empowering communities for self-determination

4

Empowering Communities

for Self-Determination

TECHNICAL TEAM

Writer

MADETT VIROLA-GARDIOLA

Editorial and Creative Direction

MYN GARCIA

Contributors and Technical Review Team

KFI COs and Management Team

GUIAMEL ALIM

RENE SALAZAR

ATTY. ARMANDO JARILLA

JOSE T. DELES JR.

Technical Coordination

CECILIA ISUBAL

JAIME DUMARPA

JOSEPH PALANCA

MAYA VANDENBROECK

Photography

BOBBY TIMONERA

DANIEL ONG

Art Direction, Cover Design and Layout

TATA LAO

Empowering Communities for Self-DeterminationCopyright © 2009 Local Governance Support Program in ARMM (LGSPA)

All rights reserved.

The Local Governance Support Program in ARMM (LGSPA) encourages the use, translation, adaptation and copying of this material for non-commercial use, with appropriate credit given to LGSPA.

Although reasonable care has been taken in the preparation of this manual, neither the publisher nor contributor, nor writer can accept any liability for any consequences arising from the use thereof or from any information contained herein.

ISBN: 978-971-94572-3-7

Printed and bound in Davao City, Philippines

Published by:

The Local Governance Support Program in ARMM (LGSPA)Unit 72 Landco Corporate CentreJ.P. Laurel Avenue, Bajada8000 Davao City, PhilippinesTel. No. 63 2 227 7980-81www.lgspa.org.ph

Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc. (KFI)Ground Floor, Community Training and Resource Center BuildingDoña Pilar Street, Vilo Subdivision, Poblacion IV9600 Cotabato City, PhilippinesTel. No. 63 6 4 421 4222Fax No. 63 6 4 421 2072www.kadtun.org

Task Force Mapalad (TFM)18-C Marunong, Barangay CentralDiliman, Quezon City, PhilippinesTel. No. 63 2 426 5487 / 63 2 433 1383Fax No. 63 2 5487www.tfmnational.org/tfm/

This project was undertaken with the financial support of the Government of Canada provided through the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA).

LGSPA was implemented by Agriteam Canada.www.agriteam.ca

5

Empowering Communities for Self-Determination


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Contents

ii Forewordiii PreFaceiv Glossary oF Termsviii inTroducTion The communiTy orGanizinG manual 1 secTion 1: hisTorical conTexT 1.1 Aspirations for Self-Determination 1.2 Indigenous People’s Assertion of their Right Self-Determination 1.3 The Bangsamoro Struggle for Self-Determination 1.4 The Role of Civil Society Organizations

13 secTion 2: analyzinG The sPeciFic conTexT oF armm 2.1 Trends in ARMM 2.2 Analysis of Poverty, Dependency and Conflict

23 secTion 3: sTraTeGies oF chanGe 3.1 How Change Happens: Some Theories 3.2 Strategies for Change

33 secTion 4: communiTy orGanizinG as a resPonse 4.1 A Brief Historical Sketch 4.2 Why Community Organizing? 4.3 Characteristics of the Process 4.4 Goals of CO in ARMM 4.5 Initial Indicators of Accomplishment in CO Work47 secTion 5: aPProaches and meThods in co 5.1 Access to Basic Services 5.2 Claim-making on Justice, Equity and Right to Self-Determination 5.3 Socio-Economic or Livelihood Projects 5.4 Projects as Platforms for Conscientization and Empowerment 5.5 Agriculture Technology Development

62 secTion 6: sTePs in The communiTy orGanizinG Process 73 secTion 7: The orGanizers 7.1 Sources of Commitment and Strength 7.2 Creating a Nurturing Environment for CO

78 BiBlioGraPhy79 annex a: Tools For social analysis




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Foreword

Social transformation is about empowering communities. This is the challenge to any

organization working for social change. At the heart of empowerment is the fostering of

awareness that understands the causes of poverty and the willingness to take collective

responsibility for changing the situation. These elements of empowerment need to be

rigorously designed into the methods of change agents.

Local Governance Support Program in ARMM (LGSPA) is pleased to have been part of the

effort of the Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc. (KFI) to strengthen its field methods. This field

manual is a product of over two (2) years of field collaboration between KFI and Task Force

Mapalad (TFM) in the development and application of organizing methods appropriate to

the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). LGSPA earnestly hopes that this

Manual will continue to be tested and revised.

Hopefully, this Manual will serve as a medium to challenge other Bangsamoro civil society

organizations (CSOs) to assess and enhance their field methods.

local Governance support Program in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (lGsPa)




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Preface

This Manual comes at a time when all efforts, including peace negotiations and development, are aimed at finding solutions to the decades-old armed conflict in Mindanao. The Manual provides alternative lenses in making analysis, approaches and strategies towards finding concrete solutions to the current issues in a given context. It offers more systematic and historical links to better understanding and appreciating the necessary connections of the struggle for self-determination to other development issues in the context of the ARMM.

The glossary offers a clear understanding of some important concepts which are usually the sources of debates and disagreement that sustain the mutual prejudices in Mindanao.

The remaining sections of the manual discuss community organizing not only as a strategy in delivering basic services effectively but most importantly as an empowering process that will sustain efforts towards social transformation.

The Manual offers the community worker or the change agent the basic tools and references that would guide his/her development initiatives towards the goal of social change. Proven effective in many areas, the CO tools and principles will also work in the ARMM, though they may need some processes of indigenization and adaptation.

This Manual has been realized through the financial and technical support provided by LGSPA. It is a legacy that will remain alive as long as it proves itself useful in development work in the ARMM. We are indeed grateful to LGSPA for this living legacy.

KFI as a partner of LGSPA also extends its gratitude to Madett Virola-Gardiola, our development specialist, for putting things together and making the manual more easily adaptable.

It is hoped that this manual will be useful now and in the future and be a tool towards social change.

Guiamel m. alimexecutive director, Kadtuntaya Foundation, inc.




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ancesTral domain

All lands and natural resources in the Autonomous Region that have been possessed or occupied by indigenous cultural communities since time immemorial, except when prevented by war, force majeure, or other forms of forcible usurpation”. It includes “pasture lands, worship areas, burial grounds, forests and fields, mineral resources, except: strategic minerals such as uranium, coal, petroleum, and other fossil fuels, mineral oils, and all sources of potential energy; lakes, rivers and lagoons; and national reserves and marine parks, as well as forest and watershed reservations”. (Article X, Section 1, Republic Act 9054, An Act to Strengthen and Expand the Organic Acct for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao)

Ancestral domain does not form part of the public domain but encompasses ancestral, communal, and customary lands, maritime, fluvial and alluvial domains as well all natural resources therein that have inured or vested ancestral rights on the basis of native title. Ancestral domain and ancestral land refer to those held under claim of ownership, occupied or possessed, by themselves or through the ancestors of the Bangsamoro people, communally or individually since time immemorial continuously to the present, except when prevented by war, civil disturbance, force majeure, or other forms of possible usurpation or displacement by force, deceit, stealth, or as a consequence of government project or any other voluntary dealings entered into by the government and private individuals, corporate entities or institutions. (The GRP-MILF Draft Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain)

BanGsamoro

The Bangsamoro people refers to those who are natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and its adjacent islands including Palawan and the Sulu archipelago at the time of conquest or colonization of its descendants whether mixed or of full blood. Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro. The freedom of choice of the Indigenous people

Glossary of Terms




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shall be respected. (The GRP-MILF Draft Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain)

Bangsamoro is the collective identity of the Islamized people in Mindanao, in the islands of Basilan and Palawan, and the Sulu and Tawi-Tawi archipelago in the south of the Philippines. It consists of two words, bangsa and Moro. Bangsa is a Malay word the political connotation of which means nation, and Moro is the name given by the Spanish colonialists to the Muslim population of Mindanao similar with the name they call the Muslims of North Africa who for centuries ruled the Iberian peninsula. Combining the two words, Bangsamoro means Moro nation. (Abhoud Syed M. Lingga, Chairman, Bangsamoro People’s Consultative Assembly, http://democracy.mkolar.org/Bangsamoro-Self-Determination.html, Geneva, Switzerland, July 17, 2002)

BanGsamoro homeland

The Bangsamoro homeland and historic territory refer to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain, the atmospheric space above it, embracing the Mindanao-Sulu-Palawan geographic region. (The GRP-MILF Draft Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain)

indiGenous culTural communiTy

Filipino citizens residing in the Autonomous Region who are: (a) Tribal peoples. These are citizens whose social, cultural and economic conditions distinguish them from other sector of the national community; and (b) Bangsa Moro people. These citizens who are believers in Islam and who have retained some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions. (Article X, Section 3, Republic Act 9054, An Act to Strengthen and Expand the Organic Acct for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao)




vi


indiGenous PeoPles/indiGenous culTural communiTies

Refers to a group of people or homogenous societies identified by self-ascription and ascription by others, who have continuously lived as organized community on communally bounded and defined territory, and who have, under claims of ownership since time immemorial, occupied, possessed and utilized such territories, sharing common bonds of language, customs, traditions and other distinctive cultural traits, or who have, through resistance to political, social and cultural inroads of colonization, non-indigenous religions and cultures, became historically differentiated from the majority of Filipinos. ICCs/IPs shall likewise include peoples who are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the populations which inhabited the country, at the time of conquest or colonization, or at the time of inroads of non-indigenous religions and cultures, or the establishment of present state boundaries, who retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions, but who may have been displaced from their traditional domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral domains. (Chapter II, Section 3 (h), Republic Act 8371 Republic Act 8371 – Indigenous Peoples Rights Act)

indiGenous PeoPles

There does not seem to be one definitive definition of indigenous people, but generally indigenous people are those that have historically belonged to a particular region or country, before its colonization or transformation into a nation state, and may have different—often unique—cultural, linguistic, traditional, and other characteristics to those of the dominant culture of that region or state. (United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues)

land Tenure

Land tenure is the relationship, whether legally or customarily defined, among people, as individuals or groups, with respect to land. (For convenience, “land” is used here to include other natural resources such as water and trees.) Land tenure is an institution, i.e., rules invented by societies to regulate behaviour. Rules of tenure define how property




vii


rights to land are to be allocated within societies. They define how access is granted to rights to use, control, and transfer land, as well as associated responsibilities and restraints. In simple terms, land tenure systems determine who can use what resources for how long, and under what conditions. (Herrera, Adriana and Maria Guglielma da Passano. 2006. Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) Land Tenure Alternative Conflict Management. Rome: FAO).

land Tenure sysTem

The land tenure system in a given jurisdiction comprises the set of possible bases under which land may be used. As such this range encompasses both rural and urban tenures and includes ownership, tenancy and other arrangements for the use of land. (Ciparisse, Gerard. 2003.Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) Multilingual Thesaurus on Land Tenure)

lumad

The Lumad is a term being used to denote a group of indigenous peoples of the southern Philippines. It is a Cebuano term meaning “native” or “indigenous”. The term is short for katawhang lumad (literally “indigenous peoples”), the autonym officially adopted by the delegates of the Lumad Mindanaw Peoples Federation (LMPF) founding assembly in June 26, 1986 at the Guadalupe Formation Center, Balindog, Kidapawan, Cotabato, Philippines. It is the self-ascription and collective identity of the non-Islamized indigenous peoples of Mindanao.

riGhT To selF-deTerminaTion

Right to self-determination is the right of peoples to freely determine their political status; and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. (Article 3, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples)




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After more than three hundred years of struggle, indigenous and Bangsamoro communities in Mindanao remain in search of meaningful and effective avenues for the attainment of self-determination which has been recognized in landmark charters and covenants by no less than the United Nations.

The development of civil society as a significant actor in societal transformation has been observed in recent years where creative strategies have flourished from emergency response to rehabilitation, advocacy and lobbying work, electoral reforms, promotion of alternative practices, among others.

Community based work is seen as a critical arena where the force for the vision of self-determination can be achieved. Organizing in Moro communities has, in fact, undergone a rich history of evolution from the period of underground work in alliance with nationalist democratic forces to peacebuilding efforts which marked the post-1996 Final Peace Agreement. Persistent violent conflicts and worsening poverty have rendered the call for a serious assessment of previous efforts an imperative within the ranks of civil society as well as among support groups which have journeyed with them.

One of the groups that has responded to this call is the Local Governance Support Program in ARMM (LGSPA) which, in 2007, embarked on an initiative to assess methods of work among Bangsamoro civil society organizations. From a round of consultations among Civil Society Organizations (CSO) in Maguindanao and Lanao, a training program was designed which sought to strengthen existing capacities for community work based on a systematic field-based assessment of realities that confront ARMM communities. The Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc. was identified as a potential pace-setter for such a thorough review and reinforcement of methods of work as it made its 60-strong field workers available for the interventions that the partnership agreed to provide.

