emigration as family strategy in chinese context: emigration from fuqing, china

Emigration as Family Strategy in Chinese Context:Emigration from Fuqing, China

Eric Fong & Guoqing Li & Elic Chan

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013

Abstract This study explores how family characteristics affect the emigration of familymembers from the city of Fuqing, China, a major migrant-sending area in China. Wefocus our discussion on three related questions: how family demographic characteristicsaffect a family’s participation in emigration, the number of family members involved inemigration, and the locational diversification of family members overseas. Our findingsshow that family income is related to whether the family has any members overseas andtheir numbers. Second, a larger family is more likely to participate in migration. Thesefindings are consistent with the argument that migration is a joint family decision. Third,effects of demographic characteristics of different generations on emigration indicateagain that migration is a family matter. Finally, our Fuqing findings show no clear patternsof family members settling in the same country if more than one member is overseas.

Keywords Emigration . China

Introduction

Since the beginning of sociology in North America, researchers have committedconsiderable time and energy to understanding international migration patterns. Thereis now considerable knowledge of the subject. Studies have disentangled the immigrant

Int. Migration & IntegrationDOI 10.1007/s12134-013-0280-x

E. Fong (*) : E. ChanDepartment of Sociology, University of Toronto, 725 Spadina Avenue, Toronto,Ontario, Canada M5S 2J4e-mail: [email protected]

G. LiCenter for Urban Policy and Urban Culture Studies Institute of Urban and Environmental Studies,Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Room 825, Zhongye Building, No.28 Shuguang Xili,Chaoyang District, 100028 Beijing, Chinae-mail: [email protected]

adaptation process (Portes and Rumbaut 2006; Zhou 1997), and also have helpedexplain how emigration is affected by sending contexts (Alba and Nee 2003; Massey1986), such as country of origin (Kim 2008; Salaff et al. 2010), home village (Massey1987), or family (Dreby 2010; Lauby and Stark 1988; Nziramasanga and Yoder 2011).

Growing number of Asians move to other parts of the world in the last few decades(Balakrishnan and Chen 1990). Among studies of this Asian migration, most studieshave focused on the adaptation of Asian immigrants to their new countries (Min 2008;Waters 1994; Yoon 1997; Zhou 1997; Zhou and Bankston 1998). There has been lessconsideration of the ways in which Asian emigration is shaped by the sending contexts.This research gap is critically obvious for the study of Chinese immigrants, a majorimmigrant group in various countries, especially North America in recent decades.

The limited discussion of factors contributing to emigration from China tends tofocus on the effects of individual economic and social backgrounds (Semyonov andGlikman 2009; Zhou 1992). Althoughmigration studies in various developing countrieshave long recognized migration as a family decision (Muller 2012), this approach hasrarely been applied to the analysis of emigration patterns from China. Given thatChinese have become a major immigrant group in many countries around the world,and that the family has been recognized as an important social institution among Chinese(Logan and Bian 1999; Pampel et al. 2010), a study to explore how family character-istics affect the emigration of family members from China is long overdue.

In this study, we focus our discussion on three related questions: how familydemographic characteristics affect a family’s participation in emigration, the numberof family members involved in emigration, and the locational diversification of familymembers overseas. The study is based on data collected from the city of Fuqing inChina. Although it is a small city, manymigrants from Fuqing have settled inmany partsof the world (Nyiri 2002; Thunø and Pieke 2005; Van de Werfhorst and Mijs 2010).

Our study makes three contributions: First, we delineate how specific family demo-graphic factors affect emigration patterns in China, taking into consideration the uniquecharacteristics of Chinese society, especially under the transitional economy. Second, theunit of analysis is the family, as we treat emigration as a family decision. We believe thatthis is the first study to explore how family demographic characteristics shape familyemigration patterns in China. Third, we explore the emigration patterns in Fuqing. Wefocus on this small city because it has been a major source of Chinese emigrationoverseas. Immigrants from Fuqing have settled in different parts of the world and havereceived considerable media and academic attention (Beck 2007; Nyíri 2003; Thunø andPieke 2005). Our study is based on a unique survey that interviewed families in Fuqingand identified the emigration patterns of their family members all over the world. Takentogether, we delineate how a set of family demographic factors shapes family emigrationpatterns in Fuqing, a major area in China that sends migrants all over the world.

