east german women in transition (pcee 12) marilyn rueschemeyer

8/4/2019 East German Women in Transition (PCEE 12) Marilyn Rueschemeyer.

1/22

East German Women in TransitionBy Marilyn RueschemeyerRhode Island School of DesignandBrown University

Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #12

Integration of East Germany into the Federal Republic has resulted in high unemploymentand a severe reduction of state subsidies for childcare and other social benefits. Althoughconfronted with a dramatic change in their expectations, East German women have joinedneither Ihe WO!u~H'~ movement nor the major political parties in large numbers. Yet it isthrough pressure within the political parties and through social-political coalitions thatprogressive policies are most likely developed.


2/22


3/22

1

Since unification, the new states of the FederalRepublic of Germany that were formerly the German DemocraticRepublic (GDR) have faced a plethora of problems. Theindustrial production of East Germany has been reduced tohalfi wages are 50-60 percent lower than in the west. Thenew states do not have the financial resources to pay formany of the social benefits, cultural and educationalsubsidies, etc. that were provided before. Unemployment ishigh, and it is increasing. By the summer of 1991, half ofall those eligible to work may be unemployed1 Workers arecrossing over to the West, taking jobs for comparatively lowwages and then returning at the end of the day to what wasonce the GDR. Every day, about 500 people move to WestGermany with the intention to staYi most of those who leaveare young and skilled workers. Investment by West Germanfirms in the East has been slow and hesitant.2 In the Springof 1991, there were large protest demonstrations in .severalcities as well as strikes.3 Even with impressive outlays of1 The Week in Germany (February 15, 1991, p.5) reportedthat the German Institute for Economic Research calculatedthe unemployment rate in the former GDR to be around 10percent. With 1.8 million people on reduced working hours inJanuary, the Institute carne up with a rate of 21 percent,Norbert Blum spoke of a future rate of up to 50 percentaccording to the Spiegel, March 4,1991.2 One problem that seemed responsible for this is thes~ttlement of the property rights of former owners. This hasbeen partially resolved by providing in certain casescritical for the reconstruction effort for compensationrather than restoration of title to former owners, thus nottying the property up in litigation.3 The Metal Workers Union, for example, succeeded inobtaining a gradual raise in this industry's wages so thatby 1994 they will be equal to wages paid in the west. Thesuccess of the metal workers' action w~s important for thestrength of the union in the west as well. On the otherhand, unless increases in wages are generally subsidized by


4/22

the federal government, many people in the East feel as ifthey are poor relatives that are at best tolerated. They areinexperienced citizens of a market economy.4 Thus, thereare now many reflections about whether it was a good idea tointroduce a market economy so quickly - even in suchjournals committed to free market policies as the Economist.

Why then focus specially on women? It has becomeincreasingly evident that women more than any other groupare facing a situation that involves a dramatic turnabout ofexpectations. Their social self-conception is put intoquestion as well as that familiarity "with the turf" whichis so important for the control women exert over their ownlives.

After World War II, the two German states started outwith very different orientations towards women. Themale/female division of labor and traditional gender roleswere quickly restored in post-war West Germany.5 This inspite of the equal-rights provision of the .Grundgesetz of1949. By 1980, under the pressure of the European community,the Equal Treatment Act was passed, and with the growinginfluence of the women's movement and a greater role ofwomen in political parties (who could point to legislationi~ East Ger~any addressing some of the needs of workingfamilies), there have been slow but impressive changes. Justover half of West German women are in the labor force.Though this is not particularly high in the Western contextthe federal government, there is danger of further joblosses.4 For example, so many people have been besieged byunscrupulous salesmen and have bought into corrupt insuranceschemes that the government has had to extend the period fordissolving all such agreements.5 Marilyn Rueschemeyer and Hanna Schissler, r r W o m e n i n t h eTwo Germanies," German Studies Review, Special DDAD Issue,Winter 1990, pp.71- 85.