After a series of regular monthly action-reflection sessions called “tactic sessions”, the number of participants was narrowed down to those who were directly engaged in issues which had the potential to activate empowerment processes in their communities. These

Introduction




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include land tenure, access to tools of production, technology-based farming practices, social services and disaster response. These sessions became virtual laboratories of learning and re-learning among both old and new Community Organizations (COs). Guided by CO veterans from the Task Force Mapalad and other NGOS who were familiar with the terrain of poverty, dependency and conflict, the core group of 15-20 participants re-examined prevailing notions of development work vis a vis the lens of power, peace and sustainable development.

These sessions culminated in a 5-day reflection and conceptualization workshop for lead community organizers who were selected on the basis of their emerging competence in advancing theories and practice of organizing work. The workshop resulted to more focused insights on how CO can be done in the specific context of ARMM which are embodied in this manual. As a work-in-progress, the manual seeks to contribute to the refinement of CO practice among CSOs who acknowledge the nuances and dynamics of the ARMM context as they strive to create an impact where it matters most, that is, in the search for power, peace and sustainable development.

The manual is divided into seven sections. Section 1 lays down the significant historical factors that need to be taken into account even before the work of CO is defined. Since ARMM includes historicities shared among both the indigenous people and the Bangsamoro, the two main political streams are traced back to the time when the articulation of the right to self-determination, albeit in different terms, started to be heard in the emergence of IP and Bangsamoro movements. The second section “Analyzing the Specific Context of ARMM” is all about current trends which characterize the context of ARMM and attempts to summarize the issues into the three main categories of poverty, dependency and conflict. Section 3 starts with a presentation of some change theories which are relevant to the context of ARMM and advances strategies for structural change, sustainable development and conflict transformation. The importance of multi-cultural considerations in initiating change is also discussed. Sections 4-6 engages the reader in a normative discourse on community organizing where some goals, principles and approaches have been put forward for further deepening and refinement based on the contextual realities that have




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been presented in the previous sections. Finally, the last section was written as a response to the reminder of the need for COs to continually revisit their sources of strength and commitment and for civil society institutions to identify areas in their functioning where CO can be supported and nurtured.

Previous presentations and articles produced by KFI and CBCS have been used as material for the sections on context, analysis and strategies as they pertain to the right to self-determination. Data on community organizing frameworks have been derived mainly from the Lead CO Workshop held on August 6-10, 2009 as well as the transcriptions of the tactic sessions held since 2007.

Again, as a work in progress, the manual can be further enhanced with case illustrations of how some methods and processes have been used to consummate specific issue of land tenure, access to basic services, technology-based farming and disaster response among others. It is thus the hope of the people involved in the production of this manual that these stories of success will continue to be woven into the dynamic praxis on CO as KFI takes on the challenge of building on the landmarks that have been established in the past two years as a gesture of reciprocity and complementarity.




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Section 1

Historical Context

T h e C o m m u n i t y O r g a n i z i n g M a n u a l




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1 hisTorical conTexT

The saga of the Bangsamoro and indigenous people of Mindanao is replete with narratives of various efforts that have been waged to reclaim their status as self-determining populations. Indeed, self-determination has been, and will always be, the primary aspiration among Moro and indigenous peoples’ communities which have advanced their struggle in many arenas of engagement.

1.1 aspirations for self-determination

Self-Determination, in its most basic sense, refers to the concept or principle wherein a people or nation exercises the right to statehood or self-rule and that such right has an equal right to sovereignty. The United Nations Charter includes the principle of self-determination.

The UN General Assembly has repeatedly recognized the right to self-determination in a series of resolutions it has adopted. The principle of right to self-determination was further codified in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which together constitute the International “Bill of Rights”. The two covenants state, “ All peoples have the right of self-determination. By the virtue of that right they freely determine their political status, and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development”.

The people who are recognized by the principle of self-determination are described as group of individual human beings having some or all of the following common features:

Common historical tradition•Racial or ethnic identity•Cultural homogeneity•Linguistic unity•Religious or ideological affinity•Territorial connection•Common economic life•

Section 1: Historical Context




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The Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS), lists other interpretations of Self- Determination which include:

Decolonization which is associated primarily with the process of decolonization where 1. occupied territories have the right to independenceFreedom from foreign domination where sovereign states should be free from occupation 2. by foreign troops and free from the interference by foreign governments in their domestic affairsNationalism where rights of peoples, who are holder of the right to self-determination, to 3. their own state, or effective control of their territory within a recognized stateMinority right where minority peoples have the right to political, economic and cultural 4. autonomyDemocratic governance which recognizes the fact that people have the right to determine 5. their own destiny within existing state through democratic processes

1.2 indigenous Peoples’ assertion of their right to self-determination

In Mindanao, there are a total of 18 indigenous groups which are distinct from the Islamized ethno-linguistic groups. The collective name by which they have been known since the 1980s is “lumad” which is a Visayan word for ‘indigenous’.

The last decades have been witness to growing threats of land problems for the indigenous people owing partly to the steady population growth of their own people and especially the pressure on the lands by lowland farmers who seek arable lands and foreign and local companies who have vested interest in the natural resources in the IP areas.

Land is central to the struggle of indigenous peoples for self-determination. Their historical and cultural identity, right to participate in the country’s economic, social and political activities, and the establishment of their rightful place in society can all be derived from the recognition of what has remained of their ancestral domains. While many analysts of land issues tend to treat land the way that farmers often see it — as a productive resource — indigenous peoples’ tend see land as part of something greater, called territory. Territory includes the productive function of land, but also encompasses the concepts of homeland, culture, religion, spiritual sites, ancestors, the natural environment, other resources like water, forests, below-ground minerals, among others.





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Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act, hailed as a landmark legislation, was signed

into law on October 29, 1997 by then President Fidel Ramos. The IPRA underwent many years of

legislative study and deliberation before it became a law and was a result of various consultations,

consolidated bills related to ancestral domains and lands, and international agreements on the

recognition of land and domain rights of the IPs.

In general, the IPRA seeks to recognize, promote and protect the rights of the IPs. These include

the Right to Ancestral Domain and Lands; Right to Self-Governance and Empowerment; Social

Justice and Human Rights; and the Right to Cultural Integrity. Assessments from IP organizations

and their support groups, however, have repeatedly underscored the need for government to fast-

track the Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT) application and award processes but this

requires improving the capacity of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) to

carry out its mandate.

From 2002 to November 15, 2008 the distribution of CADTs in Luzon and Mindanao was equally

vigorous. Land tenure analysts have observed that though the number of CADTs in Luzon (46

CADTs) is four CADTs higher than in Mindanao (42 CADTs), the total size of land area covered

and the number of individual beneficiaries are higher in Mindanao (1,248,970.2027 hectares with

245,186 individual beneficiaries) than in Luzon (1,029,744.6881 hectares with 216,342 individual

beneficiaries). With the approval of their CADTs, the rights of at least 21 tribes in Mindanao over

their respective ancestral domains have been recognized by the government.

In the ARMM, where the majority of the population from the Moro groups, only one CADT has been

issued covering 2,673.2682 hectares and benefitting a total of 3,482 individual beneficiaries.

Beyond ownership of the land rightfully theirs, the bigger context is the struggle for self-

determination, which for the IPs mean they can freely participate in and express their views on





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social, economic and political matters that concern them as a people. The role of government is to

help develop the governance capacity of IP leaders and the customary leadership structures (such

as the timuway justice system). Respect for IPs should also translate into a genuine Free Prior and

Informed Consent (FPIC) process, the results of which should reflect their collective sentiments

about development.

Other issues confronting the IPs include: a) the rampant mining activities in ancestral domains aggressively promoted by the government and the inexorable militarization that accompanies development aggression; b) the incursion of genetically modified crops and biofuel plantations in indigenous territories that caused the erosion of traditional agricultural knowledge and practices; c) the lack of recognition of traditional knowledge and customary laws particularly in the settlement of disputes, with the undermining of such as unscientific and mere superstitious beliefs; and, d) the worsening peace situation in Mindanao.

Brief Sketch of IP Assertion to Self-Determination

The IPs have staked their claim to self-determination mainly through unarmed movements which can be found in two major streams.

In 1986, with the formation of Lumad-Mindanaw as a coalition of different IP tribes , the IPs were able to articulate their assertion for self-determination as follows: (1) Lumad tribes have their own right to self-determination; (2) they want to govern themselves; (3) within their respective ancestral domains and, (4) in accordance with their customary laws.

Seven years later, PANAGTAGBO was formed by IP organizations themselves as a forum for IP concerns and pronounced their two main assertions that: (1) the Lumad are the “first nations”; and, (2) they want their own regional autonomy within the Republic of the Philippines.

In the ARMM, the Teduray Lambangian Dulangen Manobo Ancestral Domain Claim has stood up as a key player in IP efforts to specifically address issues pertaining to ancestral domain in the region.

1.3 The Bangsamoro struggle for self-determination

As a distinct people having common territory and historical tradition, religious affinity and





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cultural practices, the Bangsamoro has been at the forefront of the struggle for their right to self-determination.

Mindanaoan historians contend that the Moro people were politically sovereign people before the encroachment of colonization in their homeland. Contiguous territories with rich natural resources were shared among them and they are described to be economically self-sufficient as proof of their having engaged in local and international trade (barter). As a distinct nation and entity , they had established diplomatic ties with neighboring countries and had their own political system and governance (sultanates) in the form of the Sulu sultanate (1450), the Maguindanao sultanate (1619) and the four (4) principalities of Lanao (pat a pongampong) which covered large territories. Customary laws governed social relationships and contract in these territories and Islam was accepted by the Bangsamoro a religion and a system of life.

All these political institutions, social structures and economic activities became the targets of colonialism for control and rule over the islands in this part of the globe during the early 19th century.

The more that 300 years of wars waged by the Bangsamoro has always been a war to preserve their right to self-determination. The Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society (CBCS) observes that the continuing struggle of the BM against the systematic design by colonial powers to control them and their ancestral lands, their resources and territories and to assimilate them to a foreign culture finds its extension in the present conflict in Mindanao. Strategies that have been employed in the past have continued and are evident in: a) the use of military might against those who organized resistance against American rule (pacification, massacres); b) the policy of education and attraction (assimilation and integration); c) declaring the entire Philippines as public land including the ancestral lands of the Bangsamoro; d) the national settlement programs (minoritization and depopulation); e) the use of divide and rule policy; and f) transfer of political powers from the Moro.

These strategies have consequently led to the eventual dispossession and marginalization of the Bangsamoro, the loss of their ancestral land, degeneration of their cultural identities and a diminished power to exercise their right to self-determination. The population shifts demonstrated in the following tables show how such marginalization happened in the past decades.





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Hectares allowedYear

1903191319191936

For Homesteader

16 has.16 has.24 has.16 has.

For Non-christianMoro and wild tribes

No provision

For corporations

1,024 has.1,024 has.1,024 has.1,024 has.

8 has.10 has. 4 has.

TaBle 1: PuBlic land laws and reseTTlemenT

Source: Prof. Rudy Rodil, Land Tenure Stories in Central Mindanao, Sept. 2009

These acts of colonial aggression were met by armed resistance from the Bangsamoro. Throughout the history of Moro struggle, their persistent demand has been the recognition of their right to self-determination and social justice to their people.

Issues surrounding the Right to Self-Determination

The CBCS summarizes the grievances of the Bangsamoro which have been the bases of their continuing struggle for self-determination as follows:

• Injustice to the Moro Identity The Moro people is a distinct people. They have different customs and traditions. They

have adopted Islam as their religion and way of life. They have established identity in their homeland. To impose upon them a way of life strange with that of theirs will meet resistance.

• Injustice to Moro political sovereignty The Moro people exercise sovereignty over what they call their homeland. They were the leaders of their people. They were eased out by colonial machinations

Source: Prof. Rudy Rodil, Land Tenure Stories in Central Mindanao, Sept. 2009

TaBle 2: PoPulaTion shiFTs in coTaBaTocensus year

191819391970

towns with Moro majority

202010

towns withlumad majority

590

towns with settlers majority

0338





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• Injustice to Moro ancestral territory The Moro homeland had been the source of the Bangsamoro’s source of life. Their lakes,

forests, lands, marshes, minerals were their sources from which their generations fed. Take these resources and you also take the lives of the Bangsamoro

• Injustice to Moro integral development The BM may have a different worldview, outlook and looking at things. They have

their own views of what development should be. While they can appreciate other peoples’development initiatives, they would feel at ease with their own brand of development. It makes a difference when they shape their own development.

In simple terms, the grievances mentioned above constituted injustice to their right to self-determination.

Status of the Moro Struggle for Self-Determination

The MNLF-led armed struggle since the late 60s led to the eventual signing of peace agreement with the government in 1996. Earlier, as a response to the clamour for independence, the government under Cory Aquino created the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The MNLF rejected the ARMM and demanded for an expanded power. After the signing of the Final Peace Agreement (FPA), Nur Misuari conceded to run for the governor of ARMM and won. But before he could have finished his term he was accused of having led an attack of the AFP in Jolo in 2001. He was arrested and incarcerated until his release on bail in April 2008.