Literature Review

Individual economic gain has been widely considered a major factor contributing to thedecision to emigrate. This understanding has developed from two generally observedpatterns: First, the wage in the receiving country usually is higher than in the sendingcountry (Massey 1990; Sjasstad 1962). A higher wage attracts individuals to emigrate

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for better earning opportunities. Second, the choice of destination is affected by the costof traveling there (Palloni et al. 2001). Individuals move to a location if their potentialwages cover the travel cost. However, this concept of economic-based individual choicehas been challenged on different grounds (Gash 2008; Muller 2012).

One line of argument, forcefully put forward byOded Stark and his colleagues (Galorand Stark 1990; Galor and Stark 1991), is that the decision to emigrate is not just theoutcome of individual consideration, but that there is strong evidence that it is a jointfamily decision. To understand such a decision, Stark and his colleagues note thatfamilies in developing countries always try to reduce “total familial risk.” (Katz andStark 1986, 136) Risks, termed “variability” by Katz and Stark (1986), are associatedwith volatile economic conditions in developing countries, where people may facepolitical instability and economic stagnation. To reduce the risk of an unstable familyincome, family members are sent to different locations to maintain or maximize familyearnings. To achieve this diversification strategy, either the head of the familyis in full control of family migration decisions, or family members negotiatecooperative arrangements. The key insight is that the decision for individuals to emigrateand the choice of destination should be viewed as part of the family strategy.

This concept of emigration suggested by Stark and his colleagues (Mudge andVauchez 2012; Muller 2012) has provided an important understanding of the emigrationof individual family members. However, few issues related to the ways in which familydemographic characteristics affect their emigration pattern are required to clarify,especially in Chinese context. First, not all families send migrant workers to otherplaces. What family demographic characteristics in the Chinese context are related tohaving members working overseas? Second, if families send migrant workers overseas,how do family demographic characteristics affect the number of members sent? Finally,if more than one member of a family emigrates, how do family demographic character-istics affect locational diversification? For example, do all household members migrateto work in the same foreign country or to few countries?

In the following sections, we outline how family demography shapes the emigra-tion patterns of families. Since our data are drawn from Fuqing emigrants from China,we situate our discussion in the context of Chinese society and the transitionaleconomy in China.

Family Strategy of Emigration

Family Size

The emigration of family members is more likely to be associated with largerfamilies. More financial resources are required for a larger family (Lauby and Stark1988). In addition, a larger family has the advantage that there are still members totake care of family affairs even if some members leave home.

The pattern of individuals being more likely to emigrate from larger families ispertinent in the Chinese transitional economy. Over the years of the transitionaleconomy, economic policies have changed, and economic opportunities have beenvolatile. The changing economic environment has brought a sense of uncertainty tomany people (Whyte 2009). In addition, although there are now more economicopportunities than before the transitional economy, the income gap has widened (Xie

Emigration as Family Strategy in Chinese Context

and Hannum 1996). Personal connections are often given as the reason why somepeople are rich (Bian 2002). Many families who lack personal networks will considerto take different routes to seek economic success. One alternative is for familymembers to work overseas to seek better opportunities.

Family Gender Composition

Gendered migration has been well recognized in the literature on migration. Studiesgenerally agree that the roles of human capital, socioeconomic status, opportunities inplace of origin, and migrant networks have different effects on men and women(Pedraza 1991). Compounded by human capital investment in women not beinghighly valued, and women being less likely to control the socioeconomic status andassets of the family, women are more likely to stay in the place of origin when localemployment prospects are available, instead of seeking employment elsewhere(Kanaiaupuni 2000). In addition, since migrant networks are male dominated andarranged according to male concerns, job and migration information tends to be malefocused (Tienda and Booth 1991). Women are less able to use these migrant net-works, and are more likely to remain at home (Kanaiaupuni 2000). Thus, familieswith more female members are less likely to be involved in emigration, while familieswith more male members are more likely to be involved in emigration.