2


5/22

3

as a whole, the supports and family policies are far moredeveloped in the Federal Republic than in the United States.Measures advancing equal opportunities for women andchildcare are not, however, as developed as in theScandanavian countries.

In the GDR, as in West Germany, too, there was a severeshortage of men at the end of the Second World War. Thelabor force was further diminished by emigration, and theeconomic system of central planning generated on its own achronic labor shortage. That condition resulted in policiesstrongly favoring a high labor force participation of women,though these policies were also flavored at least byideologies of the Weimar period. Nearly 90 percent of allwomen eligible to work were studying or in the labor forcebefore unification.6 Public policy also supported anexpanded system of occupational training. Seventy percent ofall women had completed an apprenticeship or more advancedvocational training, and women of forty years and youngerhad achieved the same educational standards as men.7Finally, the state provided day care centers, generousmaternal leaves and other important supports for women.These changes helped to transform the lives of many women byincreasing work opportunities and allowing them more choicein arranging their personal lives.

In the last few years, however, even before theopening of the borders, there was increasing and open

6 A third of the women in the former GDR worked part-time,typically six rather than eight housrs a day. Thispercentage is similar to the percentage of women workingpart-time in West Germany, except that part-time work in theFederal Republic may involve less than 15 hours a week withall the accompanying consequences.7 Women comprised about half the college and universitystudents; they concentrated mainly in economics,education,literature and languages.


6/22

discontent about issues of women that were still unresolvedin the GDR. The official Democratic Women's Federation,which started out in ~he Soviet zone of Germany as an effortto encourage women to join the workforce, transmit officialideology, and teach women needlework and all the othernecessary skills they needed to run a good household, wasnot an organization that addressed the real needs andfrustrations of working women, even if it did important workwith the elderly and make some improvements in theresidential areas.

Complaints in the GDR revolved around what is afamiliar theme: the difficulties of integrating work andfamily life, even with the expansion of day care centers inthe 60s and housing availability in the 70s and 80s. Theextensive use of shift work despite the complaints ofworkers about its effects on family life, the long work dayand, for many, a strenuous commute to and from work, theoften uncoordinated schedules of men and women, theinadequacy of consumer goods and other services, etc.resulted in exhaustion and strain for both men and women.8These difficulties were compounded by the unequal divisionof labor in the family, which was indeed only slowlychanging among the younger and more educated couples - moreS0 wi~h ~~~l:2~i~g ~nd the care of children than with otherhousehold chores. And for single women with children ( athird of all children in the former GDR were born to singlemothers) there were special problems. Aside from lonelinessand the financial constraints of managing on a si0gleincome, those who lived in the new residential areas thatsurround urban centers complained about the lack ofactivities in the community for single parents, the

8 For more details, see Marilyn R u e s c h e r n e y e r , P r o f e s s i o n a lWork and Marriage:An East-West Comparison,London: Macmillanand New York: St.Martin's Press,1981. (paperback 1986)

4


7/22

5

difficulty of leaving the children and returning to the cityagain after the work day, and the boredom of their lives.

Sociologists working on the issues of women typicallypointed to the small number of women in the highestleadership positions in industry, in the university and inpolitics even if a third of all middle-level positions wereheld by women. There was discrimination in hiring; and fromchildhood on there was still a tendency to channel womeninto more traditional fields and free-time activities.9

Yet a Spiegel poll published on January 1st, 1991,showed that two thirds of the East Germans interviewedconsidered the GDR ahead of the BRD in matters of genderequality; nearly a third of West Germasns agreed. More thanhalf of the East Germans, women as well as men, thought thatwomen had equal chances at work, while a third saw mengettimg preferential treatment. Asked whether one shouldresign oneself to the fact that day care centers would nolonger be guaranteed, two thirds disagreed10 In the formerGDR, over 80 percent of children aged 1-3 were in nurseries,and nearly 90 percent of those between 3 and 6 were inkindergardens.