The agreement however became controversial when the MNLF accused the government of unilaterally implemented a plebiscite which violated the provision of the agreement. The MNLF also accused the government of non-implementation of the twelve-year old peace accord which has been marred by series of armed clashes between the AFP and MNLF forces. Only lately, the OIC initiated the review by the tripartite of the 1996 peace accord. Notwithstanding the peace agreement signed in 1996 between the GRP and the MNLF and the resources poured in the ARMM because of the peace talks between the MILF and the GRP, the CBCS concludes that no substantial changes in the lives of the BM has been observed. In fact, the ARMM (where majority of the Bangsamoro live) registers the lowest in Human Development Index (HDI), lowest literacy rate, lowest life expectancy and highest incidence of poverty.





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TaBle 3: selecTed human develoPmenT indicaTors

The MILF, a splinter group of the MNLF which entered into peace talks with the GRP upon the invitation of the latter in 1997, has pursued the establishment of a Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) in Mindanao. The eleven-year old peace process led by the MILF was marred by a series of armed violence in between and had already signed interim agreements on cessation of hostilities (ceasefire) and the development and rehabilitation of conflict-ridden areas in Mindanao through the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA). The final and contentious issue was on ancestral domain, which covers territories, resources and governance. However, because of disagreement on procedural matters and the said “lack of political and moral capital of the current government”, the talks broke down before they could sign a MOA on ancestral domain. Several Bangsamoro CSOs declared that the government reneged on its commitment to follow the self-determination framework which will contain the “consensus points” earlier agreed on and instead backtracked to the use of constitution as the basis for any agreements.

In recent months, prospects for the resumption of the peace talks with a newly constituted panel on the side of the government is seen in a more positive light with the July 28, 2009 meeting held in Kuala Lumpur.

Government Response

Government responses to the right to self-determination of the Bangsamoro are perceived to be varied but mostly ineffective and at its best served the interest of the government. “Divide-and-rule tactics” is how analysts like Jubair describes government response. (Road to Peace: Jubair, Luwaran)





10


The Americans created the Moro province under a military governor for easy colonial administration and “in the guise of civilizing the people of Mindanao and Sulu, the Moro province epitomized the gradual usurpation of the powers of the sultans in Mindanao and Sulu”. Some Moros were also integrated to the Philippine Constabulary.

During the time of Marcos, a four-year war against the Muslims was waged in the south and later ushered in the infamous Tripoli Agreement of 1976. While the negotiations were going on, leaders of the MNLF were lured to surrender through a variety of government programs. Also, an autonomy law was passed that created two regions with no political power other than administrative. It served as a social base for Malacanang to effectively manage the affairs of the Moro people. During this time, the Office on Muslim Affairs (OMA) was also created to look into the welfare of the Muslims in the Philippines.

When Cory Aquino became the president, a new autonomy law (RA 6734) was passed that created the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

In 1996, an expanded ARMM (RA 9054) was organized under the presidency of Ramos. It was also during this time that the present controversial 1996 peace agreement between the MNLF and the GRP was signed. Ramos also entered into peace talks with the MILF.

The short-lived presidency of the plunder-convicted Joseph Estrada made a final blow in the peace talks by declaring an all-out war against the MILF. The peace talks resumed months later until Estrada was ousted and a new administration was installed.

President Gloria Arroyo announced her strategy for an all-out-peace with the rebels until the attack of the AFP on the MILF camp in Pikit, North Cotabato in 2003. Another armed conflict took place in 2006 in Maguindanao and since August of 2008, skirmishes between the AFP and MILF have placed the number of internally displaced people at 600,000 which is considered to be the highest in the past decades.

The CBCS has aritculated that all these political power sharing schemes have not been effective and responsive to the genuine need for self-determination.

1.4 The role of civil society organizations

The CSOs are an important sector of the Bangsamoro population. With their sheer number they can make a difference and are perceived to be the missing link in the peace process. Aside from





11


playing an important role in the peace process as an important stakeholders, they are also seen to be a potential force in developing the Bangsamoro development framework which can serve as the roadmap for peace.

As a collective force, CSOs play significant and uncompromising roles in the peace processes and have been called upon to undertake the following strategies and initiatives:

1. Serve as watchdog and monitors in the on-going peace talks between the government and the MILF and the on-going tripartite review of the 1996 peace agreement.

2. Draft a comprehensive development framework and agenda for the Bangsamoro and IPs through a more participative sectoral analysis of the socio-economic, cultural and political situation.

3. Engage in massive educational and information campaign about the peace processes.

4. Engage in a more aggressive prejudice reduction activities through inter-faith and inter-cultural and inter-life dialogues.

5. Lobby for solidarity support to the peace processes.

6. Push for the legitimate agenda of the Bangsamoro and IPs with the national government.

7. Work for the unity of the Bangsamoro and IPs through intra-group dialogues and consultations.

8. Oppose and expose the spoilers and provocateurs in the peace process.

9. Engage in the education of the Bangsamoro and IPs of the issue of self-determination and freedom.

10. Organize communities and create alternative centers of power where the right to self-determination is freely and collectively experienced.

In order to undertake these roles and initiatives, the CSOs need to be well-informed about the on-going peace processes and the legitimate demand for self-determination of the Bangsamoro and IPs. Along with the recognition of this need is the acknowledgement that within the CSOs there is also the need to strengthen unity and cooperation.





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13


Section 2

Analyzing the Specific Context of ARMM





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2 analyzinG The sPeciFic conTexT oF armm

2.1 Trends in armm

Using conjunctural analysis to describe the situation in ARMM, the following trends are easily observed:

• Loweconomicoutputandinvestments

According to the UNDP, the Mindanao conflict has resulted in loss output equivalent to P 108 billion to P 158 billion during the 1970- 2000 period, or P 5 to 7 billion per year in the ARMM (2 percent of regional GDP). The World Bank cites additional output loss as P 10 billion to reflect reduction in investments after instances of armed conflict.

TaBle 4: reGional GdP GrowTh

Source: National Statistics Coordination Board (2009)

reGional GdP GrowTh, 2006-2007

Section 2: Analyzing the Specific Context of ARMM

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TaBle 5: averaGe male and Female incomes

• TheHumanCostofWar:LossofLives

The World Bank [Schiavo Campo and Judd: 2005] estimated that a total of 120,000 lives (civilians and combatants) were lost in the Mindanao conflict from the 1970s to the present. A recent study showed that over the 18 year period 1986 2004, some 4,700 combatants have been killed and 1,500 wounded in military encounters. Of the total combatants lost, 58 percent were due to armed encounters with the NPA, 35 percent to the encounters with the MILF, and 7 percent to the encounters with the MNLF. [P. Abinales, et al: 2005]

averaGe male and Female incomes, in Pesos, 2006

Source: United Nations Development Program (2009).





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• Physicalinsecurityandhighlevelsofinternaldisplacement

The outbreak of armed hostilities between the government forces and the Moro liberation forces inevitably led to the displacement of communities. The escalation of fighting and heavy bombardment compelled people to seek refuge in evacuation centers, where living conditions are harsh. Normal social life and productive activity came to a halt. The most vulnerable, infants and the elderly, succumbed to various illnesses due to lack of immediate medical attention, medicines and food.

The estimated number of internally displaced persons in Mindanao fluctuated from 800,000 in year 2000 at the height of the “all-out war” ordered by President Joseph E. Estrada against the MILF, to 438,000 in 2003 during another “all-out war” called by President Gloria M. Arroyo against the MILF, and to 60,000 at the end of 2004. The number reached its peak again in 2008 with 600,000 and totaled 30,335 as of May 2009.

TaBle 6: raTe oF disPlacemenT

*protracted Mindanao conflictSource: HDN (2005), IDMC (2009), Sundang (2009)

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2006-2007

2008

2009

800,000

52,000

95,000

438,000

-

170,000

600,000

30,335

“all-out-war” policy of estrada vs. milF camp abu Bakar in march

ceasefire agreement with milF in June; mnlF unrest in sulu and zamboanga in november

ceasefire violations

Buliok offensives vs. milF; ceasefire restored in July

no clashes since may; international monitoring in place beginning october

skirmishes in different parts of mindanao

Post moa-ad conflict from august to december

military offensives against moro rebels in datu Piang, maguindanao in may

year no. oF idPs added remarKs





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Source: World Bank (2004).


Displacement has resulted to many issues such as: a) breakdown of social cohesion; b) indignity and discrimination; c) special vulnerability of women, children and elderly; and, d) loss of productive assets.

Many Muslims communities and societies were driven by the prolonged and intense war to completely relocate to cities and provinces outside of Mindanao. For major ethnic groups such as the Maranao, Maguindanao, Tausug, Yakan and Iranon, anywhere from one fifth to one third now live in areas outside of their ancestral homelands, some reduced to virtual Muslim ghettoes in places such as Metro Manila, Tanay and Baguio. The exodus of Mindanao Muslims has reached neighboring countries. Thousands of Muslim Filipinos now work illegally in Sabah, Malaysia, exposed to police harassment, periodic crackdowns, and deportations.

TaBle 7: access To crediT BeFore and aFTer conFlicT




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Source: National Statistical Coordination Board (2009).


• Highlevelsofpovertyincidence

The challenges of social, economic, and human rehabilitation and development are daunting in conflict affected areas in Mindanao, particularly in areas belonging to the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Poverty and illiteracy rates are high.

In 2000, the incidence of poverty in ARMM was almost twice that for the Philippines as a whole: 63% of the population in the region was considered poor compared with 34% for the whole country. The average annual household income in ARMM was only 57% of the national average (P81,519 against P144,039). While the net enrollment rate in primary education in 2001 in ARMM was fairly high (82% in ARMM compared to 96% for the whole country), net enrollment in secondary education was only 39%, and substantially lower than the 72% national average.

TaBle 8: PoverTy incidence By Families

Poverty IncIdence by famIlIes, 2000-2006




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TaBle 9: PoverTy incidence By PoPulaTion

Poverty IncIdence by PoPulatIon, 2003-2006

Source: National Statistical Coordination Board (2009).





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Lowlevelsofaccesstosocialservices Consequently, poverty has caused low levels of access to basic services as shown in the

following figure:

TaBle 10: access To Basic services

access to basIc servIces, 2007

Source: National Statistics Office (2009).

literacy rate (2003)

Families with walls made of strong materials

Families with roofs made of strong materials

Families owning house and lots

Families with sanitary toilets

Families with safe water

Families with electricity

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

armm

Phils




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2.2AnalysisofPoverty,DependenceandConflict

Poverty has many dimensions, hence the concept poverty-complex. The most obvious is the economic dimension: the lack of jobs, an asset base, low incomes and earnings, deficient market infrastructures and so on. These economic challenges are aggravated by a policy environment that is geared to empower the rich, instead of helping the poor. A country’s culture is often also loaded against the poor, including in the areas of education and patriarchal norms and behavior. Then there is also the human development challenge of malnutrition, disease, inadequate housing, and lack of security in one’s future. And often the poor, especially those in the cities, live in urban squalor and subject to the toxic effects of pollution aggravated by a lack of access to clean water and adequate energy. Often the combination of these challenges lead to a culture of silence and the defeat of the spirit of the poor.

Poverty alleviation is one of the basic goals in development. Poverty should be addressed at the economic, social, political, cultural and psychological levels. Social change is needed to address the socio-economic and political structures that cause poverty. It should focus on human development and empowerment.

There are two levels of poverty: a) material; and b) psychological or behavioral which are both closely inter-related. Material poverty is characterized by: a) lack of material wealth and resources for improved quality of life; b) lack of access to basic social services; c) lack of access to production resources. Psychological and behavioral poverty is characterized by powerlessness and the “culture of silence.

Powerlessness means that the poor are not able to protect their interests, fight the structural causes of poverty, increase their access to resources and protect family and community from aggression and oppression.

Culture of Silence is demonstrated by the: a) failure of the poor to understand the context and causes of poverty; b) failure to understand their own contribution; c) failure to see and trust their strengths; d) dependency, lack of confidence, and the “internalization of the image of the oppressor”; and e) lack the capacity to be critical of internal weaknesses.Poverty and its causes can also be understood looking at the structural organization of the society in ARMM. The monopoly of the local elite in access and control of productive assets and political power make most of the people poor.





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At the same time, the elites’ control of power and position in their society ensures their total control of the resources from national state institutions. Due to the under-development, the government is the highest employer in the region and the biggest source of investments. The elites control does not stop with the resources of the national government, a very significant portion of the resources of international development agencies is also captured. Since governance is poor, these investments in development are usually lost.

The other indicator of under-development is the weakness of formal and informal institutions, including institutions of the state to ensure protection of citizens, to ensure that ethics and justice will rule, and that property rights, especially the ownership right to lands are enforced. The failure of these institutions leave citizens in the region to go back to the clan system as the most effective way to survive. While we understand the positive contribution of the traditional clans in keeping the society in ARMM together, we also are critical about its capacity for social reform.