The application of this understanding to the context of the Chinese transitionaleconomy is complicated. In the 1970s, the Chinese government lifted the long-standing policy restricting migration from rural to urban areas in the 1970s. Before thechange, migration was prohibited, especially from rural to urban areas (Chan 2010). Thechanges in policy created one of the largest labor migrations within a short period inworld history. According to government statistics in 2003, 114 migrants moved fromrural areas to cities in the past three decades (Wen and Wang 2009). Many individuals,largely from rural areas or small towns, seek job opportunities in major cities, as massiveurban developments require a large volume of labor (Wu 2004b). Women migrantworkers are increasingly represented in this internal migration flow (Ngai 2005; Yan2008). It is possible that female household members may prefer to work in other Chinesecities instead of finding jobs overseas (Gaetano and Jacka 2004). As well, other familymembers may prefer females to find work closer to home, so that it is easier for them tohelp their grown children and take care of the household.

In fact, the high demand for labor in the urban area has attracted large numbers offemale workers and female migrant workers. Male members may also prefer to staycloser to home rather than take the risk of traveling to another country. Thus, thegender difference for international migration may not be significant. As well, whensome members of a family are migrant workers in China, it may increase thelikelihood that other family members will follow. Thus, the evaluation of the effectsof the numbers of female and male members on emigration should take into consid-eration the family members working in other parts of China.

Elderly in Family

Discussion of the demand for children in less developed countries provides insight ofhow is the presence of elderly members related to the involvement of families in

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international migration. In their classic article, The Demand for Children: A CriticalEssay, Lee and Bulatao (1983) provide a succinct definition of the concept of thedemand for children, which “refers to a decision maker’s views on alternate family-building outcome…Demand for children reflects the desire for children per se, aswell as for things to which children are instrumentally related, such as economicbenefits they may bring.” (Lee and Bulatao 1983, 192) Caldwell (1976) later elabo-rated that children contribute labor services and take care of elderly in the family indeveloping countries. Cain (1983) argued that the benefit of having children is “asinsurance against the risk of income insufficiency in parents’ old age and in a varietyof other circumstances.” (Cain 1983, 688–689)

These practices have been common among Chinese families for centuries(Logan and Bian 1999). In fact, the responsibility is not just to care for parents,but extends to the grandparents’ generation (Read and Gorman 2010). It isequally important, and sometimes even more so, to take care of grandparentsin Chinese families. As younger generations assume the caregiver role for theelderly, they are discouraged from migration. We suggest that when one grand-parent passes away, some children are free from the responsibility of taking careof both grandparents. Family members are then more likely to become involvedin international labor migration. In situations where both grandparents are absent,older siblings in the household take over the parental role to supervise andsocialize their younger siblings. Such role is not uncommon carried by grand-parents in Chinese context.

Age of Siblings

Sibling age is part of the household demography that affects the migration decision offamilies. Most jobs taken by migrant workers, typically with low levels of education,require physical ability. This pattern is well documented among migrant workers,such as those who migrate from Mexico to the United States and from China toEurope (Lauby and Stark 1988; Makina, Daniel 2012; Nyiri 2002; Semyonov andGlikman 2009; Thunø and Pieke 2005). Employers prefer to hire younger migrantswith limited experience in order to meet the high physical demands of the job withminimal pay. In fact, Lauby and Stark (1988) in their study of Filipino migrantworkers even suggested that fewer jobs are available for older migrant workers.Besides, migrating at a younger age will give the migrant worker a longer trajectoryof earning after adjusting to the new environment. As migrant workers get older, theyhave more difficulty managing the physical demands of the job and eventually endtheir migration career. They return home and help to maintain their households(Lauby and Stark 1988). At the same time, they can pass on their migration experi-ences to the younger generation at home. Therefore, siblings of an older age are lesslikely to migrate and will stay at home, while siblings of younger age are more likelyto emigrate.

Locational Diversification

Families not only decide whether and how many members emigrate, they also decidewhere they emigrate. Since emigrants may work legally or illegally overseas, there is


high uncertainty about working conditions. Families are more likely to place theirmembers in different locations. Stark argued that this strategy is to maximize incomeat the cost of a larger income variance (Muller 2012).