Women WAre active and involved in the dramatic changesthat occurred in East Germany, even before the bordersopened. They became more involved in professional

9 Hildegard Nickel, "Sex-Role Socialization inRelationships as a Function of the Division of Labor:ASociological Explanation for the Reproduction of GenderDifferences" in Marilyn Rueschemeyer and Christiane Lemke(eds.) The Quality of Life in the German DemocraticRepublic:Changes and Developments in a State SocialistSociety, New York and London: M.E.Sharpe Inc., 1989, pp. 48-58.10 Spiegel Spezial, Das Profil der Deutschen, Nr. 1/1991,pp. 46,66.


8/22

6

associations in the last few years, an indication, I think,of their belief in actually being able to bring about somereal social change. One interesting example involvedelections in the Union of Artists. There was a greatincrease in the number of women elected to the districtleadership. A third of the new people elected (half of allthose in leadership positions were new) were women.11 Thedistrict elections did indeed have consequences for theNational Congress elections even if the changes were lessfar reaching than anticipated.12

Women took an active part in the demonstrations thaterupted in cities throughout the GDR. Yet they felt it wasimperative now to organize an independent association toarticulate the social policies and programs they envisioned;in part that was due to what the women interpreted asinsufficient support by the general opposition groups. In1989, an independent women's movement was formed, acoalition of groups from all over the GDR which includedsocialist women's initiatives as well as Christian women'sgroups.13 Women actively participated in the Round Tableswhere democratic political negotiation and administrationtook place during a temporary period of GDR governmentbefore the elections of March 1990. The Round Tables existedall ever the ceuntry either as cealitions or as replacementsof the old leadership.

11 "Zu den Sektionswahlversammlungen derBezirksorganisationen des Verbandes Bildender Kuenstler derDDR," Bildende Kunst, Heft 10, 1985,p.434.12 See Marilyn Rueschemeyer,"State Patronage in the GermanDemocratic Republic:Artistic and Political Change in a StateSocialist Society" in Journal of Arts/Management, Law,forthcoming.13 Brigitte Weichert and Helmut Hoepfner, "Frauen in Politikund Gese11schaft" in Gunnar Winkler,ed., Frauen-Report '90,Berlin: Verlag Die Wirtschaft, pp. 199-227.


9/22

7

There were many meetings with West German women, undera variety of auspices - of political parties, women'smovements, feminist intellectuals, etc. It is not surprisingthat these revealed tensions between West and East as wellas a growing number of divergent interpretations andunderstandings of the causes of remaining genderinequalities in the GDR. In the beginning, a number of GDRwomen involved in these meetings often felt that their pointof view and their concerns were not respected but that afeminist theology was presented to them, to take on as theirown holy cause.

At one meeting of Greens from East and West, twowestern Green representatives put down the idea ofmotherhood while their East German sisters - many of whomwere single mothers - had their children in the very nextroom cared for by two young women. The East German womenfinally took over the meeting to discuss their own issues.14The differences between the two groups were not surprising.An interesting study of women members of the West GermanBundestag indicated that the younger cohort of Greens(compared to the somewhat older SPD women who wanted tocombine family and career and the even older CDU women whowe~e ge~e~ally more conservative in orientation) have beenmore strongly influenced by feminist notions that familycommitments and women's equality are mutually exclusive andthat women should remain single to fulfill theirpotential.15

14 These remarks are based on observation of a meeting inRostock.15 Eva Ke1insky, "Political Participation and ParliamentaryCareers: Women's Quotas in West Germany," West EuropeanPolitics, Vol.14, Jan. 1991, Nr.l, pp.56-72.


