost π: distánse, tulipán. *EXTLAPSER >> IDENT STRESS >> WSP *π̅[-stress] >> *LAPSE, STRESSR antilope *EXTLAPSER *π̅[-stress] antilope *EXTLAPSER *LAPSE ☞ antil'o:pe

W L ☞ antil'o:pe

W

'antilope ant'i:lope

distanse *π̅[-stress] *LAPSE dongeri *π̆[+stress] *LONG ☞dist'anse W ☞d'ongeri W d'istanse dong'e:ri

anemone *LAPSE tulipan STRESS R ☞anem'o:ne W ☞tulip'a:n W an'e:mone tul'i:pan

Finally, stress goes on the penult in words ending in VCV. I interpret this as evidence that stress prefers the heavier interval V:C to V:. I use a constraint that looked inactive to achieve this: *π ̅+[+stress] ‘don’t have stress on positions that are less heavy than π ̅++(VVC).’ anemone *π̅+[+stress] STRESS R ☞anem'o:ne W L anemon'e: This same constraint can correctly predict rightmost stress in VCCVC: VCC is as heavy as VVC, then Stress R chooses the rightmost heavy. sjasm'in *π̅+[+stress] STRESSR ☞sjasm'i:n W sj'asmin In forms like dóngeri I assume the stress is lexical. dongeri *π̅+[+stress] IDSTRESS STRESS R ☞dóngé:ri W L dongé:ri The preference for V:C is inhibited by an underlying consonantal geminate: bagatell IDLONG C *π̅+[+stress] ☞ bagat'ell W L bagat'e:l


73. Minor stress patterns in Norwegian: hiatus

Apparently all Norwegian words ending in final V.V get antepenult stress. (Learners seem to have acquired this imperfectly: cf. p. 178). The only examples given involve i.V: f'o:lie ‘foil’ abr'a:sio ‘abrasion’ end'i:vie ‘lettuce plant’ 'a:sie ‘white cucumber’ Words ending in V.VC get final stress: bavi'a:n ‘baboon’

74. Analysis of hiatus effect: it can be the same as the avoidance of final stress on V

DEP, *π̅+[+stress] >> *LAPSE, STRESS R

folie *π̅+[+stress] STRESS R or *LAPSE ☞f'o:lie W L fol'i:e or foli'e:

Or it can involve an additional dispreference for long V: before V: *V: /_V >> *LAPSE, STRESS R

75. Main points:

• difference between medial and final ‘closed’ syllables is predicted by intervals • difference between ‘open’ syllables before V vs. C (V:.V and V:.C) is also predicted • the formal analysis relies on a combination of SWP (*π[+stress] if too short for stress) and WSP (*π[-stress] if too long to be stressless). SWP will also help deal with cases where the VC finals look heavy.

*EXTLAPSER *π[+STRESS] MAX C ID STRESS *π̅[-STRESS] ID LONG C *π̅+[+STRESS] *LONG V *LAPSE ID LONG V STRESS R

76. Comparison to alternatives: Lunden (2006) has a theory of C-extrametricality according to which final lengthening brings the lengthened final V close to the durational category of final VC, too close for any weight difference between these two to remain. (More on this below.) So the basic difference between Lunden’s story and mine is that for her words in V# and words in VC# end in roughly comparably heavy or light positions. By contrast, I recognize a weight difference between them, with V (= lengthened V:) lighter than VC (= lengthened V:C) while still recognizing that both V and VC are too light to survive under stress without lengthening.


The fact that VC#-words and V#-words differ in the weight of their final position is supported by the vast difference in final vs. non-final stresses between them (cf. below). Conclusion: Lunden’s general explanation for C-extrametricality may be right in some cases but is wrong for Norwegian. We need intervals to explain Norwegian.

77. The following data from Kristoffersen (2000:153) tells a partly different story from Lunden:

\

78. Other final “C-extrametricality” cases involving final VC counted as too light: • Menomini (in Hayes 1995:219): in non-initial feet, stressed V’s lengthen but only if the lengthening will yield V:CC, (cf. a). They don’t lengthen if the result is just V:C, except in clash (d). This means that they don’t lengthen when followed by one C in ‘open syllables’ (cf. d) or when they are followed by just one C’s word finally (cf. c). • Other comparable systems where final VC is counted as light, but not final VCC: other Scandinavian languages (Icelandic, Swedish), Greek, Estonian, Cairene, Damascus, Levantine, Negev Bedouin Arabic, Hindi, Spanish and Romanian

• There is no effect of WSP attracting stress to the antepenult: of the 62 relevant forms (rows 2 and 6) only 12 get antepenult stress. • The rate of antepenult stresses in row 1 is higher than in row 2, even though WSP is moot in that case. • Final CV and CVC are systematically different: rates of final stress are at 0-3% in final CV words (rows 1-4) but at 50-80% in final CVC (rows 5-8). • Final CVC and CVCC are also different: compare rows 5 and 9.

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