Some studies find opposite patterns of locational distribution of household mem-bers working overseas (Massey 1986). These researchers argue that migrants from thesame family are more likely to work in the same location. They see migrants link withone another through a set of personal networks (Massey et al. 1990; Massey 1990).By tapping into these networks, later migrants lower their costs of travel andsettlement. They obtain work information that lowers their uncertainty. Some evenargue, “When migrant networks are well-developed, they put a destination job withineasy reach of most community members, making emigration a reliable and relativelyrisk-free resource” (Palloni et al. 2001, 1266–1267) Massey (1986) described thisprocess as the “cumulative causation of migration.” Studies based on data onMexican and Chinese immigrants to the United States show support for these argu-ments (Massey 1987; Palloni et al. 2001).

The Emigration Patterns from Fuqing

Fuqing is a city located in the eastern part of Fujian Province in China (see Fig. 1).The population of Fuqing was about 1,213,000 in 2004 (Fuqing Municipal People'sGovernment, 2008). Despite its relatively small size as a Chinese city, Fuqing is a keyplace of origin for Chinese migrants all over the world. By 1995, Fujian province had

Fig. 1 Map of Fuqing, Fujian Province, China

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sent more emigrants overseas than any other province in China. According to Liangand Morooka (2004), Fujian emigrants comprised 28 % of all emigrants from Chinain 1995. Within Fujian province, about 25 % of all Fujian emigrants came fromFuqing, the major city in Fuzhou area. According to the Chinese Census Bureauestimation in 1993, the number of emigrants from Fujian continued to increaserapidly. Thus, it is not surprising to find the study of Fujian immigrants, largely fromFuqing, in immigration literature all over the world, including USA (Liang 2001),Europe (Nyiri 2002; Thunø and Pieke 2005), Japan (Wu 2004a), and Eastern Europe(Nyíri 2003). However, most studies focus on how the immigrants adapted to thesenew countries after their arrival, or how they managed to travel long distancesoverseas despite limited resources.

Emigrants from Fuqing are unique compared to emigrants from other parts ofChina. Though we do not have information of emigrants from Fuqing city, variousChina censuses indicate that there are clear socioeconomic distinctions betweenemigrants from Fujian province, where Fuqing is located, and other parts of China(Liang and Morooka 2004). According to Liang and Morooka (2004), emigrants fromFujian province are younger, have lower educational levels, and are more likely male.About 85 % of emigrants from Fujian province were between the ages of 18 and 39,compared to only 67 % of emigrants from other provinces. In addition, about 76 % ofemigrants from Fujian province had only junior high school education or less, incontrast to only 31 % from other provinces. About 74 % of Fujian emigrants weremale, compared to 42 % of emigrants from other provinces. The differences are partlya reflection of the nature of manual work of many emigrants from Fujing took at thedestination, and partly related to the dangerous nature of the illegal trip of manyemigrants from Fujing.

The uniqueness of Fuqing diaspora is not a recent phenomenon. It can be tracedback to the early sixteenth century (Wu 2004a). Fuqing people were renowned asgood sailors and played an important role in international shipping between Chinaand other countries (Wu 2004a). This tradition has produced a migrant network ofFuqing vendors in foreign countries such as Japan over the years. As suggested byMassey (1990) and his associates, the influence of the pre-existing network ismaintained by subsequent migration patterns. With established migrant networks inJapan, migrants from Fujian, the province in which Fuqing is located, are the largestgroup of migrants from China in Japan (Liu-Farrer, 2010).

In addition to strong migrant networks within certain countries, Fuqing migrantsalso have a strong network across various countries. Fuqing emigrants overseasestablished an International Federation of Fuqing Clans in Singapore in 1988. Theorganization helps coordinate activities of Fuqing emigrants in different parts of theworld (Nyiri 2002). Studies in Hungary suggest that almost all migrant workers fromthe Fuzhou area have relatives in Eastern or Western Europe (Nyiri 2002). Studiesabout migrants from Fuqing show that business owners from Fuqing in Indonesia stillmaintain close contact with their hometown. A large number of Fujian immigrantsmoved first to South Asia and then to Europe (Thunø and Pieke 2005). This largecross-countries network of the Fuqing diaspora was confirmed by two surveys ofFuqing immigrants in Japan conducted in 1987 and 1988 (Wu 2004). These stronginternational networks give families from Fuqing the ability to move members toother countries if ever a particular country presents stiff costs or obstacles.