10/22

8

A little less than a year ago, probably the loudestvoices expressed concern about maintaining abortion rights,day care centers, tne right to work, everything that hadbeen gained by women in the GDR. With unification, voicesthat were less publicly heard in the old regime were nowbeing openly sounded, voices that were more in tune with theChristian Democratic Party "choirs" allover the land,accompanied by the appropriate Blockfloten.16 Now theappropriate goal of women should be to stay at home andestablish that family life that fits more with traditionalvalues. Clearly, while the financial and occupationalsituation remains so fragile, such a retreat into the familynest is impossible for most people. Some women talked abouthow hard it had been, how their children and family life hadsuffered because of their working, because their childrenwere in day care centers, etc. For some, it is easier toblame the difficulties of their children - the deepalienation of so many young people - on these factorsrather than on the way their parents interacted with theapparatus of the state.

These of course were not only new voices. The lessskilled the women, the less enthusiastic they were abouttheir work; and the more other factors -location of day care~~~t~rs, ~0rkp!~~es, access to markets, attitudes ofhusbands - made it difficult to combine work and familycommitments, the more appealing that "other life" became.

There are also a variety of intellectual orprofessional reflections critically evaluating the women'spolicies of the GDR past. The state from its very beginnings

16 Here the word for a musical instrument also refers tothe political parties in the former GDR which were notreally independent of the dominant communist party. Thesuggestion is that some former GDR citizens are conformingnow to the CDU party line.


11/22

9

was patriarchal in personnel and outlook. Of course genderinequalities remained, given that the main goal of the statewas to use the labor of women. There was no real analysis ofthe problems and the restructuring that would have to takeplace on all levels of GDR life in order to create realgender equality.

At the same time, many recognize that individualwomen's lives were affected by their participation in work,that the workplace, especially the more skilled occupations,did empower them and did affect their sense of competenceand independence, as well as provide financial resources andcommunity outside the house. So with all the attractions ofthat grass on the other side, there are many women who wouldnot think of staying home and not working, who search for acompatibility between work and the family, fewer hours, moretime to be with the children, "going out to lunch, playingtennis", as one East German SPD woman functionaryfantasized.17 In a poll by the Institute for Applied SocialResearch in Bad Godesberg taken in the Fall of 1990 only 3percent of 1,432 women between 16 and 60 in the new statesdescribed "housewife" as a "dream job"; 58 percent thoughtthat mothers with careers were "just as good" as mothers whostayed at home.

We still do not know how the employment of women andtheir social and economic situation more generally willdevelop, but we can say a few words about the reality ofwomen's lives since unification. At this point, a higherpercentage of women than men have been laid off (52 percentvs. 48 percent), and women are most likely going to becontinually affected by high unemployment. They are stronglyrepresented in light industry, textiles and clothing,

17 During an interview in the fall of 1990.


12/22

10

electronics, chemistry and plastics - industries which havebeen adversely affected by unification, and they are lessrepresented than men in construction, transportation, andother industries which will necessarily receive support.Better educated women often filled administrative positions,many of which were related to the central economy and arelikely to be decimated; they have been involved in culturalinstitutions, publishing houses, etc. that continue to bereduced. This has affected the atmosphere at the workplaceso that already over a year ago, women talked about thegrowing tension and decreasing rapport among theircolleagues. In the view of many women18, although they areformally represented by a union, they again do not feelrepresented by anyone and have voiced complaints aboutexploitation, and not only in terms of salary. Womenmentioned that they are afraid to open their mouths. Indeed,the Federation of German Trade Unions reports thatinfringements of the labor laws are cornmon in easternGermany. Ursula Engelen-Kefer, the deputy director of theWest German Federation suggested that companies try to takeadvantage of the unfamiliarity of employees and workers'councils with the laws and that these problems would becomeeven more serious when negotiated protection againstdismissal runs out at the end of June 1991.19

The East German sociologist Hildegard Nickel predictsthat training quotas for young women will no longer apply;interests and personal preferences will again acquiregreater weight; the pread of technology will make theadministrative spheres connected with these attractive to

18 Interviewed in the Spring and Fall of 1990.19 Interestingly, Engelen-Kefer noted that although theEast German courts were not yet fully functioning, "some 40union legal offices in eastern Germany in some cases had toinitiate more than 2,000 legal proceedings a month. "The Weekin Germany, April 26, 1991, p.5.


