RICHARDJ. DEASY

Education in Japan:Surprising Lessons

Japan's economic success isshaped largely by its geography,culture, and society; we cannot

expect to achieve economicgrowth by copyingJapanese education.

hose of us charged with the careof America's public schools haverecently been urged to learn

some lessons from the Japanese.These exhortations come not onlyfrom prestigious sources (the reportof the National Commission on Excel-lence in Education, for example), butfrom more popular voices as well.Television commentators, newspapercolumnists, and friends down theblock ask us why the Japanese seem torun better schools than we do.

This interest in Japan stems almostentirely, I think, from the Americanfear that we are slipping out of thefront ranks of world economic powersand losing our competitive edge toother nations Japan has moved to thehead of the line, thereby posing notonly an economic challenge but amodel to be examined and imitated.

Americans don't know much aboutJapanese schools. We assume, howev-er, that they must be playing a vitalrole in Japan's economic triumphs inelectronics and automobile designand production. Reports that Japanesestudents do well on internationalmathematics tests are linked to thesesuccesses and provoke the growingirnsistence in this country that weshould teach more math and science.

The media also like to emphasize thededication, discipline, and studious-ness of Japanese students. This imagemay be even more appealing to Ameri-cans, who annually rank the decay ofschool order and discipline as theirgreatest educational concern.

Whatever their source, these as-sumptions and images pose a chal-lenge that educators in this countrycan't ignore. A group of colleaguesand I were recently able to probethem in detail, primarily through dis-cussions with Japanese educators andcorporate executives and in visits toelementary and secondary schoolsthroughout Japan.

What we learned was illuminatingand surprising. Our major conclusionis that any attempt to replicate aspectsof Japanese schooling in the UnitedStates without a thorough understand-ing of Japanese culture and societywould be unwise and probably wrong.Cultural values and social forms andconditions shape the schools of anynation; nowhere is that instantly clear-er than in Japan.

Culture and SocietyMany of Japan's cultural and socialfeatures may be the result of its geog-

raphy. Japan is a group of islands witha land mass the size of Montana. Its115 million people live on 20 percentof this land; the rest is mountain. Thepeople and their homes, gardens,farms, temples, businesses, and indus-tries must be intricately fitted into theavailable space. For a thousand yearsthe Japanese have been practicing theconstruction of miniature worlds, atalent and inclination obvious in theirart and industry, especially their intri-cately designed small cars and elec-tronic components

Social rituals also make sense whena vast number of people are crowdedinto tiny areas. The Japanese bow isthe best known element of an elabo-rate system of social greetings andformalities. This ritual politeness pro-vides a comfortable set of groundrules for avoiding social conflict, en-couraging order, and protecting theboundaries of social groups and ranks

As they enter public school, Japa-nese children are introduced to thesepractices and taught that harmony andorder are social assumptions, not sim-ply the rules of the school. Were thisnot true, the schools could not enforcethe order that is obvious throughoutJapan any more than American schoolsare able to maintain discipline and

EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP

Japanese sabools sress no only tbe academic subjeas, ubidb include the arts as a maor caiponen, but abo moral educaton and culumlhistor In the latterpusuit Japanese students may pend mr pman 30 sdool das eadb ear on field nps to culnral sties and mtinuns Here,doildren elisi a sbrine

P ,Ao B J/- , Ne.oa Tros (oM3 39

order when those values are not sup-ported by a stable and predictablesociety

But nothing is more striking to avisitor than the complexity and formal-ity of theJapanese language, in both itswritten and spoken forms. The speak-er adjusts the language to the personbeing spoken to, not just through theaddition of polite expressions but bycomplete shifts in vocabulary andgrammatical form. Talking to a friendis different from talking to a teacher. InJapanese writing the students are re-quired to master four different types ofscript: the Chinese characters calledkanji (of which there are said to be50,000), two different forms of Japa-nese script, and the Roman alphabet.The Japanese are said to spend theirlives learning to read and write theirown language.

Combined with this fact is the cul-tural assumption that learning is amatter of absorbing knowledge andskill from experts; to learn is to copy.Like our children, the Japanese learnto write script by copying. But thevolume of the characters to be learnedrequires a great deal of discipline andpractice. The process appears to devel-op tendencies that can be transferredto other areas of learning, particularlythose requiring memory. And it incul-cates the notion that learners absorbknowledge by imitating the actionsand attitudes of those older and wiser.

These characteristics have come topopular attention in the United Statesthrough the teaching of the martialarts and the use of the Suzuki methodof music instruction.