Data and Methods

The data are drawn from a larger study of stratification and peasant mobility inFuqing in 2000. It was conducted by the Fujian Academy of Social Sciences as oneof the major research studies of the early 2000s. The data used for our analysiscome from survey interviews of 381 randomly selected households in the city ofFuqing. The list was drawn from the household registration record which hasinformation of all households with local registration in the city. The response rateof the survey was about 62 %. Only 365 families are included in our analysisbecause some records were not complete. One of the unique features of the study isthat detailed information was collected on each member of the household. Detailedquestions were asked about the locations, even overseas, of each family member.Therefore, the survey provides systematic locational information on all familymembers overseas. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first available set oflocational information on individual family members from Fuqing, one of the majorimmigrant-sending places in China.

Most of the variables in this study are derived from two sets of questions in thesurvey. The first set of questions asked about the gender, age, and educationalbackground of each family member. The second set of questions asked for informa-tion about a maximum of three family members who currently were overseas,including their locations. This approach has three limitations. First, a family mayhave more than three members overseas, in which case the locational information forall family members may not be complete. A detailed study of our data set shows thatonly 34 of the 365 cases had more than four family members. The pattern clearlyreflects the implementation of China’s one-child policy that makes it difficult for afamily to have more children, even though the policies have not been stronglyenforced in rural areas and smaller cities. Of these 34 families, only four had threeor more members overseas. Yet, we are still cautious when we interpret the results.Second, our data will not include families in which all members are currentlyoverseas. However, such cases are very rare. Studies of this particular group indifferent locations in Europe and North America indicate that almost all of themhave family members at home to take care of family matters (Van de Werfhorst andMijs 2010). Third, the family information obtained was current at the time of theinterview. However, some family members may have emigrated some years agowhen the family context was different. Nevertheless, we will interpret theresults with caution.

Our dependent variables are whether the family has any members overseas, thenumber of family members overseas, and whether members reported in one countryof family more than one members overseas. Family members in this study onlyinclude immediate relatives (parents, siblings who are single, children, and spouse).We made a decision not to include distant relatives, though we realize that Chinesefamily members, including extended family members, may pool their resources.There were three reasons for our decision: First, traveling overseas is a majordecision. Not only is it a long distance to travel, most such journeys involve illegaltrafficking, especially for emigrants from Fuqing (Van de Werfhorst and Mijs 2010).Although extended family members may offer opinions, the high-risk and life-threatening decisions most likely are made by immediate family members. Second,

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the inclusion of extended family members may increase type II error (i.e., includingindividual relatives whom have no involvement in the decision making). The data donot indicate how much of the money remitted was sent to immediate family or toextended family members. We do not know how important the emigration was toextended family members or how much they contributed to the emigration decision.Their recommendations may or may not carry weight. Third, the wide web ofextended family in China makes it hard to determine its boundaries. For example,should we include the uncle or aunt from the mother’s side of the family? Equally,should we include cousins, or the spouses of these cousins?

Independent Variables

Our analysis includes four sets of family demographic variables:

Family size: This variable indicates the number of immediate family members. Asdiscussed earlier, family members only include parents, siblings who are single,spouse, and children. Over 50 % of the families in the survey have two members.

Family gender composition: We include two variables to indicate the family gendercomposition: number of males and number of females in the family. We do not usethe percentage of males or females because the percentage does not clearly indicatethe “supply” of potential migrants. For example, in a family of two with one malemember, 50 % of the family members are male. However, in a family of four with twomales, 50 % of the family members are also male. With different numbers, theimplications for the migration decision can be substantially different, although thepercentage is the same.

Absence of grandparents: We included three variables: only grandfather absent, onlygrandmother absent, and both grandparents absent. The absence of either grandfatheror grandmother can be safely assumed that their partners deceased. Virtually nochance their partner stay by themselves and divorce is rarely found among oldergeneration in China. If both grandparents are absent, it can be that these grandparentsare staying by themselves, staying with the siblings of the household head, ordeceased. Though the former case is quite uncommon, it is possible that the grand-parents are staying with siblings of the household heads. If this is the case, thesituation can be safely interpreted as the grandparents were taken cared of byrelatives. They were free from the role of providing care to grandparents. Neverthe-less, we interpret the results in caution. The information was obtained directly fromthe survey. We focus on grandparents instead of parents because the younger gen-erations are expected to take care of grandparents in China. Due to the physicallimitations of old age, grandparents usually require more attention than parents, andthere is pressure on the younger generations to stay behind to care for them.