13/22

11

male labor, introducing competition in finance, marketing,personnel management.20 Because of the extreme situation,government measures are being initiated to deal withunemployment and job creation; these are mandated to benefitwomen in proportion to their share of the unemployed.

East German women are not unlikely to facediscrimination when they apply for high level jobs, and theyhave limited recourse for challenging such decisions. TheEEC stipulations are relatively weak. The present governmentcoalition is discussing strengthening the laws againstdiscrimination. Women's rights were also among thecomponents introduced in West German labor negotiationsduring the last few years.

Anticipation of difficulties with daycare and concernabout the primary wage earner provide good excuses forturning the woman down and choosing the man. And temporaryand part-time work are less secure than being a permanentmember of the work force.21 The preference for hiring men iscombined with the expectation that women will take care of"family" matters.

The time women devote to confronting the new challengesof the market economy is a further factor inhibiting themfrom taking the time they need to search for work. Dealingwith schools, medical care and a different style ofconsumerism calls for a great deal of attention and energy.

20 Paper presented at the lREX subcommission on women andwork in the former GDR and the United States, HumboldtUniversity, Berlin, 1991.21 As it stands, protection from being fired under Federallaw lasts from the beginning of pregnancy until some weeksafter the birth. (Informationen,Nr.l/1991,p.28. andinformation from Dr. Hanna Beate Schoepp-Schilling, Ministryfor Women and Youth).)


14/22

12

Even if both men and women see these tasks as vitallyimportant, they are absorbing and enormously time consuming.They also re-enforce traditional notions of the genderdivision of labor.

Single women with children among the unemployed facespecial problems. The special supports for these women -access to childcare facilities and kindergardens - areendangered. Several proposals are being discussed now toinsure daycare with support from the Federal government.These proposals are being debated and face stiff opposition.In the meantime, the five new states are responsibile fortheir own policies and financial support of daycare whilethey face extreme budget difficulties generally. Even withcontinuity assured until the summer, many parents areconcerned about the loss of daycare or expenses for daycarethey can ill afford. University students or students invocational training will also face new problems. They nolonger will be able to count on childcare supports and otherfacilities for students with children.

These issues, combined with concerns about futureabortion regulations could theoretically play themselves outin the formation of a strong woman's movement or in strongW0men's involvement in political parties. In fact, theindependent women's groups are not that active and have notbeen able to mobilize women to any substantial degree. Theformerly state-run Women's Federation, even after conductingsecret elections and initiating new activities, has a verylow membership.

Why this weakness in women's collective organization?Aside from the fact that many women are concerned withissues they consider more important right now, the hesitancyto get involved is first of all related to the role of thestate in the former GDR. It was the State that addressed the


15/22

13

issues of women on its own terms, developed the policiesthat affected their lives, and presented the publicinterpretations of tnese policies and goals as well. Therewas no mechanism enabling women to be their own advocates.Thus it is no surprise that women have limited practice informing pressure groups and becoming their own advocates,even if these groups might be really important for what theywant to accomplish.

Furthermore, they are unlikely to become active if theyfeel they have no impact. In the former GDR, there werestrong tendencies to withdraw from public life andconcentrate on the more private sphere. That inclination islikely to continue. It will be all the stronger among allthose people - often highly qualified - who did get involvedwith the state and party in the past and now are seen ascompromised.

Finally, inequality is rapidly increasing in theeastern part of Germany. Those who are relatively well off,now experience gains in income as well as through socialsupports of the state, while the many others who lose inthis process are the weakest and have the least power toorganize. This applies to women generally and to thosethre3te~ed with llnemployment as well as single mothers inparticular.

Such weakness of women's collective organization doesnot bode well for the chances of legislation andadministrative action supportive of women's interests. Thewomen's bureaus that were instituted in each community inthe spring of 1990 - with at least one full paid position inevery community with more than ten thousand people - are nosubstitutes for political organization and influence.