My colleagues and I came to believethat these assumptions about learningare a crucial feature of Japaneseschooling and one of its greateststrengths. Yet they are simultaneouslya major weakness, encouraging a reli-ance on rote learning and discourag-ing the development of the question-ing skills that are the ingredients ofcritical thinking.

Although Japan has been greatly in-fluenced throughout its history byideas imported from other nations-most notably China, England, and theUnited States-it has not had an influxof new peoples. The Japanese haveremained remarkably homogeneousand have been able to integrate ideasinto their basic national character.Maintaining this social homogeneityand cultural consistency is highly val-ued by the Japanese. We often heardthe Japanese saying, "The nail thatsticks up shall be pounded dowin."Individuality defined as uniqueness-an American value-is neither prizednor tolerated. Individuals do not striveto stand apart from the social group,nor have immigrant groups arrived tochallenge the cultural values and so-cial norms that define the essentialJapanese character. Searching for I..'

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40

common ground within the socialgroup, seeking the point of view thatcan be generally embraced, and reach-ing decisions by consensus are ten-dencies encouraged by Japanese val-ues and norms.

While such tendencies could be op-pressive and stifling, we saw a wealthof gentle examples. Group activities inschool are followed by critiquing ses-sions in which classmates comment onthe performance, and the performinggroup is asked to be self-critical. Thecomments invariably contain elementsof praise. This is also true of class-rooms: teachers search for reasons togive praise; no one is singled out forembarrassing, isolating criticism.

In conjunction with valuing thenorms of the social group, the Japa-nese value the group itself They toldus that this leads to the desire tobecome part of social groups and en-dows "rites of passage" with powerand significance. The rigorous exami-nations that theJapanese must pass toenter high schools, colleges, and uni-versities are not only academic hur-dles but social doorways as well. Whilethat is somewhat true of the moreprestigious universities in this country,the situation is only analogous. Exami-nations in Japan are the sole criterionfor admission, and failure to score athigh levels is a personal and socialburden of consequence. Roughly 80percent of the executives of majorJapanese corporations are graduates ofTokyo University. In that city, the raceliterally begins in kindergarten for theprize of admission to the university

Education and SchoolingThere is a distinction between educa-tion and schooling in Japan that par-tially redeems this process. Tradition-ally, the Japanese have deeply valuedthe educated person and the processof becoming educated. It is important,worthwhile, and a social expectationthat one seeks to become educatedregardless of social rewards. This inno way blunts the desire to pursue aneducation in a prestigious university-and by so doing to reap later econom-ic benefits. But it does support a cul-tural perspective: those who haveachieved deserve their status and eco-nomic reward. Those who havelearned, yet not reached the samelevel have nonetheless pursued the

EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP,r*-Wry b hp fpp ig R

wise and valuable course and are bet-ter for it.

Nor is education consideredachievement only within the standardacademic subjects. When Japaneseschool programs were reviewed andrevised in the late 1970s, the purposeof schooling--the guiding principlefor the revisions-was to "bring upchildren and pupils who are balancedin intellect, morality, and physicalpower and full of humanity."

Japanese schools stress not only theacademic subjects (which include thearts as a major component), but alsomoral, physical, social, and culturaleducation. In the latter pursuit, Japa-nese students may spend more than 30school days each year on field trips tocultural sites and institutions in theirregion.

The role of the school is to promotean education that is consonant withand supportive of the dominant cultur-al values and social norms and goals.Each school program and activity hasto be understood and analyzed fromthat perspective.

The Japanese are currently worriedabout aspects of this schooling. Theyhave undertaken another review thatis dominated by several major con-cerns: the growing incidence of schooldisruption and violence, the possibledetrimental effects of the examinationsystems, and over-reliance on rotelearning of massive amounts of infor-mation. Curiously, these are compara-ble to current areas of concern in theUnited States. Both nations are pro-posing tighter measures where theyfeel they have been lax and morerelaxed measures where they havebeen rigid. Ironically, the directionsare almost reversed. TheJapanese arelooking for a greater relevance forschool content and are consideringreducing the amount of material to betaught, thus lessening the examinationburden.

The Role of the FamilyThe most striking aspect of currentJapanese thinking about these mattersis the assumption that many of thecrucial solutions are not to be found inthe school but in the family. Educatorsin the United States often make thisclaim, but they are judged to be aban-doning their responsibilities whenthey do so. On the contrary, the Japa-

be Jpanese moder, tu oa i t lo ovtow e edl*m qlnw dabm and tooersee ntddy bowiv oben emx b, :rman pn iuko sp,,my pr·* sahoohwidey used to gte added 7Khmi in prwifg'ftom dwano n'eb

nese accept this notion as self-evidentand have begun to examine how par-ents can play an even greater role inthe education and training of theirchildren.