Age of siblings: We included the age of the respondent’s oldest and youngestsiblings. Older ages suggest that the siblings are less likely to participate in interna-tional migration. The two age variables of the eldest and youngest siblings reflectmore detailed information about the age distribution of siblings in the family better


than age categories. If the family has one child, the ages of the oldest and youngestsibling are considered to be the same.

Control Variables

Our analysis also controls for family income, highest education level in the family,and whether any members work in other parts of China. Educational level has sixcategories: no schooling, primary school, junior high school, senior high school,college (without degree), and university. Families with higher family income haveless incentive to send members overseas. Family members with higher levels ofeducation will be more likely to secure jobs near home despite changes in theeconomy. In addition, families with members working in other parts of China canavoid the effects of changes in the local economy. These families are less likely tohave family members overseas.

Results

Table 1 shows numbers of family members overseas by family size. The data providerich information about the locational distribution of migrants from Fuqing, which hassupplied a large volume of Chinese migrants to different parts of the world. Theiremigration has generated considerable public and academic attention in differentcountries.

It is clear that larger families are more likely to send members overseas. Offamilies with only two members, about 95 % (161/168) do not send membersoverseas. The percentage drops to 62 % (54/87) for families with three members,and 58 % (26/45) with four members. The percentage continues to drop with largerfamily size. However, there are very few cases with larger family size. Therefore, thetrend for families with more than six members has to be interpreted with caution.

Table 1 Number of family members in overseas by family size

Family size 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total

No member in overseas 161 54 26 17 1 0 259

62.16 % 20.85 % 10.04 % 6.56 % 0.39 % 0.00 % 100.00 %

One member in overseas 7 31 10 4 1 1 54

12.96 % 57.41 % 18.52 % 7.41 % 1.85 % 1.85 % 100.00 %

Two member in overseas 0 2 9 5 0 1 17

0.00 % 11.76 % 52.94 % 29.41 % 0.00 % 5.88 % 100.00 %

Three member in overseas 0 0 0 3 0 1 4

0.00 % 0.00 % 0.00 % 75.00 % 0.00 % 25.00 % 100.00 %

Total 168 87 45 29 2 3 334

50.30 % 26.05 % 13.4 % 8.68 % 0.60 % 0.90 % 100.00 %

Source: 2000 Fuqing Social Stratification Study

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We explore the locational distribution of family members by showing theirwidespread distribution in different countries in Table 2. For families with more thanone member overseas, we show how many are concentrated in one location and howmany are scattered over two or three locations. According to the cumulative causationargument, we should expect family members to cluster in one location. However, thepatterns are mixed. No clear pattern emerges to show that all members are located inthe same location or that they have different locations. For example, among familiesof five with two members overseas, members of four families were in the sameplace. Only one family had members in two locations overseas. However, amongall three families of the same size with three overseas members, members of twofamilies were in three locations, and members of one family were in two locations.None of them was in one location. The inconsistent patterns repeat among familiesof four with two members overseas. Among them, members of five families werein one location and members of four families were in different locations. Theresults do not show a consistent pattern of family members settling in one locationoverseas. However, the number of cases is relatively small, so interpretation mustbe careful.

Multivariate Analysis

To further understand how family demographic background affects the decision tomigrate, we ran a series of logistic regression models with the dependent variable ofwhether any family members were overseas. We first ran a set of separate analyses forage of siblings, absence of grandparents, family size, and gender composition. Ascontrol for each model, we included family members working in other parts of China,total family income, and highest education level of family members. The final modelincludes all variables. The results are presented in Table 3. In the analysis, we did notinclude families in which the only member was the respondent. We ran separatemodels for the ages of youngest and oldest siblings, as their values are highlycorrelated (most families have only one child).