Development should therefore address the culture of silence, lead to the empowerment of the poor, use empowering processes in education and contribute to poverty alleviation and social change

Empowerment and Liberating Education (conscientization) addresses the totality of the person (savoir-etre), includes attitudes, culture, values, intentions, behavior, social adaptation, interpersonal relations, etc. It focuses on the two levels of understanding the ‘what’ and ‘why’ of oppression and responsibility to liberate themselves.




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Section 3

Strategies of Change





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3 sTraTeGies oF chanGe

3.1 how change happens: some Theories

Since organizing work involves strategies to change a current situation, it is important to articulate one’s theory of change not so much as an academic hypothesis but rather as an everyday expectation of “how the world works”. In organizing work, theories of change are basically built on working assumptions about how things operate in particular communities and in society in general.

Three main theories of change will be discussed as they address specific realities in the ARMM context which were described in the previous section, namely: poverty-complex, dependence and conflict.

Economic,politicalandculturaldeterminants:StructuralChange

Factors in societal change may be summarised under three main headings: economic, political and cultural. Marx is the most famous proponent of the notion that societies/forms of social organisation are largely determined by economic factors, and in particular the impact of industrial capitalism. Among political influences the state—government—now plays a very large role in social life and change in industrial societies. Cultural influences clearly play an important part in social change. For example, secularization and the development of science have had major effects on the way in which we think, attitudes to legitimacy and authority, and have thus also influenced social structures, systems and values. (Giddens and Duneier, 2000)

If these are the key factors in societal change, foundations wanting to effect change at this level need to focus on changing economic, political or cultural structures and processes. This macro approach to social change is adopted by some international foundations aiming to change economic and political conditions. These fundamental themes of resources, power/politics, and cultural factors reappear, in a sense, in theories of organizational change.

Independenceamongthethreerealmsofsociety:ComprehensiveSustainableDevelopment

Social Threefolding is a sociological theory that suggests increasing the independence of society’s three primary realms (economy, polity and culture) in such a way that those three realms can mutually correct each other in an ongoing process. The movement aims for democracy in political life, freedom in cultural life, and uncoerced cooperation/community in economic life. Based

Section 3: Strategies of Change




25


on the philosophy of Anthroposophy founded by Rudolf Steiner, social threefolding defines civil society, government, and business as the three key institutions of social life. Each of these powerful institutions has the potential to “represent,” in its own way, the realm of society from which each is active—civil society represents culture; government represents polity; and business, the economy.

Business cannot truly represent the interests of culture or polity. Nor can civil society truly understand the detailed workings of the economy or truly represent the political system. Nor can government articulate economic and cultural aspirations. Because the processes and concerns of the economy are quite different from those of polity and culture, threefolding recognizes that business, government, and civil society will naturally emphasize different aspects of society as a whole.

On the other hand, all three key institutions have the right to criticize each other when their respective institutional activities are starting to harm people and nature, within or outside their respective realms. This is bound to happen, since the boundaries between the realms of society are fluid and the actions of key institutions are bound to have impacts beyond their own natural habitat or realm.

Comprehensivesustainabledevelopment means that the goal of the conscious interaction of the three key institutions is not just conventional sustainable development but comprehensive sustainable development.

SOC

IET

YCULT

URE

Civil S

ociet

y POLITY

State

ECONOMYMarket





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Conventional sustainable development often just means environmentally sound economic development, which entails the almost impossible attempt to make neo-liberal economic models of development compatible with environmental concerns. Granted that this attempt is doable, success is highly unlikely because of structural defects in neo-liberal economic theory. This synthesis is still not enough and is too narrow. Often business concerns dominate the discourse on conventional “sustainable development.”

Comprehensive sustainable development, on the other hand, starts with the premise that there are three key institutions that represent the three realms of society, and thereby potentially the wholeness of social life. These three realms will bring perspectives appropriate to the realm to which they belong. Business will bring economic concerns. Government will bring political concerns. Civil society will bring cultural, social, ecological, human, and spiritual concerns. Comprehensive sustainable development therefore considers seven dimensions of development: economic, political, cultural, social, ecological, human, and spiritual.

TransformingRelationshipsandSystems:ConflictTransformation

Since change always involves a movement from one thing to another, peacebuilding efforts in conflict-affected communities should not only look at the starting point but also to the goal and the process of getting from one point to another.

Conflict transformation, developed mainly from the work of peace activist John Lederach, is based on the premise that, aside from the need to stop violence (as starting point), change efforts should also address the question of “what do we hope to build?” Thus, while conflict resolution focuses on de-escalation of conflict and diffusion of crises, transformation allows for an ebb and flow in conflict and sees the presenting problem as a potential opportunity to transform the relationship and the systemsin which relationshipsareembedded.

Social conflict creates changes in the four dimensions; namely: the personal, the relational, the structural and the cultural.





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Box 1: Four dimensions oF conFlicT

PERSONaL Conflict changes individuals

personally, emotionally and spiritually

Conflict Transformation thus requires addressing violent conflicts at the structural, cultural, relation and personal levels where key actors are mobilized in the three (3) tracks of the peace processes (top-level negotiations, education and advocacy work, grassroots peace constituency building.

FindingaHolisticandRelevantFrameworkforAnalysisandStrategy

In the context of ARMM, the complexity of issues necessitates an integrated framework that can provide tools for analyzing the situation and strategizing for change. The challenge for CSOs seeking to sharpen methods of work is thus to revisit and reassess their strategies from a holistic perspective. This can help CSOs to avoid the trap of “be-all” and “end-all” approaches such as those that focused solely on economic development which found some groups neglecting the overarching political agenda for self-determination. It also enables community based workers to shift comfortably from dialogue to critical collaboration or even pressure tactics as they confront the more structural causes of conflict in their areas.

There is now a growing awareness among CSOs that genuine change can only happen if issues are addressed both at the relational/individual and structural levels. Structures create the systems that influence the behaviour and culture of people. Individual attitudes and behavior, on the other

RELaTIONaL Refers to people who have direct, face

to face contact. When conflict escalates, communication patterns change,

stereotypes are created, polarization increases and trust decreases

STRUCTURaL Conflict impacts systems and structures—

how relationships are organized, and who has access to power—from family and organizations to communities and

whole societies

CULTURaL Violent conflict causes deep-seated

cultural changes. For example, the norms that guide patterns of behavior between elders and youth or women and men.





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hand, influence the way structures operate. CSOs need to continually hone their analysis and strategies to be able to respond proactively to the context of poverty, dependency and conflict in ARMM.

3.2 strategies for change

Some of the strategies that have been proven useful and effective in organizing for change and empowerment are discussed in this section to point out directions where CSOs can look into as they continue to revisit and redefine their methods of work. These include strategies such as liberating education, cultural work, affirmative action, advocacy, and sustainable development.

LiberatingEducation

In liberating education, the aim is to empower the poor and the marginalized. It is a process of conscientization which helps to break the ‘culture of silence’ to enable the people to engage in critical thinking regarding the self, and become more active and committed. Liberating education is a process, not teaching but assisting the poor to learn new knowledge and skills. The learner is the center of the process and is thus concerned more about ‘how’ we teach. The specific objectives of liberating education are: a) critical thinking; b) enhancement of problem-solving capacity; c) improvement of decision making and analysis of options; d) enhancement of confidence; e) enhancement of capacity to experiment, test principles, engage in new tasks; and f) increasing cooperation and collaboration.

Some of the basic principles are: a) ‘praxis’ or action-reflection and thus knowledge is experiential; b) the learner is the main resource of knowledge and generate their own knowledge; c) knowledge is power and the poor must be involved in creating and owning knowledge; d) thinking, feeling and acting are needed; and, e) action should be based on people’s participation.

CulturalActionforFreedom:PaoloFreireandsomeIslamicscholars

Some organic scholars have interpreted the concept of ‘praxis’ in the light of Islamic precepts. Dr. Al Shariati, in his discourse “What Has to be Done” defines praxis as action-reflection directed at the structures that need to be transformed or an act of “considering the world”. The requirements for social change are spelled out in three terms; namely: a) with clear ideology; b) unified organization with vanguard leaders; and, c) long-term strategy. (Mawdudi, Qutub and Al’Banna in “Revelation or Revolution” the Gramscian Approach to the Rise of Political Islam – in Butko, 2004)





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The enlightened person, according to Al Shariati, continues in the paths of the prophets…with a MISSION to “guide” and work for justice; his language is compatible with his time; and with proposed solutions conforming to cultural values of his society. The greatest responsibility of the enlightened soul is to identify the real causes of backwardness of his society and discover the real cause of stagnation and degeneration of the people of his environment (analysis). Moreover, he should educate his slumbering and ignorant society as to the basic reason of its ominous historical and social destiny (reflection/education). Then based on the resources, responsibilities and needs

and sufferings of his society, he should identify the rational solutions which would enable his people to emancipate themselves from the status quo (action).

Some Islamic scholars emphasize the need to know the people’s ‘cultural taxonomy’ which refers to the prevalent spirit that governs the body of knowledge, characteristics, feelings, traditions, outlooks and ideals of people of any given society. In other words, the common spirit that connects the said characteristics of the society and gives meaning to its culture, by which people breathe, get nourishment and growth.

Bangsamoro society is basically indigenous, traditional and religious which means that it is imbued with Islamic ideals at the same time rooted on extant traditions, a’dat and malayu culture. Community Organizers (COs) thus need to recognize the challenges in diversity of a multi-cultural and multicontextual Bangsamoro society. For instance, while some areas are steeped in vertical

“Whereas our people need self-awareness, our enlightened intellectuals are in need of ‘faith’

(al-shariati)

“As enlightened intellectuals, our task is to strive for progressive self-awareness through

conscientious and honest reflexive self-criticism.” (Freire)





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issues of class and ethnicity, these same communities have to deal with center-periphery issues, marginalization, and inclusion, integration and self-determination which are more horizontal in orientation.

Affirmative Action

With regard to the struggle for self-determination, affirmative action is a strategy that can be taken seriously. In ARMM, CSOs share the sentiment that the recognition has been nominal and has not been translated into concrete action and results. There is thus a realization that political power is necessary and that it requires getting the people heard through affirmative action. Participation recognizes the reality of power relations and the stratification of society at all levels; ensures that problems and solutions are identified, analyzed and acted upon by the poor; builds in processes of reflection (of themselves and of structures of society); and facilitates the development of appropriate forms of organization and types of leadership.

A collective and more specific roadmap for the Bangsamoro can be the anchor of such affirmation action. Even with a political agreement in the peace talks, for example, the specific development aspects of that agenda need to be spelled out. CSOs need to clarify their agenda and seize opportunities for promoting such an agenda. Electoral processes, for instance, is seen to be a viable venue for reforms to be pursued based on a clear agenda.

Advocacy

Reforms can be achieved by advocating for policies that can improve the lives of communities which have been marginalized and constantly affected by conflict. Decision-makers and implementers of these policies at the local, national and regional levels are the targets of legislative reforms.

Development Projects as Empowerment Platforms

In socio-economic and political domain, people assisted to solve socio-economic problems and act for social change. In science and technology, the people start with their indigenous knowledge, opens and adopts advances in science according to their condition and needs and participates in research. In human domain, the people are able to break the culture of silence. This implies that project development and management should have two main sets of objectives which are the material and pedagogical. They also need liberating and empowering approaches.





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SustainableDevelopment

In the work for development, the communities that are being envisioned are permanent and this means the people should be allowed to thrive where they can develop themselves, not in evacuation centers. As the struggle for self-determination is being waged in different fronts, indigenous people and Bangsamoro civil society see the need to develop their capacities on a sustained basis so that they can demonstrate development alternatives that genuinely promote their worldview and lifesystems. These would include existing efforts to promote systems of sustainable farming, relevant and value-based education, shared responsibility between men and women, and others.

The search for holistic and relevant methods of work towards the change that the Bangsamoro communities seek to create together should be built on critical thinking and determined action. Years of painstaking work should be opened up for reflection and learning. Models of successful initiatives must not be missed out. Such a collective base of action and reflection will spur the process of change towards the goals that the people define for themselves.





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Section 4

Community Organizing As A Response





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4 communiTy orGanizinG as a resPonse

4.1 a Brief historical sketch

In the areas now covered by the ARMM, community organizing (CO) has evolved based on the paradigms of transformation and change where it finds its roots. As the MNLF resistance movement was starting to gain ground, Moro student activists of the early 70s took other parallel forms of struggle as they engaged in political education work which supported the establishment of the mass base for the national democratic struggle. That period saw the establishment of issue-oriented formations among the youth sector, peasants, women, and laborers. Total human development was the emerging concept at the time which emphasized the need to analyze the root causes of problems in Philippine society. In Mindanao, church groups were among the first to banner this paradigm at the time when the growing social concern among their ranks found expression in church-sponsored organizations which immersed themselves among the indigenous people and the Bangsamoro groups in Mindanao.