16/22

14

Certain developments in the West German politicalparties seem particularly promising. The Social DemocraticParty (SPD) now has -as its goal a quota of 40 percent womenfor all party offices, a goal they hope to reach by the year2000. In public administration, the SPD has a 50 percentquota as its goal which is presently being challenged in theconstitutional court in Northrhein Westfalia. In themeantime, 26 percent of Social Democratic deputies in theBundestag are women. That compares to 13 percent in theCDU/CSU, which has its own plan for a women's quota based onmembership in the party, 19 percent in the Free DemocraticParty (FDP), half of the transformed communist party (PDS),three women and five men in the Bundestag delegation of theBundnis 90/Green coalition. Altogether, 20 percent of theBundestag members are women.22 The large percentage ofhighly educated women, especially among the deputies of theSPD and the Greens (before their recent loss) providesanother potential support for policies fostering genderequality.23

22 In 1989, nearly a fifth of the council seats inmunicipalities and cities with a population over 20,000 inthe Federal Republic were held by women compared to only12.5 percent in 1984. The Week in Germany, June 15, 1990,p.6.L~ Eva K~linsky sugges~ed ~ha~ Wl~n quota commitments, thepolitical parties in Western Germany were increasinglygeared towards educated middle-class women with the possibleconsequence that the lower stratum would be increasinglyless integrated. (~linsky, op.cit., p.70.) CDU Minister ofWomen and Youth Angela Merkel of eastern Germany is criticalfrom another perspective. She recently spoke out against the"rigid quota system" suggesting that it was"constitutionally questionable and ill-equipped to masterthe varied tasks of public administration and a flexiblepersonnel policy." The Week in Germany, April 26, 1991, p.2.Her political opponents have accused her of mouthingpolicies set forth by Chancellor Kohl and of not furtheringthe position of women.

Kohl appointed four women to the new cabinet: IrmgardAdam Schwatzer (Free Democratic Party), Hannelore R6nsch(CDU), Angela Merkel (CDU), and Gerda Hasselfeld (CSU).


17/22

15

Women active in the Federal Republic are turning to theState for measures, ~aws, policies, that address the issuesof women. That in itself is not unusal because West Germanyis a "Sozialstaat", with a long welfare state tradition. Anycomplete understanding of women's issues in Germany musttake this into account, even though these welfare statepolicies may be quite conservative in their overallconception of gender issues. West German women are advocateson their own behalf, and they are skilled in this, thoughthis does not mean that the f?rces that promote genderequality are winning all or even most battles. Some of theproposals have multiple consequences. Extending the eighteenmonth parental leave to three years, moderately funded bythe federal government, would increase the possibility ofremaining home and returning at a later period to work; butit may also mean a neglect of daycare centers, making itmore difficult for both parents to seek employment. It mayalso lead to discrimination in hiring against which, asmentioned above in connection with EEC directives, thereexists only weak protection. And it may result in channelingwomen into the household for several years. There is noconsensus in West German society on these issues, and atthis point, most women in eastern Germany do not feel enougha part of the system to wo~k in it O~ their own behalf.

In the five new states, the Social Democrats (who in theWest were, together with the Greens before their recentdefeat, most progressive on women's issues) were successfulonly in the state of Brandenburg, the area surroundingBerlin. Regine Hildebrandt (SPD), the Brandenburg ministerfor Social Policy, Labor, Families and Women, has become aheroine because she distributes birth control pills withoutcost, continuing the GDR policy.In more recent state elections in West Germany, theSocial Democrats gained votes. After the last of these, inin the Spring of 1991, they will be able to form thegovernment in Rhineland-Palatinate in coalition with theFree Democrats or with the Greens. As a result, theconservatives have lost their majority in the Bundesrat, thesecond house of the German parliament.