The first two models include the ages of the youngest and oldest siblings and thecontrol variables. The ages of youngest and oldest siblings are both significantly related

Table 2 Number of family members in overseas by family size and location

Family members 2 3 4 5 6 7

One member in overseas 7 31 10 4 1 1

Two member in overseas 0 2 9 5 0 1

In one country 0 1 5 4 0 0

In two countries 0 1 4 1 0 1

Three member in overseas 0 0 0 3 0 1

In one country 0 0 0 0 0 0

In two countries 0 0 0 1 0 0

In three countries 0 0 0 2 0 1



to members of the family having emigrated. Only the absence of grandfather issignificantly related to having family members overseas when the grandparent absencevariables and the control variables are included (model 3). For the model with onlynumber of family members and gender composition and control variables (model 4),only family size is significantly related to the family having members overseas.

The full model includes all variables (models 5 and 6). Family size is positivelyrelated to having members overseas. In other words, families with more members aremore likely to be involved in emigration. However, the gender composition of thefamily is not statistically significant. In addition, the ages of oldest and youngestsiblings do not relate to having family members overseas. Finally, the absence ofgrandparents is related to the family having members overseas. The absence of eithergrandfather or grandmother increases the chance of family members overseas. Yet,the absence of both grandparents has a negative effect. When both grandparents areabsent, family members have to stay home to care for other dependent members.Among the control variables, only household income is significantly related to havingfamily members overseas. Families with lower income are more likely to sendmigrants overseas. The findings support the basic assertion that sending membersoverseas is a means to maximize a family’s economic gains.

Table 4 reports a series of OLS regression analyses using the number of familymembers overseas as the dependent variable. The setup of the analyses is similar. Ourdiscussion focuses on the full model. Contrary to the previous analysis, the findingssuggest that the number of members overseas does not relate to the number of familymembers. In addition, the ages of the oldest and youngest siblings both affect thenumber of members overseas. However, similar to the previous findings, the absence

Table 3 Logistic regression of having family members in overseas, Fuqing 2000

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6

Number of family members 1.109* 1.311* 1.315*

Number of male members 0.163 0.203 0.190

Number of female members −0.446 −0.281 −0.295Age of the oldest sibling 0.091*** 0.029

Age of the youngest sibling 0.095*** 0.044

Absence of grandfather 2.336** 4.165*** 4.062***

Absence of grandmother 1.811 3.433** 3.338**

Absence of both parents −1.798 −3.637** −3.590**Total family income ('00) −0.040 0.000 0.000*** −0.001** −0.001** −0.001**Highest education level 0.118 12.040 16.040 −2.680 −1.440 −1.480Having members working

Other parts of China 0.366 0.372 0.502** −0.198 −0.429 −0.439Intercept −5.514*** −5.470 −4.222 −3.113*** −8.531*** −8.922***Likelihood ratio 27.267*** 26.259*** 16.935*** 65.885*** 100.037*** 101.321***

N 334 334 334 334 334 334


*p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01

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of one grandparent is positively related to the number of family members overseas,while the absence of both grandparents is negatively related to the number.

Among the control variables, as in the previous analysis, family income ispositively related to the number of family members overseas. Having membersworking in other parts of China is negatively related to the number overseas.

Conclusion

We began with the assumption that labor migration from China is a family decision.Therefore, we suggested that family demographic factors are related to the internationalmigration patterns of a family. Our analysis is based on data collected in the city Fuqing,an area that produces the largest share of emigrants in China, especially those with lowlevels of skills and education. The Fuqingmigrant workers, who have settled in differentparts of the world, legally and illegally, have gained considerable media attention. Ourdata are unique because they were collected at the original sending location, and familiesthere were asked about the migration patterns of each family member. Our approach todata collection has an advantage over most studies about migration from China, whichcollect data at the destination after migrants have arrived. Thus, it is difficult to obtaininformation about other family members. Besides, studies conducted at specific desti-nations cannot collect information about families who do not have members overseas orabout family members at other destinations.