During the martial law period these church-based programs came out as non-government organizations which were the first to engage in organizing inspite of the repressive conditions at that time. Hence, national organizations built their local counterparts in most of Mindanao and these include the Urban Rural Missionaries, Episcopal Commission on Tribal Filipinos, Share and Care Apostolate for Poor Settlers and PEACE, among others. Some of these local formations which worked directly on Moro and IP issues include the Mindanao-Sulu Pastoral Council and the Moro People’s Resource Center.

With the establishment of NGOs by various political organizations, a new breed of organizers emerged which were steeped in ideological disciplines and who were undeniably among the most effective NGOs of that period. Mass movements reached their peak in the early 80s or during the period prior to the EDSA revolt. The continuing repression had become fertile ground for the consolidation of the opposition to the martial law regime as widespread unrest was fanned by poverty, unfair labor practices and human rights violations. At the same time, peasant and labor organizing, human rights advocacy, international solidarity work, networking, campaigns for sustainable development and the growth of the women’s movement provided the countervailing force for the context.

Lumad Mindanaw became prominent at this time as Indigenous Peoples (IP) groups were consolidated around the issue of self-determination. Eventually, the IP organizations decided to form their own alliance which was known as Panagtagbo.

Section 4: Community Organizing As A Response




35


Some Moro political analysts purport that the people power movement of the mid-eighties drastically changed the landscape as the NGOs and organized groups started to seek venues for engagement with the people-installed government. It was at this time when schisms within the tactical alliances in social movement started to show as they took divergent positions in a relatively new arena of governance, electoral politics and economic development.

Moro NGOs began to mushroom in the 1990s especially after the signing of the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement. With the development package as part of the deal, many found opportunities to engage in the rehabilitation of war-torn communities in areas covered by the Special Zone of Peace and Development (SZOPAD). Suddenly, NGOs were established or transformed overnight with peacebuilding agenda, structures and programs. International donor agencies dominated the development scene as they offered supposedly new paradigms, tools, approaches and resources to bring peace to Mindanao. Dialogue and negotiation were new skills NGOs had to learn along with emergency response, rehabilitation, conflict transformation and many other new concepts which came with the slew of foreign assistance.

The 90s is characterized by the growth of NGOs and POs seeking to benefit from the so-called “peace dividends”; the revival of Muslim-Christian interfaith dialogues and the build up of momentum among the Mindanao-wide movement for peacebuilding.

With new approaches came new language and new ways of doing things. Social preparation, humanitarian work, accompaniment, bridging leadership and many other more neutral terms were introduced.

Some NGOs felt compelled to find new anchors which would allow them to swim the current tide of mainstream peace and development work without losing sight of the values and ideologies that used to infuse their work. Many found it necessary to revisit and reassess their current work in the light of commonly held principles as a people. Eventually, everything went back to the question of their identity as the indigenous peoples’ organizations redefined their concepts of organization, development and governance. In the same manner, Bangsamoro NGOs found consolidation in many formations such as civil society consortium, alliances and coalitions which has emerged in recent years.

Bangsamoro civil society organizations have recently initiated the crafting of a socio-economic development agenda which culminated in a two-day congress in Davao City among 92 leaders who agreed on the following points:





36


• Pursuetherighttoself-determinationthroughtheprocessofdecolonization;• Explorepeacefulavenuesincludingsupporttothedemandforfullimplementationofthe

MNLF-GRP Agreement and the ongoing peace process between the GRP-MILF;• Supportinitiatives,movesandprocessesthatseekto(bringtogether)theMorofrontsin

solidarity towards the attainment of RSD;• SeekresolutionoftheMuslimMindanaoconflictbyaddressingitsrootcauses–injustice,

poverty, underdevelopment, displacement and the illegal encroachment of the Bangsamoro territory, by returning to them lands unjustly taken form them through legitimized processes that were alien to them, such as land titling and the national enactment of colonization laws;

• Pursue retrieval of lands taken from their forebearswith policies enforced upon themby the succession of colonial and neo-colonial administrations without undermining the legitimate rights of the present owners;

• EnhancedrespectforotherpeoplesinadiversityofBangsamoroterritoryorgovernanceand tolerance shall be the guiding principles in the relationship of Moros with other peoples;

• Accesstoallsocialservicesnecessarytoestablishaproductive,self-reliantandrighteousummah;

• Exercise control over its territories, including the realm of decision-making on theutilization, preservation and protection of its natural resources through ways formulated to collectively benefit the Moros of the present and future generations;

• Developmentandestablishmentoftheirownsystemofeducationforchildrenandyouth,as well as alternative learning system for adults;

• Human Security which does not solely apply on the problem of terrorism, but moreimportant for every human being to be safe, and be secured in their domicile as well as their rights protected, including free movement and speech (without violating the Qur’an prohibition of slander);

• Rightsofwomenshallbedefendedandprotectedandtheirrepresentationingovernanceand other forums and sectors of society shall be upheld and promoted. In the same manner that cases of violations against their rights shall be documented and prosecuted;

• PromotionandestablishmentofanIslam-inspiredfinanceandeconomicsystemofusury-free, partnership (profit-loss sharing) scheme on public transactions, particularly those pertaining to market and banking businesses and in the management and utilization of the Bangsamoro resources;

• Moroculturalheritage,thetraditionandtherifhhistoryoftheBangsamoropeopleshallbe maintained, preserved and promoted and shall be taught in schools attended by Moros and non-Moros; and





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• Rightsofchildrenandyouth shallbeupheldandprotectedequallyatall timeamongMoro and non-Moro people in the Bangsamoro Homeland.

4.2 why community organizing?

Community organizers (COs) have arrived at a consensus on the definition of community organizing as a “collective, participatory, transformative, liberative, sustained and systematic process of building people’s organizations by mobilizing and enhancing the capabilities and resources of the people for the resolution of their issues and concerns towards effecting change in their existing and oppressive exploitative conditions.” (1994 National Rural CO Conference)

Contextualizing the definition would mean a reiteration of the issues and concerns which characterize IP and Bangsamoro communities in ARMM which are poverty, dependency and conflict.

The term “community” is used to describe an aggregation of families and individuals, settled in a fairly compact and contiguous geographical area, with significant elements of common life, as shown by manners, customs, traditions and mode of speech (Ross, 1967). In most ARMM communities there may be similar special interest groups and sectors such as farmers, fisherfolks, women, youth and others. There are also special groups or entities such as clans, sultanates, mosque-based congregations, politico-military groups, professions or welfare bodies that govern the patterns of relationship among the people of a community.

Community Organizing has been undertaken by CSOs to achieve:

Empowerment a.

Power is at the core of organizing work. It is a combination of the vision for self-determination and the force that comes from building structures (from POs to alliances to broader movements) that support that vision. What has been corrupted and destroyed through decades of coercion, marginalization and subsequently a pervading “culture of silence” is slowly regained as people start to work together around felt issues by harnessing their collective capacities. In the context of ARMM, indigenous people and Bangsamoro communities concretize the aspirations for self-determination through the empowering processs of CO where people are able to confront and transform the structures and institutions that have perpetuated their marginalization. Thus, from mere objects of development efforts that have inundated the political economic landscape, they are able to assert their rights, determine their destiny and





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stand with dignity.

AlternativeCentersofPowerb.

Where there are structures that support inequity, dependence and violent conflict, CO seeks to create centers of power which embody the principles of participation (‘maswarah’), justice, self-reliance, equitable distribution of wealth and stewardship (‘vicegerency’) in the utilization of the vital means of production. These alternative centers of power are relatively permanent organizational structures which best serve the needs and aspirations of the people. These may evolve from an initially informal or ad hoc committee or task force into a more established people’s organization which also has the capacity to like with other groups and sectors. Through these structures, alternatives to the current situation are ventured into, desired and tacit systems and values are internalized in a way that the aspirations for self-determination are experienced concretely at the local level.

TotalHumanDevelopmentc.

Through CO processes, organized groups are able to work together for short-term and long-term goals in achieving the full realization of the dignity of individuals. Starting with immediate issues addressing practical needs of safety, food, shelter, education and health, the COs build on the experiences of ‘small victories’ to propel the movement towards the more long-term goals of tenurial security, conflict resolution, sustainable livelihoods, cultural integrity, participatory governance, and equitable sharing of resources.

4.3 characteristics of the Process

The CO process is characterized by the following key features:

Action-ReflectionCyclea. The action-reflection cycle is a progressive process which builds on local, small and concrete “felt” issues which people want to resolve. It entails the systematic capacity development of as many affected people as possible through their participation in the organizing processes such as identification and prioritization of issues, decision making on courses of action, mobilization and evaluation and reflection on the action taken. Emphasis is made on the dynamism of the process which builds on simple issues (land, employment, social services, etc.) to broader social change goals (major reforms, liberation and self-determination) as well





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as local to national arenas and concrete to abstract goals.

In undertaking the action-reflection cycle, the CO builds on the understanding that people have a wealth of experiences and capacity for discernment which need to be harnessed continually in every step of the organizing process. As such, community life and action become the greatest resource for learning and conscientization of the people and the role of the CO is to guide them towards that process. The CO therefore does not take on a leadership role but is comfortable to stay in the background to allow people to discover their insights themselves.

Relevanceb.

Paolo Freire has enunciated the principle of relevance as the key factor in mobilizing people for action. “People act on the basis of their self-interest” may sound too pragmatic but it is

a reality that people will not act on something unless they see any value or meaning in it for them. For example, self-determination may be an abstract concept to many who have grown accustomed to blind obedience to and neglect by government and no amount of explanation about their rights will be sufficient. But if they experience and realize their ability to make local government units deliver basic goods and services such as water or relief goods for IDPs, the right to self-determination will take on a more concrete expression for them. That concrete experience of something very relevant will also motivate them to act on other issues that they feel strongly about.

SocialAwareness/ConsciousnessRaisingc.

As mentioned earlier, experience is the strongest impetus for people to develop awareness and

“The leaders do bear the responsibility for co-coordination—and, at times, direction—but leaders who deny praxis to the oppressed thereby invalidates their own praxis. By

imposing their words on others, they falsify that word and establish a contradiction between their methods and their objectives…”

Dr. Al Shariati, “Translating Theory into Practice,” What Must Be Done.





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motivation to act on their realities. The importance of CO processes such as groundworking and reflection where the CO employs a “dialogical” method of communication cannot be undermined. This means COs do now just ‘download’ ideas and issues for the other person to digest but allows the person to think critically and articulate for him/herself the ideas and concerns that matter. Conscientization happens not through ‘banking’ or imposing one’s ideas but emerges from concrete actions that people have reflected on.

d. constituency and consensus Building (expanding the “circle of influence”)

Organizing for self-determination means creating consensus among the people who have been divided and ruled by colonial masters for hundreds of years. This painstaking work can be described as a movement to expand the ‘circle of influence’ so that as many communities and are penetrated. Community Organizing facilitates the process for these groups to be able to agree on common actions, goals and objectives.

The pursuit of the right to self-determination has created a atmosphere inclusion and exclusion which is the reason why people have resisted the MOA-AD. Consensus building should thus seen the different groups which belong to the community who may have different interests and positions with regard to the issues of self-determination. It is in the area of education where such prejudices and exclusion emanated and so it is through education that these should be transformed.

Consensus building is based on the common good for all peoples based on different faiths and spirituality. It entails recognizing differences and it is here where negotiation is important. Negotiation is undertaken based on ‘common good’. The CO should ask “what is the definition of ‘common good’ in terms of the issue of Mindanao? What is the common good in relation to the right to self-determination and justice for the lumads?

e.PromotingaCultureofLeadership

Lessons from CO work has shown how difficult organizing can become if the organizer also assumes the role of a leader. This is because CO work is group-centered, not leader-oriented and leaders are identified, emerge and tested through action rather than just hand-picked by some external entity or accepted by the people with resignation. Instead of a leader-centered culture, therefore, the CO directs efforts towards the development of a ‘culture of leadership’ within the people’s organization where each individual takes responsibility for the welfare of the other members of the group.





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Culture-Sensitivef.

ARMM is characterized by clan structures which are dominant and powerful forces in the community. The sultan has domain within the clan and can definitely help in the consolidation of victory of the organizing work.

For instance, consolidation of victory is attained when people secure the instruments of government such as CBFM, CLOA for land tenure. In ARMM, the power of government to say that the land is theirs is less than the power of the clan to say “is that really yours?”

Community organizing starts from the reality of where the people are and so, does not seek to antagonize or confront these clan structures. Instead, it finds out how these power centers can be influenced. Community Organizing analyzes the different characteristics of each clan which may have shared or competing interests with another clan. The structures of governance, context and circumstances of each clan should also be understood. A good starting point would be the “tarsila” (geneology) and sociogram of the clan which can be used to analyze such relationships.

The following matrix summarizes the analysis of opportunities and threats that COs identified as they attempted to strategize how to tap into the clan system:

OPPORTUNITIES ThREaTS

• power to influence with its constituents

• some of them are also members of the POs that will influence the clan in decision making.