18/22

16

Ironically, according to some of my colleagues in WestGermany, unification has created opportunities for WestGerman women to push for gender equality that did not existbefore. Many of the new policies I already mentioned havecome about as a result of the tensions that developed afterunification. Another example is the abortion issue, the muchdebated paragraph 218 in the criminal code. In spite ofintensive maneuvering of Kohl and the CDU24, there is a goodchance that the criminal code will be liberalized. Theagreement underlying the current government coalitionprovides for a Bundestag vote according to each member'sconscience on this issue and not along party lines. The FDPhas a proposal that abortion be legalized for the firstthree months of pregnancy with only one condition - that thewomen have counseling; the SPD has the same proposal, onlywithout conditions; Rita Suessmuth, Speaker of the Bundestagand one of the most popular CDU politicians, has proposed athird way, which is considered somewhat more conservativebut still more flexible than the current regulations, whilethe state of Bayern is pursuing constitutional claimsagainst the current conservative regulation as toopermissive.

0~~~~ p01i~i~s that are being initiated includeincreasing the number of days allowed for sick-leave fromfive to ten (for single mothers twenty) days as well asraising the age of the sick child to include those 12 and

24 See Spiegel of March 11, 1991. Some of the politics aredifficult to assess at a distance. Kohl broke up theministry on women, the elderly, youth, etc. into three ...All heads are women and said to be relatively weak. Theabortion issue was taken out of Angela Merkel's (East GermanCDU) ministry for women and put in the ministry dealing withfamilies. But Merkel who declared her opposition to theliberal GDR regulation runs a party commission on the issue.Other East German women with the same position play also keyroles in the CDU strategy.


19/22

17

under. Previously in the Federal Republic, parents wereallowed to stay horne only if a child was eight or younger.These measures, as well as the eighteen month parental leaveand the plans for its extension (with 600 marks for half ayear and then staggered according to income) were inresponse to tense reactions in East Germany to the loss ofsimilar benefits. As important as these are, they mayaggravate discrimination in hiring if stronger legalmeasures against such discrimination are not forthcoming.

As it is, the percentage of women in the highestpositions in politics, economic institutions, and in theuniversity remains low in all parts of the country. Thesehurdles were not overcome in either West or East Germany.

Even with the possibility that women advocating genderequality will lose on issues they consider vital, there is afeeling of excitement about many of the policies that arenow being discussed in the political arena. But these arediscussions of policies. The reality of the lives of womenin eastern Germany is characterized by a great deal oftension, insecurity, and even despair, both because ofgeneral economic and social conditions and because of theirparticular situation as women in the new states.

However, it is through the political system that thesupports for both men and women to play new and equal rolesin both public and private life are most likely to beadvanced. The hesitation of East German women to activelyparticipate in shaping politics will endanger theirinterests in the long-run. Furthermore, to be effective, itis necessary for East and West German women to find a way ofjoining forces. Without such cooperation the participationof East German women will be weak. Unfortunately, the stateof the East German economy, the present preference forhiring men, and the absorption of many women into the


20/22

"private" sphere leads to a vicious cycle of retreat fromboth the economy and the polity and to even greaterdifficulties of reintegrating into the piublic sphere in thefuture.

18


21/22

The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies

The Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies is an interdisciplinaryprogram organized within the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences anddesigned to promote the study of Europe. The Center's governingcommittees represent the major social science departments at Harvard andthe Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Since its establishment in 1969, the Center has tried to orient studentstowards questions that have been neglected both about past developments ineighteenth- and nineteenth-century European societies and about the present.The Center's approach is comparative and interdisciplinary, with a strongemphasis on the historical and cultural sources which shape a country'spolitical and economic policies and social structures. Major interests ofCenter members include elements common to industrial societies: the roleof the state in the political economy of each country, political behavior,social movements, parties and elections, trade unions, intellectuals, labormarkets and the crisis of industrialization, science policy, and theinterconnections between a country's culture and politics.