It is difficult to imagine, however,how they can do more than they donow. The Japanese family is the reposi-tory and bulwark of all cultural valuesand social norms and goals. Though itis now being buffeted by a variety ofeconomic and demographic stormsthat may in time bring the 'type offragmentation we have in this countr-,the family is still the stable and deepcore of Japanese society. For instance,there is virtually no divorce in Japan.As a result, there is not a significantincidence of single-parent housholdswith their concomitant strain on thetime, energy, and financial resourcesof a single parent. Both parents are on

"It is important,:worthwhile, and asocial expectationthat [inJapan] oneseeks to becomeeducated regardlessof social rewards."

hand to collaborate in fulfilling theirexpected social functions.

The role of the Japanese mother hasrecently received special attention inthe United States. It is she who watch-es over the nightly homework; re-searches the public and privateschools to decide which will best pre-pare her children for the universityand college examinations; arrangestheir enrollment in juko. the supple-mentanr private schools widely usedto give added instruction in everythingfrom dance to mathematics: and servesas a constant reminder of the chil-dren's expected performance level.

Mothers seem more than willing tocarry out these functions, but the roleis sustained as well bv the overallplace of women in Japanese society.We met no women in any positions ofauthority in the schools, the govern-ment, or the private company we visit-ed. Though the number of women asteachers in the elementary and sec-ondarv schools has grown in recentysears-suggesting future changes-men still dominate the world outsidethe home. Women are expected toattend to the inner world of the family,in which the education of children is acentral concern.

Comparing Japanese andAmerican SchoolingAs we traveled Japan, these underlyingcultural and social conditions thrustthemselves more and more into ourinterpretations of the schooling expe-riences we examined. For instance, wewere greatly interested in the amountof time students spend in school. TheJapanese school year is 240 days long,

SEPTEMBER 1986 41

Moa oabers agree that bthe content of Japanese mathemaris and science clases is more complex and c.ailenging than hat found in a rpicalclassroom in the United Staes, pricularly m the elementary and middle schools

compared with about 180 days in thiscountry, and students there attendschool six days per week. Much hasbeen made of these facts in recentreports in this country, linking time inschool to student achievement. But wefound that no simple comparisoncould be made between the two calen-dars. For instance, during the six-dayweek, students attend school a half dayon Saturday and may have a reducedday one other day of the week. Overthe course of a year, students mayspend as many as 30 days out of schoolvisiting cultural institutions and sitesNor is each subject taught every dayOn the other hand, a great many stu-dents attend private supplementaryschools after the regular school dayand take a variety of subjects for en-richment or to prepare for examina-tions. And students spend time eachevening doing homework, sometimeswith parental assistance. Thus, wefound it difficult to develop a clearcomparison of the amount of timeJapanese students spend studying asubject with the time spent by studentsin this country

But what became obvious and morecompelling to us was the intensity ofstudent concentration, which was theresult of more than mere allocation oftime The educational contexts-school, juko, home-are stable, rein-forcing environments; learning ishighly valued; discipline is inculcatedby a variety of crucial social forces;quality performance is expected fromstudents. In short, the time for learn-ing is structured and student attentionfocused by a complex system of cultur-al and social pressures.

This is not an argument against in-creasing allocated time in our schools.But if we do, we need to understandhow the use of time functions to ex-press and reinforce cultural and socialvalues and how time spent in school ispart of the web of time in a society.

We developed a similar attitude to-ward other features of Japaneseschools. There is no question that thecontent of Japanese mathematics andscience classes is more complex andchallenging than that found in a typicalclassroom in this country, particularlyin the elementary and middle schools.

But there is also social promotion, andwhile there is a growing awareness ofthe need for compensatory education,there is very little currently beingdone within Japanese schools to dealwith those who cannot keep pace. Ifwe were to dramatically increase thecomplexity of science content in ourelementary schools, we would, at leastin the short run, be faced with thequestion of whether to retain or pro-mote students who fail, and we wouldbe forced to shift resources to thissubject area.

These decisions are possible for us,but they have ramifications, not theleast of which is that the great valueplaced on education in Japan trans-lates into money and prestige. Japa-nese teachers are well paid and theprofession is esteemed. Japaneseschools have not yet felt the drain oftheir talent into more lucrative ca-reers. While the American public issaid to be pressing for more science inour schools, there is no evidence thatthe public has yet considered the soci-etal changes that must be made tomake this truly possible.