• access to information

• CSO participation in BDCs

• presence of other NGOs

• possibilities of clad dominating the development process and project implementation

• the clan may tend to interfere in the implementation of the projects

• overlapping of power between PO and clan leadership

• security of the officers

The key questions that COs ask are: Is it possible to work within the clan? Is there someone in the clan that can be influenced and who can then carry the interests of the people by influencing his clan? In the process of collaboration, the CO should be able to strategize how to enter the structure and influence it.





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Internal/ExternalWorkg.

There is both internal and external organizing work. It is important to assess who are the actors at the external and internal dimensions: who are resisting, who has the motivation and who has the influence. The other dynamics of clan is that they are also part of the revolutionary movement. A possible strategy is to start from the “doable” and then expand the circle of influence so that people’s organizations and CSOs can influence the political sphere.

Thus, there is a need to identify ‘champions’ who can go down to the masses and also work with the clans and political structures. What would unite the Bangsamoro? There is no question about Islam but the political agenda among groups are diverse. Organizing within the Bangsamoro communities is not enough, (e.g. social services) there is also a need to address the bigger political issues.

Community organizing is perceived by some to be a palliative measure. It is premised on the notion that the revolution should be won first before any real change can happen. This can be seen in the famous expression “get the chicken first before we decide on how to split it”. But COs believe that organizing is important to enable people to experience empowerment through small issue victories which could eventually build their capacities to tackle broader political issues. This means that internal and external organizing should both be done at the same time.

4.4 Goals oF co in armm

Having defined the context and characteristics that guide organizing work in ARMM, several goals can then be put forward to concretize these principles and strategies for change. These are described in the following points:

Peaceful co-existence and cooperationa.

Community organizing seeks to promote unity and solidarity among the tri-people and others groups in resolving conflicts constructively. With the attainment of unity, there is greater possibility of cooperation in socio-economic, political and cultural endeavors. Some of the indicators for achieving this goal could be the reconciliation of warring groups or clans, solidarity among revolutionary groups, unification of CSOs for a common peace agenda, and reduction of prejudices.





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Institutionalizing democratic participation in governanceb. (participatory governance)

This refers to the capability of POs and CSOs to participate directly in the governance of their community. This also relates to their participation in mainstream political activities.

Participatory governance entails: a) consultative processes of crafting people’s development agenda; b) clean and honest conduct of elections not selection; c) strict implementation of local government code; and, d) instituting transparency and accountability mechanisms.

The attainment of the goal for participatory governance can be seen in the following indicators:

POs/CSOs agenda and priorities incorporated in development council plans•

POs/CSOs participation in development councils•

Alliances of CSOs and other groups (clans/sultanates) formed to scale up advocacy on •issues (electoral reforms, RSD)

PO/CSO leaders/members are elected to LGU posts•

Transformationofconflictandpeacebuilding(poweragenda)c.

One of the key tasks and goals of CO in areas which have had a long history of violent conflict is to bring out the voice of the people and enable them to take on active roles in achieving solutions to their issues and maintain the balance of power through collective action. The following matrix illustrates how specific issues can be addressed and outlines the different levels of engagement.





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During the CO training sessions when these indicators and strategies were being fleshed out, the COs were unanimous in saying that organizing for peace and conflict transformation should be anchored on power. Thus analysis of the issues, power structures and strategies are essential at every step of the process.

CO should emphasize that poverty is not the only cause of conflict and that there are deeper issues of injustice which need to be addressed. Absence of war and palliative approaches which seek to provide economic development alone will therefore not be sufficient goals in peacebuilding.

Armed confrontations in the context of clan feuds/Use of armed forces in resolving conflicts

Use of excessive military force in law enforcement

Mutual mistrust and prejudices among community groups (inter and intra – discrimination)

Non-recognition and denial of civil-political, economic, social and cultural rights during times of armed conflict

Misuse of Public funds; lack of transparency and accountability (Abuse of power in government structures/ failure of governance and rule of law)

• Reconciliation of conflicting parties (conflict management)

• Popularization of ANV approaches using appropriate cultural /religious practices

• Reduction of partisan military interventions in clan feuds

• Training for Military Officers on Peacebuilding,

• Dialogue between Military and Affected communities

• Promotion of culture of Peace (Peace Education, Radio Programs, etc)

• Facilitation of dialogues (inter-community dialogues)

• Education on Basic Human rights and protection laws

• Documentation of HR violations/dialogue (or confront) perpetrators

• Humanitarian response

• Strengthening community social structures (POs or Clan) to improve participation in Governance.

• Awareness building on the functions of formal institutions and related laws,

• Facilitation to improve delivery of social services

Elders/leaders of clanPolitical leadersAFP/Police OfficersMIlF/MNlF Religious leaders

Military, Religious leaders, LGUAffected communities

Religious Leaderstribal, traditional leadersAcademe/Education institutionFamilies/communities

Military, Humanitarian Network/AlliancesLGU, IDPs

LGUs, GLA, DILG, POs/CBO

SPECIfIC ISSUE STRaTEgY/KEY TaSK LEvEL Of ENgagEMENT





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4.5 initial indicators of accomplishment in co work

“What gets measured gets done” is a phrase that describes the importance of defining the impact of CO concretely or in terms that are tangible and observable. These may be in the form of changes in behavior, physical structures, laws, ways of interacting with each other, forms of organization, participation levels and others. The guideposts for setting these indicators are found in the goals that COs have set which are described in the form results.

The following matrix provides an example of the indicators of change that CO work can measure after the work has been done.

Organizational Development

Critical Thinking/Consciousness

Access to Basic Services

land tenure

Economic Self-Reliance

Agricultural Development and Ecological Protection

Democratic participation in governance

• Men and women sharing key leadership positions• PO with clear VMG and functional committees• PO has short/medium term plans• PO is regularly meeting to assess and plan• PO is managing IGP to support its operation • Capable of raising external funds

• Financial and internal control systems operational• PO leaders and members are capable of formulating clear analysis of community, Bangsamoro and national issues • Active participation in advocating agenda towards achieving RSD (darusallam) and IP political aspirations• Community resolves conflict peacefully

• Leaders and members successfully negotiated for the delivery of basic services and infrastructure• Volunteers accredited by line agencies (RHU, DSWD, DA, DILG and etc.)

• Tenurial instruments (CBFMA, and CLOA) are issued to rightful farmers/groups

• PO Agro-enterprise plan operating profitably• Substantial savings mobilization and CBU funds generated and invested

• PO adopts and promotes environment-friendly technologies Upland: agro-forestry, SALT-DFS (contour farming-diversified farming system) and trees planted in watershed Lowland: LEISA towards NFTS, Diversified Farming System• Reduced production cost, increase income• Increase food supply

• PO leaders and members articulated the kind of government they wanted and vocal about the graft and corruption practices in their area• Alliance of POs and other groups (barangay level) formed to scale up advocacy on issues• People’s agenda and priorities incorporated in the barangay and council plan• POs participation in barangay development councils and special bodies• PO-implemented mechanism for effective electoral participation• Some PO leaders/members are elected to barangay posts• PO capable of presenting alternative development plans to LGUs/GLAs

aREaS Of CONCERN INdICaTORS Of ChaNgE





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A truly empowering organizing process should result to people in the communities being able to attain what they want in terms that they have defined themselves. Thus the process itself of identifying indicators of change should also be done with the people rather than limited to deskwork among planners and change agents.





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Section 5

Approaches and Methods in CO





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5 aPProaches and meThods in co From the 18 months of community organizing training processes which were undergone by KFI, four (4) major approaches emerged as strategic interventions towards the attainment of the goals in community organizing. These are:

5.1 access to Basic services

How can the provision or access to social services, which has been considered ‘dole-out’ be made empowering? The CO should be on the look out for ‘felt needs’ which bother people and the arouses them to action. On this basis, community based solutions which promote self-reliance can be pursued by them. Another track is to demand services from the government (also referred to as ‘duty-bearers’) as their responsibility to their constituents as citizens have the right to exact and claim services from government.

5.2 claim making on Justice, equity and right to self-determination

This approach brings the people to four levels of action where they are able to expose, oppose, propose and partner with agents of change which they want to influence.

To expose means to engage in evidence-based action. The difference in organizing in the current times is that information is everywhere and the challenge is how to use information to guide and assist the people in their claim making. Evidence-based action is important and this is why conjunctural and institutional analysis are important. To oppose is to correct and resist. Correcting the mistake is a collaboration. If the state does not want to accept the mistake, then people should resist. To propose is to be able to put forward solutions. Part of the democratic use of power is that the PO also has a proposal on the use of power. Principled, meaning based on values that is being espoused. To partner is all about principled collaboration.

Section 5: Approaches and Methods in CO




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emPowerinG communiTies For more secure land Tenure

Rolando, 51 years old, has been a farmer all his life. He belongs to the Teduray Indigenous community which inhabiting Central Mindanao’s Mt. Daguma Range in the Province of Maguindanao in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Rolando is the second generation in his clan that had shifted from swidden (slash and burn) to settled agriculture. Coming from the tradition of shifting agriculture where the principle of usufruct governed access and use of land, private land ownership is undeveloped concept among the Tedurays.

In 1987, a logging company fenced off about two hectares of land in Sitio Kemadagan in Barangay Temikur, in the Municipality of Ampatuan. This was part of the general area cultivated by Rolando’s family. The fenced off area was intended to be developed as nursery by the logging company. Seeing the fence as an infringement of their traditional free access to the area, Rolando together with his father and brothers, contested the company plan by erecting their homes in the area.

Fortunately for Rolando, the company did not oppose their occupation. A condition was set however: Rolando could not make any permanent improvements on the land. The company maintained that since the contested area was within their logging concession they would uproot or demolish any permanent improvement.

There were talks going around that the claimed concession area in Rolando’s Barangay was illegal. The Industrial Forest Management Agreement of the logging company was issued by the Region 12 office of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), an adjacent Region which had no authority over areas in ARMM. But Rolando was not disposed to push the issue further. He could cultivate the land and that was all that mattered. All he wanted was open access to land to plant his crops.

For the next 20 years, Rolando worked on the land. He eventually sired 13 children which made him work even harder. Over the years, he developed about 10 hectares of land, half of which were planted to corn, about 2 hectares to coffee and banana, and another 3 hectares to palay (wet rice). While the company left him to mind his own business, Rolando knew that his access to the land was in a way subject to the company’s consent. His right to the land was contestable.





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There was a growing awareness among the Teduray communities of the newly enacted Indigenous People’s Rights Act (IPRA). Under the law, enacted in 1998 Indigenous Peoples like the Tedurays can get their ancestral territory declared as “Ancestral Domain”, thereby secure their prior right to the land.

Rolando together with 163 other families formed the Teduray Fagamfungon Temikur-(TFT) Association of Tedurays in Temikur. With the help of Kadtuntaya Foundation Inc (KFI), a local civil society organization, they were able to put together the documentary requirements to file a claim for ancestral domain. Claims under the IPRA were received and processed by the National Commission for Indigenous Peoples (NCIP).

TFT eventually federated with other Teduray communities who filed similar claims. Under the umbrella of the Teduray, Lambangian, Dulangan Manobo Ancestral Domain Claim (TLDMADC), a claim was filed for a 250,000 hectare Teduray ancestral domain spanning 6 municipalities in the Province of Maguindanao.

Ten years lapsed with no action taken on the application. NCIP came up with various excuses including lack of personnel and funds to conduct a delineation survey. The best excuse was the jurisdiction issue. Since the claim was in ARMM, NCIP could not take direct action. The Office of Southern Cultural Communities (OSCC), NCIP’s ARMM counterpart on the other hand claimed that the NCIP mandate was not devolved to them. There was a need for a legal instrument to fill the legal crack. And so began the long wait to patch the crack.

For the meantime, KFI under its Land Tenure Improvement Program conducted information campaign on the IPRA Law. It also implemented health and agriculture projects in Barangay Temikur. Assistance also continued to capacitate TLDMADC to follow up its application with NCIP.

Towards the last quarter of 2008, LGSPA began providing assistance to KFI to improve its methods of community work. For the next 18 months, LGSPA support provided bi-monthly coaching assistance to 30 KFI field workers to sharpen their methods of work in their targeted communities. Field methods were realigned to be consistent with the vision, mission and goals of KFI for “social transformation and empowerment of the people”. The “tactic sessions” were on-the-job training which developed the discipline of problem





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analysis, goal setting and strategy formulation. At the heart of the strategy is a facilitative process of building awareness among members of the community to take action on their problem.

The tactics session revealed that as KFI and TLDMADC waited for NCIP to do its job, other interests had began to encroach on the 250,000 hectare claim of the Tedurays. Analysis showed that 10 years after the claim application, more than 40% of the targeted claim had been put under various forms of occupancy which could undermine the integrity of the ancestral domain claim. This underlined the need to protect the area in the interim from further encroachment while waiting for the ancestral domain claim process to take its painfully slow course. Subsequent tactics sessions focused on exploring other legal instruments to immediately secure the claim. Rather than wait and fall for the NCIP’s invocation for patience, the need was to empower TFT and TLDMADC to take action. This became the organizing strategy.