Some major findings from our study will contribute to our understanding ofemigration from China. Here I highlight some of the more important conclusions

Table 4 OLS regression of number of family members in overseas, Fuqing 2000

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6

Number of family members 0.011 0.186 0.181

Number of male members 0.157 0.182 0.189

Number of female members 0.68 0.130 0.135

Age of the oldest sibling 0.026*** 0.013**

Age of the youngest sibling 0.026*** 0.013***

Absence of grandfather 0.275*** 0.574*** 0.572***

Absence of grandmother 0.181*** 0.463*** 0.461***

Absence of both parents −0.151** −0.447** −0.451***Total family income ('00) −0.004 −0.005 −0.007 −0.021*** −0.017*** −0.016***Highest education level 0.042 0.042 0.053 0.187 0.011 0.011

Having members working in

Other parts of China 0.072 0.071 0.105 −0.099 −0.121** −0.123**Intercept 0.879*** −0.931*** −0.209** −0.265** −1.357*** −1.369***R2 0.105 0.108 0.038 0.267 0.381 0.384

N 334 334 334 334 334 334


*p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01


from the analyses. First, our data consistently show that family income is related towhether the family has any members overseas and their numbers. These findingsclearly suggest that lower income families are more likely to send members overseasas an alternative means of securing economic resources, and they are more likely tosend more members. These findings echo the basic argument of Stark and hiscolleagues that migration is not only an individual economic benefit, but can beviewed as enhancing the financial welfare of families. This argument is furthersupported by the negative relationship, though not statistically significant, of havingfamily members working elsewhere in China and participation in emigration andnumber of family members overseas. If families can secure financial resourcesnearby, they may not send members overseas.

Second, whether any family member emigrated from Fuqing is related to familysize. A larger family is more likely to participate in migration. These findings areconsistent with the argument that migration is a joint family decision. Familymembers coordinate the numbers going elsewhere to secure financial resources.However, family size does not relate to the number of family members overseas. Itis possible that families are more ready to send members overseas once one memberhas emigrated. It is important to note that our data cannot inform us of the actualcoordination or negotiation among family members. Future studies should collectdata on how the decision is made.

Third, the study shows the effects of siblings’ ages and the absence of grand-parents on emigration patterns among Chinese in Fuqing. These findings suggest thateffects of demographic characteristics of different generations on emigration indicateagain that migration is a family matter. Thus, the issue of well-being within andacross generations, in addition to individual welfare, should be linked with migrationpatterns. The implication is important, because the findings seem to suggest that thesocial, economic, and even physical well-being of siblings and parents should be oneof the factors considered in understanding emigration patterns.

Finally, though we are not able to perform multivariate analysis due to smallnumber of cases, our descriptive findings shows no clear patterns of family memberssettling in the same country if more than one member is overseas. The findings aresomewhat different from other findings about cumulative causation. There are threepossible reasons: First, the people of Fuqing have a long tradition of emigration (Vande Werfhorst and Mijs 2010). Their networks are well established in different parts ofthe world. Therefore, it is not difficult for them to settle in different countries. Thisargument is supported by our findings that none of the family demographic factors isrelated to the locational diversification patterns. Instead, it is possible that locationaldiversification is related to the availability of migrant networks in different countries.Second, the diversification may reflect the stepwise international migration suggestedby Paul (2011). Based on her study of Filipino domestic workers in Philippines, HongKong, and Singapore, Paul (2011) showed that migrants, especially those with fewresources, follow a stepwise migration trajectory to work their way up a hierarchy ofpreferred destination countries. By gathering resources at each step, they eventuallymove to the destination they prefer. Since our data is cross-sectional, it is possible thatfamily members in our cases are at different stages of this stepwise migration. Third,the results may be related to the small sample size. Therefore, the results have to beinterpreted with caution.

E. Fong et al.

This article demonstrates the importance of treating the family as a unit to exploreemigration. Prior work has focused on Mexican migrants or internal migration indeveloping countries. This study extends that research by evaluating the perspectiveof families in an area of China where a large number of migrant workers overseasoriginate. It is clear that economic factors are not the only factors to explainmigration. The results show that family demography can constrain or encourage themigration of family members from China.

The findings must be interpreted with caution. They are based on data collected inChina. Studies have documented that Chinese traditionally place high value on theirfamilies. Decisions are more likely made among family members. Nevertheless, the studyhas helped provide the impetus and direction for studying emigration, at least from China,a major immigrant sending country, by treating the family as the unit of analysis. It alsodemonstrates the importance of studying Asian immigration from the point of origin.

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emigration as family strategy in chinese context: emigration from fuqing, china

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