E

42 EDuCATIoNAL LEADERSHIP

The lure of Japan is its image ofeconomic success. While instructionin math and science no doubt playsome part in that success, more funda-mental reasons can be found in thoseunderlying cultural and social forcesthat shape the entire nation. Math andscience are not the only manifestationsof those forces within the school.Nothing is more compelling aboutJap-anese schools than the attention paidto language and art, those two em-bodiments of a people and their cul-ture. It could be argued with consider-able justification that these two areasof study directly reinforce the values,discipline, and norms of the nation,and are much more integral to Japa-nese success than mathematics,science, or technical subjects.

Certainly, more time is devoted toJapanese language than to any other JPpa n i*210essdwal 9neuilmd

cu/mral conssency, ecbobw a poula nvasubject and, taking into account both cpbia: '7be nail eiod ua psbaU beclasswork and cultural trips and expe- pounded don"riences, instruction in the arts easilyrivals any other subject in time andimportance. In fact, instruction in thearts is the most visibly vibrant of theschool programs we saw and illumi-nated by contrast the more typicalstyle of teaching. That style, in both theelementary and secondary schools,overwhelmingly belonged to teacherslecturing to classes of 40 students.Direct instruction of this kind is theeasiest way to impart large bodies ofinformation and content, the objec-tives the Japanese have been accentingin their schools. But it is not the way tohelp students learn to think indepen-dently or critically, outcomes to whichthe Japanese, until recently, have notattached value in school or society.

But change may be coming. As theJapanese have forged to the front inelectronically related fields, they haveexhausted the original models theyimported from other countries toguide them. Now they must make theirown: a type of creativity that poses adifferent kind of challenge, one thatrelies-at least in the experience ofthe West-more on individual imagi-nation and ingenuity. In fact, Japanesecommentators have begun to askwhether some of the vaunted break-throughs in Japanese industry were nomore the result of this type of thinkingthan the well-publicized adherence togroup consensus.

On this point current Japanese in-

terest and ours converge. The Japa-nese Ministry of Education has askedits major advisory council for adviceon how the schools might better stim-ulate student thinking. In this countrywe are posing much the same ques-tion as we envision a future in whichthe performance of even basic func-tions will require complex thinkingskills. This could be a fruitful topic ofdiscussion between educators fromthe two nations. 4

But one point will still hold true: theextent to which school practices willcontribute successfully to studentgrowth in these skills depends on theextent to which those practices ex-press and find support in the cultureand society. The Japanese are clearabout this and sense such a develop-ment as a potential threat to the exist-ing fabric and tradition of the nation.For us, individuality is a central tenet,and school practices aimed at promot-ing independence express a quintes-sentially American value. The Japanesewill have to see our practices in con-text before assuming they will paydividends for them.

Our ConclusionsIf school practices cannot be readilytransported from one nation to anoth-er, what lessons can be learned fromthe type of study we undertook inJapan? There are at least three.

First, our examination of Japaneseschools clarified, by comparison andcontrast, practices in our own schools.Ezra Pound said that it is best to studytwo poems rather than one Specificfeatures can be seen and understoodmuch more readily when the two areplaced side by side. In our observa-tions it was immediately clear thatthere are significant diferences be-tween Japanese and American mathand science curriculums and in themethods of teaching art No quickconclusions should be drawn fromthese facts, but they are the essentialbeginning and the provocation for fur-ther analysis.

Second, the examination clarifiedthe role of cultural values and socialnorms and conditions in shaping thepractices of the school. This pursuitilluminates much about Japan and isintellectually gratifying in its ownright, but it also throws into relief thecontours of our own culture and soci-ety and places our schools within thatlandscape. Will art ever have the rolein our schools that it has in a moretraditional culture?

Third, the search uncovers commonhuman longings. Specific expressionsvary, but people are people. We arepuzzled by the behavior of anothersociety because we expect people toact the same. It is valuable to see howcurrent behavior reflects patterns thathave developed over time to meethuman needs and fulfill human aspira-tions. When we see this in others, wecan see it in ourselves and join moreintelligently and empathetically in adiscussion of how our various behav-iors can be fit together to create aworld of peace and harmony.

Each of these lessons is worth learn-ing. Each provides the starting pointfor continuing analysis and discussion.None, however, offers an immediateremedy for the anxiety Americans arefeeling about our society and its reflec-tion in the public schools. No suchremedy can be found that does notspring from the resources, values, andgoals of the American people them-selves. Japan offers lessons, not solu-tions.[l

Richrd J. Deasy is executive di-rector of the National Council for In-temational Visitors, 1623 Belmont St.,N.W., Washington, DC 20009.

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Copyright © 1986 by the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. All rights reserved.