Ronie and Lanie were KFI staff responsible for Barangay Temikur. During the tactics session, one of the options that emerged to immediately secure the land tenure of the members of the TFT was to work for the declaration of the ancestral domain as part of the Community Based Forest Management (CBFM) program of the government. This will give TFT the prior right to protect and develop the land for 25 years. As indigenous people with undisputed years of productive occupancy of the area, the members of the TFT were qualified CBFM claimants. Moreover, the process of application would involve decisions of government units and agencies within the ARMM and not a Manila-based bureaucracy .

Ronie and Lanie, following retooling in the LGSPA supported tactics sessions took another track in their work with TFT. They held a series of meetings with the TFT officers and leaders to assess the advocacy for ancestral domain. The CBFM option was discussed and consequently agreed upon by the 163 TFT members.

Tasks were identified and assigned to generate the requirements for a CBFM application: 1. Letter of Intent of TFT and compilation of members/claimants profiles 2. Barangay Resolution of Support 3. Municipal Resolution of support 4. Mapping of claim 5. Submission of requirements to the CENRO; endorsement by CENRO to PENRO





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6. Approval of PENRO and endorsement to Secretary of DENR-ARMM 7. Awarding of CBFM to TFT on March 4, 2009, about 12 months after deciding

to apply for CBFM, TFT completed the 5th of the seven steps of the process.

After about six months of delay, the Community Environment and Natural Resource Officer (CENRO) of the Municipality of Ampatuan endorsed the CBFM application to the Provincial Environment and Natural Resource Officer (PENRO). One more major hurdle for TFT before the anticipated awarding of the CBFM. It was a process of capacity building of TFT through a facilitative KFI field approach. Whereas before Lani and Ronie took the main lead in implementing activities with TFT, a basic shift in approach was adopted which placed primary responsibility for action to TFT. From passive beneficiaries of the effort of KFI staff, TFT took active lead in implementing the plan of action.

The application process where TFT engaged Government became the vehicle for the exercise of community capacity. TFT engaged three levels of Government: Barangay, Municipal and Regional. The Barangay Government was not difficult since most of its council members were claimants. Acquiring the Municipal Resolution required more engagement. TFT formed a team who could dialogue with the Municipal Council. A Municipal Council member who would sponsor the resolution was identified. He was then fully briefed on the CBFM application emphasizing the economic benefits to the community.

It should be noted that the Municipal Council is dominated by the dominant Muslim Maguindanaoans. No Teduray sits on the current Municipal Council. TFT officers appeared before a Committee to explain their request for resolution. Capitalizing on the Municipal Government’s Comprehensive Development Plan’s (CDP-ELA) expressed priority to provide economic support to Teduray community, the delegation presented the agricultural, environmental and peace-promoting benefits of CBFM. The same afternoon after the committee hearing, the draft Resolution was presented to the Council Floor and was unanimously approved. The Municipal Mayor approved the Resolution a few days later.

While the process of engagement with the Municipal Government seemed procedural, there were other interests which tried to block the TFT’s effort to get a Municipal approval. Three months after the approval of the Municipal Resolution, the head of the TFT Team





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who negotiated with the Municipal Council was killed in an ambush. It is believed that the perpetrators were not pleased with the Municipal Resolution.

Engaging the CENRO was even more challenging. As Roni explained, it was hard to predict what to expect from the CENRO. The CENRO was not forthright and came up with new requirements as the process progressed.

The CENRO was responsible for preparing the sketch map of the area applied for. But on the appointed dates of the survey, he had excuses for not showing up. But TFT persisted. After about three months, the CENRO told TFT money was needed to outsource the task of surveying because the office had no equipment and funds to do the mapping. Since KFI had personnel and equipment, it offered to do the job. More obstacles were laid along the way by the CENRO.

TFT persisted, applying pressure tactics to get the CENRO to move. All communications were documented with copy furnished to the Provincial DENR head. Mr. CENRO objected to what he described as incorrect protocol. To appease him, TFT agreed not to put the cc but in subtle way made it clear that the PENRO was regularly apprised of developments.

As part of the pressure tactic, a CBFM forum was organized inviting the DENR-ARMM to update DENR on the KFI-DENR CBFM partnership. Amidst declaration of DENR leadership of its primary purpose to serve the interest of the people, TFT leaders took the occasion to bring up difficulties encountered by their application. The Temikur leaders specifically sought clarification from DENR representatives on the so called “technical description of the claimants”. This was another requirement sprung by the CENRO to TFT which could not be explained fully to TFT. The DENR reps could neither explain this requirement nor were they aware of any such requirement.

Three weeks after the forum the CENRO forwarded the endorsement to the PENRO (waiving need for technical description of the claimants).

Roni and Lani were very pleased that the application had moved to the sixth step, the second to the last step. Lani was optimistic that the PENRO was an easier office to deal with. KFI had earlier initiated discussions with the PENRO and he declared his willingness to give full support. The same PENRO showed up in the forum with encouraging words





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for TFT.“ But who knows what kind of surprise awaits us,” said Lani. During the forum, KFI announced that their planned Earth Day celebration where they hoped some awarding of CBFM would happen. God willing, said the PENRO.

Whether the awarding will happen on Earth Day or later, Roni sees the CBFM as the light at the end of the tunnel. After 18 months of engagement, he has a stronger and a more dynamic TFT taking charge of this advocacy. This land tenure advocacy also got the support of the Barangay and the Municipal Government.

TLDMADC are carefully watching the progress of the TFT effort. The TLDMADC leadership were initially concerned with the perceived shift of the advocacy from Ancestral Domain to CBFM by KFI supported groups. TFT and other similar groups were able to explain that there was no conflict. It was a short versus long term effort. The lack of any result on the ancestral domain claim over the last 10 years had made Teduray’s skeptical of land tenure efforts. A successful intermediate strategy will energize and strengthen the long term effort.

Rolando could not believe that in about a year, he is close to a significant breakthrough. He is aware that CBFM is a simple 25 year lease on the land. But during that period, land use will be subject to his “free, prior and informed consent.” In the meantime, a stronger TFT is emerging that will continue to pursue a Teduray Ancestral Domain.





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5.3 socio-economic or livelihood Projects

This approach is usually chosen by Community Organizers because: a) people demand for tangible assistance from the NGO; b) political organizing work is not acceptable and puts the life of the COs at risk; c) the area of expertise of the NGO or donor is focused on projects; d) there are immediate needs that need concrete response such as food and shelter in emergency situations.

Examples of initiatives demonstrating this approach are the introduction of projects, such a health care, income generating projects, enterprise development, credit/marketing production, multi-purpose cooperative formation, etc. that are identified by the CO with the community after a study of the felts needs of the community or pre-packaged by the funding source base on its perceived needs of the community.

Caution should be exercised by the CO in adopting this approach to avoid falling into the “dole-out” trap and create further dependence in the community. Thus, people should be encouraged to develop self-help or self-managed projects where external funds for concrete projects are utilized to stimulate participation and interest in collective activities. In order to do this, the following ideas may be explored:

Promoting stewardship: it is good to begin the livelihood program on the concept or notion •of ‘stewardship’ which exists in all faiths. The project will thus be viewed as being given in trust for the good of the community rather than for narrow personal interests.

Equity: this means ensuring that resources and benefits from projects are shared and •distributed equitably. Selection of beneficiaries through objectively drawn and implemented criteria is thus an essential process which COs need to guide the community with. To avoid perceptions of inequity, processes as well as resources should be transparent and shared with the community. It is also best if the NGO avoids handling the funds in behalf of the community and the PO is strengthened in terms of safekeeping and wise utilization of funds based on agreed upon policies and plans.

Ecological sustainability: economic projects should not cause further harm to our deteriorating •environmental situation. This will require deeper assessment of the values that the community seeks to uphold and their capacity to decide against harmful practices such as chemical farming, extractive mining and destruction of forests among others. Economic projects should be implemented at such a scale that changes unsustainable production practices (rural and urban) because if our practices are not sustainable, we become dependent on multinationals





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and global markets.

5.4 Projects as Platforms for conscientization and empowerment

introduction

The basic framework, principles and approaches of Community Organizing should be utilized in the implementation of “predetermined” or pre-packaged projects. The creative application of CO is most important in regions where conflict and poverty attract significant development funds and other resources. Most of these resources are usually earmarked for specific types and sectors of development; such as schools, potable water systems, food aid, medical services and supplies, etc.

The pre-determination of the type of projects contradicts a basic CO process where the community identifies their problems, rank the importance of these problems and choose the problems they want to solve. What is even more problematic is that classic CO normally does not deliver resources and projects. Community Organizing is centered in the mobilization of the community to demand for these projects and services from responsible offices (or from the duty bearers if we use the Human Rights Based Approach terminology). The community demand is therefore an exercise of their collective rights, making the experience liberating.

A strong grasp of CO is needed as development activists grapple with the tensions brought about by specific project “deliverables” on one hand, and the need to use the projects for conscientization and empowerment, on the other hand.

a short review of co

Community Organizing is an action reflection process that leads to liberating education. Liberating education is needed because poverty is rooted in society’s structures that need to be reformed. The social reform agenda therefore permeates the CO process. Social reform can only be achieved if the power of the poor becomes stronger than the powers that want to maintain the status quo. Second, poverty is also rooted in peoples’ perception of their external reality and of themselves. This is the cause of behavioral problems of the poor like dependency, lack of confidence, opportunism, admiration and incorporation of the image of the oppressors (Erap topping the polls for “presidentiables”), etc.





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Community Organizing is an approach that ensures collectively learning experiences where people identify their problems, analyze, plan and act on their solutions. Collective participation is a “must” because common rather than individual experiences are needed for social reform.

co in project implementation

Basic Community Organizing principles and steps cannot be sacrificed. Social Investigation remains very important as projects are implemented within existing community structures that mirrors and reinforces the unjust social “triangle” of the larger society. These local structures need to be addressed or managed to avoid projects being captured by local elites thereby strengthening the very structures of poverty that need to be changed.

Participation of the people at all stages of the development projects is needed. The CO approach to ensure wide participation is to address the economic and material aspects closest to the gut of the people. Identifying what the problems are must be followed by detailed analysis on “how” the problems are affecting the people. People do not just lack efficient potable water supply. The time and labor needed to gather drinking water is computed and analyzed. The water borne diseases suffered is itemized and analyzed, including its related costs. The resulting malnutrition and stunted growth is discussed. These become the gut-level motivating factor for people to act. Understanding local structures and how people are affected by specific problems require the CO step of community integration. Integration will allow the CO to motivate and agitate people to action. “Concretizing” the solutions to problems to as much details as possible is an important CO step. A community does not just need a water system for potable use. The community will identify the type and size of the water pump, the size of the reservoir, the size of the main and distribution pipes, the volume of the water flow, the cost of maintenance of the system, the rules in managing the system, etc.

The continuing reflection process that raises purely material concerns to the level where solutions to problems become their common right remains very important. The development of “consciousness” will be uneven and one of the key organization processes is to identify the “advance” elements. These organizations, whether these are organizations for the management of water systems, pre-school and feeding programmes, health services, etc, because of the CO process, will become new centers of power.





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stories from the KFi co-Trainees

The water system project in Upi is a good example where the community identified the problem, and how they were badly affected by its lack (labor burden, ailments, etc.). They participated in planning and selecting a specific water system as the solution (although there are technical problems due to the weakness of the technical “consultant”). While the project was funded by Catholic Relief Services (CRS), the people also requested and received a substantial counterpart from the local government. The rules in maintaining and managing the water system were also crafted by the people. The creation of the “village water association” is in effect a new social center of power.

This experience is also related and contributed to the strength of the struggle of some members of the community to earn legal tenurial rights to their lands. Farmers in these communities joined in a “rally” during the “Earth Day” celebration, which was, at the same time, a show of strength related to their struggle for ownership of their farms.

The health project in Datu Paglat town where several barangays were involved in waste management to protect their environment and health is another example. Ailments and morbidity were discussed and solutions that they local people can contribute were discussed. The proper management of community waste was agreed and adapted by several barangays.

5.5 agriculture Technology development

The main objective of Community Organizing is the conscientization and empowerment of the poor. It addresses the behavioral poverty of the poor like dependency, opportunism, lack of confidence and internalization of the oppressor image (as ideal), etc. CO is also aimed at structural reform as poverty is caused by unjust social structures. Hence, peoples’ empowerment is paramount.

Agricultural technology development is also aimed at poverty reduction. However, poverty suffered by small farmers is not only about technology and low productivity but related more closely to the lack of justice, like the lack of access and ownership of land by poor farmers, and their lack of access and control of market forces and institutions. Furthermore, poverty is behavioral and agricultural technology development must contribute to eradicating the culture that makes people poor.