For a complete list of Center publications r : w orking Paper Series, Program on Centraland Eastern Europe Working Paper Series, German Politics and Society, a journalappearing three times annually, and French Politics and SOciety, a quarterly journal)please contact the Publications Department, 27 Kirkland St, Cambridge MA 02138.Additional copies can be purchased for $4. A monthly calendar of events at the Center isalso available at no cost


22/22

Pro ram on Central and Eastern Euro e WorkinThe Program on Central and Eastern Europe at the Center for European Studies was established to develop andpromote research in the field of East European Studies. Made possible by a generous grant from the Ford Foundation, theProgram aims to attract students and faculty in the broader social sciences to the field, to bring prominent scholars and in-tellectuals from both the U.S. and Europe to Harvard, and to establish a permanent meeting place for the effective exchangeof ideas among those interested in Central and Eastern Europe.1990-1991 Committee of Senior Advisors:Stanley HotTmann (Chair), C. Douglas Dillon Professor of the Civilization of France and Chairman of the Minda deGunzburg Center for European StudiesStanislaw Baranczak, Alfred Jurzykowski Professor of Polish Language and Literature, Harvard UniversitySuzanne Berger, Ford International Professor of Political Science, MITJanos Kornai, Professor of Economics, Harvard UniversityCharles S. Maier, Professor of History, Harvard UniversityAndrei Markovits, Associate Professor of Political Science, Boston UniversityCharles Sabel, Professor of Political Science, MITAndrew G. Walder, Professor of Sociology, Harvard UniversityProgram Coordinators:Grzegorz Ekiert, Assistant Professor of Government, Harvard UniversityAnthony Levitas, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Political Science, MITAnnamaria Seleny, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Political Science, MITThe Program on Central and Eastern Europe Working Papers Series, edited by Grzegorz Ekiert, is designed to stimulate schol-arly discussion in the field of Eastern European studies as well as to provide a useful means for circulating work in progress.The series is open to articles or chapters prior to final publication and papers prepared for professional meetings. Priority willbe given to papers by affiliates or presented at study groups and conferences at the Center for European Studies.1. Jan Kubik, "Social and Political Instability in Poland: A Theoretical Reconsideration" (1990)2. Michael Bernhard, "Legitimation and Instability: The Fatal Link" (1990)3. Michael D. Kennedy, "The Constitution of Critical Intellectuals: Polish Physicians, Peace Activistsand Democratic Civil Society" (1989)4. Giuseppe di Palma, "Democratic Transitions: Puzzles and Surprises from West to East" (1990)5. David Stark, "Work, Worth, and Justice in a Socialist Mixed Economy" (1990)6. Janusz M. Dabrowski, Michal Federowicz, Anthony Levitas, "Stabilization and State Enterprise Adjustment:The Political Economy of State Firms after Five Months of Fiscal Discipline, Poland 1990"(1990)7. Charles Maier, "Why Did Communism Collapse in 1989?" (1991)8. David Ost, "Shaping a New Politics in Poland: Interests and Politics in Post-Communist EastEurope" (1991)9. Michael Fichter, "From Transmission Belt to Social Partnership: The Case of Organized Labor inEast Germany" (1991)10. Jacek Kochanowicz, "Is Poland Unfit for Capitalism?" (1991)11. Anna Seleny, "Hidden Enterprise, Property Rights Reform and Political Transformation in Hungary"(!991)12. Marilyn Rueschemeyer, "East German Women in Transition" (1991)- - - - Program on Central and Eastern Europe WORKING PAPER SERIES ORDER FORM - - - -NAME AND ADDRESS:

Each paper: $4.00. Please add $1.00 per issue/copy to cover mailing to addresses outside the USA or Canada.PAPER NO(S). Total amount enclosedEnclose check or money order made out to HARVARD UNIVERSITY and send to:Pub lications O ffice, C enter for European S tud ies, 27 K irk land Street, C ambridge, M A 02138

east german women in transition (pcee 12) marilyn rueschemeyer

Documents