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Adapting a technology that increases productivity may raise farmers’ harvests but this will increase their dependence on “external” sources of science/knowledge. This will also erode their confidence in discovering their own solutions to production problems, reduce their independent critical thinking, and will reduce their capacity to perceive the negative impacts of new technologies. In a sense, while harvests increase, the people become poorer in a more profound sense.

Hence, it is often said that “sustainable agriculture” is more about people than it is about plants. It is therefore important to adapt the CO framework, principles and approaches to agricultural technology development so that agricultural projects contribute to conscientization and empowerment of small farmers, and to the agenda of social reform.

The agricultural context

First, it is important to have a broad understanding of the agricultural context in the country. Agriculture in the country had moved from subsistence agriculture to an intensive production system where the harvests are geared towards external markets. More than half of the agricultural lands in the country are planted to cash crops and/or industrial crops like coconuts, sugar cane, coffee, rubber, etc. For major food crops, especially cereals (mainly rice and corn), farming has moved from a “once-a-year” cultivation to a year round production resulting to 2 to 3 agricultural cropping seasons per year. More than half of the harvests of rice and corn are sold to the market.

The integration of agriculture into the market economy has altered production systems radically. Productivity and income per unit of land has increased. However, the capacity of soils to naturally replenish has practically disappeared due to lack of a fallow period. This has resulted to the increased use of inorganic fertilizers. Irrigation systems have to be constructed to provide a year round supply of water. New modern varieties that fit intensive production system replaced farmers’ traditional varieties. Due to the constant presence of the crop, pests and diseases infestations also increased resulting to higher use of pesticides. Inputs for agricultural production, like seeds and chemicals, have become a multi-billion dollar industry.

The natural resources needed for agriculture like soil, water, genetic diversity, etc, are fast being eroded. The technologies that dominate these production systems are mostly imported and not generated by farmers in their own farms. Thus, what is also lost and replaced by corporate and institutional science are the farmers’ traditional knowledge systems in agriculture. In the Philippines, this replacement started around 40 years ago. Since the beginning of agriculture around 8,000 years ago, science and technology in agriculture had always been developed by farmers. This replacement is a process of disempowerment and dependency.





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According to Mr. Tony Quizon of Asian NGO Coalition (ANGOC), the Philippine rural areas suffer three levels of tenancy; technological tenancy because farmers do not control it, land tenancy because the struggle for agrarian reform is not yet over, and market tenancy because farmers have no control over local, national and global market forces.

In ARMM, the constant recurrence of war and the lack of peace and order have prevented the development of highly productive farmlands. Another reason for the lower agricultural development in the region maybe the lack of strong property rights on the land. The integration of agriculture in ARMM to market economy is lesser than in other parts of the country. However, farming technologies, in general, have also been altered towards the use of modern varieties, synthetic fertilizers and chemical pesticides. Still, productivity per unit of land is lower, and there are less permanent cash crops. Large farms using intensive and industrial type of production that are market oriented are usually owned by large corporations, or by rich and powerful families.

sustainable agriculture

There is a need to develop alternative systems of agriculture aimed to; a) conserve the natural resources needed in agriculture, b) increase farmers’ income and quality of life and most importantly, c) develop alternative production systems that is based on farmers’ traditional knowledge and informed by the advancements in science.

There are many descriptions of what sustainable agriculture is. Some believe in “organic agriculture”, others in “low external input sustainable agriculture” (leisa), others in “natural farming”, and others in the application of agro-ecological science.

This section of the manual will not discuss which of these sustainable options are better and it is also very possible that the best approach is the combination of the different options.

This section of the manual is not so much about what the farmers need to learn (of these approaches), but on how farmers learn. Ensuring a conscienticizing and empowering learning experiences in developing sustainable agriculture technologies is the heart of the application of CO in agricultural projects.

co in sustainable agriculture Technology development

The basic steps in classical CO, especially integration, social investigation, peoples’ identification of problems, analyzing how these problems are affecting the people, collective participation at all





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stages, etc. remain very important. The only difference is that the development activist will focus on the agricultural sector and its related problems.

Classical CO advise that there is a need to break down a large complex problem and/or issue into smaller and manageable issues. The same applies to agriculture. The main and practical categories are the following; a) soil and nutrient management b) pest and disease management, c) genetic and seed resources management (varieties and breeds), and d) the total production management (e.g. rice-based, cacao-coconut-corn systems, corn-beans, food and cash crop combination, irrigated or dry land etc). (A 5th category, market management, can be added. However, market management is an equally huge subject. There is a need for the adaptation of CO in people’s management of market forces.)

These problems/issues are be the foci where the farmers will be organized around. The process should lead to farmers’ identification of production problems guided by the four categories above. Under soils and nutrient category the problems can be the lack of drainage resulting to iron toxicity, the lack of organic content leading to the loss of productive soil texture, depletion of natural fertility, the high cost of fertilizers (either synthetic or organic), lack of irrigation, etc. Under pest and diseases, some of the problems that may identify are fungus (e.g. blast in rice and sigatoka in banana farms), different viruses like tungro and their insect carriers, rice black bugs, borers, etc. Under genetics and seeds the problems maybe the lack of seeds vigor and cleanliness (this can reduce harvest by 50%), lack of appropriate varieties adapted to the different biotic and abiotic stresses in the locality, lack of pest and disease tolerance of their current varieties and breeds, lack of marketability of varieties, etc. Under total production systems the possible problems are the need to develop alternative rotation cash crops, the right combination of crops, the most appropriate livestock components, etc.

These agricultural production problems will be identified by the community, analized and ranked in importance and discussed how these are adversely affecting their lives. What is important in the CO process is that the community will identify their most important production problem. At this stage, it is important to categorize the problems into short-term and “doable” problems e.g. rice bugs, defoliators, banana nematodes, etc, and the longer-term problems like drainage of peat soil zones, medium to large size irrigation systems, etc. The idea for this sub-category is to ensure that farmers will address problems where they can develop solutions while building up the organization to face the longer-term and bigger problems. (This is like the case of organizing around day care centers, community canals, and water pumps before tackling the complex and difficult issue of land.)





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designing the learning experiences and the use of science and technology

The rule, it is not what we want the farmers to learn that is most important but how the farmers learn. Community Organizers’ task therefore, once the production problems are prioritized, is to design the on-farm research that will outline the potential solutions into learning modules. The main guide in developing these on-farm research and learning modules is that it should try its best to start with what farmers know (e.g. resistance to pest and diseases, disease seasons, rain patterns, etc). The second guide is the use of other technical sources and advancements in agricultural sciences to guide the learning modules.

This is where the ‘farmers’ field school” (FFS) approach is adapted by CO practioners. The FFS approach is informed by the most recent developments in agricultural sciences. At the same time, its approach is strongly guided by Habermas and Friere.

Under this approach, the farmers’ field is used as the on-farm research and learning “laboratory”. The “school” will run throughout the whole cropping season. In these learning fields where possible solutions to problems are studied, the farmers gather the data, and the farmers analize and make their own conclusions. Thus the guide phrase: “whose problems, whose data and whose analyses” remain useful.

The learning process will help ensure that farmers will “own” the knowledge generated in their on-farm research. This is the empowerment and conscientization process. This will build confidence in their own capacity and slowly build critical thinking needed to face other problems, and ultimately address the agenda for social reform.

For example, once the farmers learn that there is very little need to use pesticides against leaf eating insects at the vegetative stage of the rice plant, they will begin to question the government programme that supplies and encourages the use of pesticides for this problem. Once farmers learn how to produce their own high quality seeds, they will begin to question the billions of subsidies that the government pays to seed companies.

The process is as important as the outcome.

This approach is characterized by the practice of production which nurtures life; use of natural resources which benefit immediate community; utilization of natural resources which also regenerates life; and, practice of development which ensures the future generation life.





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Section 6

Steps in the CommunityOrganizing Process





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6 sTePs in The communiTy orGanizinG Process

Community Organizers employ day-to-day processes or steps depending on the results of their social investigation. The familiarity of the organizer with the area also determines the length of period spent for certain activities such as immersion and issue analysis. Urgency of issues being addressed can also be a significant factor in deciding where to start as can be seen in emergency response situations. In short, context is a very important consideration in deciding which steps to apply.

However, there are basic steps that are useful to bear in mind as they allow for time-tested and proven skills to take root and attain results desired by COs for the process to be genuinely conscientizing and empowering. The said steps have been articulated as a result of a series of reflections among veteran COs in rural areas in the Philippines and are summarized in the “Rural CO Standards” which serves as a common guide among those who want to sharpen their praxis (Rural CO Standards: 2002).

Also known as the ten-step process in organizing communities, the specific steps are integration, social investigation, tentative programming, groundworking, meeting, roleplay, mobilization, evaluation, reflection, and formation of people’s organization.

6.1 integration

Description

Integration is becoming one with the people in the community getting to know the culture, economy, leaders, history, rhythms, and lifestyle of the community.

Integration guarantees that the person’s commitment to change society is attuned to what the people want by way of change and not to some theoretical model or ideology or religion.

Integration is basic to all other steps: If the organizers are not with the people, they can never really learn the true dimensions of the people’s problems or how to motivate the change.

Section 6: Steps in the Community Organizing Process




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How to do Integration:

•Participation indirectproductionactivities, suchas,plantingorharvesting rice,fishing etc.

•Conductofhouse-to-housevisits•Conversingwithpeoplewhere theyusuallycongregate (e.g.corner store,wells,

rivers, etc.)•Participationinsocialactivities•Helpinginhouseholdchores,cookingfood,dishwashing,fetching

water, etc.•Avoiding undesirable behavior or taboos such as drinking and

gambling

6.2 social investigation

Purpose of Social Investigation

Before any organizing can be done effectively in any community, it is important to analyze the situation where the change interventions are being introduced through CO. Social Analysis is thus undertaken to enable the organizers to gain:

•Knowledgeofsituationintheregion(cognitive) •Understanding the factors that affect/ determineunderdevelopment and conflict

(analytical)•Designinginterventionstocombatmarginalization(prescriptive)•Evaluationofwhethercurrentprogramsandexistingorganizationsareeffectivein

addressing poverty issues (assessment)

Social Investigation (SI) is done to: a) understand the situation of the community and the environment; b) analyze the factors that cause the situation; c) understand the possible alternatives to the situation; and d) assess the existing programs and organizations that try to improve the situation.

How SI can be done:

•Studythedocumentsorreportsthattalkofthepeople’sproblem.





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•Learnfromthepeoplethemselveshowtheyfeelabouttheproblem,howtheyseethe details of the problems, complications and significance.

•Studytheproblemasitisaffectedbythepowerstructureofthecommunity.Thatis,study how the leaders are tied to problem.

Some of the data which can be gathered are:

a. Geographic and demographic data: physical description of the area, population, etc.

b. Available resources: human/gender, natural/environment, equipment/machines, technology

c. Major sources of income as well as secondary sources of incomed. Tenurial Arrangement: number of owner-cultivators, tenants, landless workers,

small fisherfolks, kinds of tenurial instruments, extent of landlessness or lack of control over aquatic resources

e. Production survey: average yield, technology usedf. Environment Scanning: land use mapping, soil analysis, watersheds, slopes,

riverbanks for rehabilitation, type of soil and water conservation needed, description and extent of ecological destruction and resource degradation

g. Level of satisfaction of basic needs (i.e. food, clothing, shelter, health, educationh. Formal and informal leaders of the communityi. Economic, political and socio-cultural forces affecting the community (i.e., market

forces, corporations, government officials and organizations, church, etc.)j. Worldviews of people- folklores, beliefs and traditionsk. Potential leaders of the organizing process

Analysis of the data can be guided with the use of some tools which are presented below in a summary matrix. The detailed description of each tool can be found in Annex A.





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Some Tools for Social Analysis

Conjunctural Analysis

Historical Analysis/ Timeline

Structural Analysis (E-P-C) 1. Pillars of support 2. Ideological/Political apparatus code Social forces Analysis

Gender Analysis

Conflict/ Peace Analysis

Environmental Analysis

Sectoral Analysis 1. Peasant, fisherfolk situationer 2. Labor, urban poor situationer

Mode of production analysis (macro structural analysis)

1. Asiatic mode of production 2. Semi-colonial, semi-feudal 3. International dependency model 4. Disarticulated economy analysis

Participatory tools for community analysis 1. Mapping: social mapping, institutional mapping 2. Ranking: problem, preference, wealth 3. Calendaring: timeline, seasonal calendar 3. SARAR/ Story with a gap

ToolBox For social analysis

6.3 Tentative Program

Description Planning is the process of identifying goals and translating them into specific activities to meet community needs or solve community problems.

The CO should not have preconceived ideas on what are the right issues to tackle. He should be continually curious and always looking for deeper levels of complexity in problems in problem. Finally, he should choose one issue to work on.

Guidelines for choosing an issue:

• Itaffectsalargenumberofpeople;itisbasicinorganizingtoincludelargenumbersof people





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•Peoplemustfeelstronglyabouttheproblem.•Theproblemshouldbe“winnable”; thepeopleshouldbeable togetwhat they

want soon•Actionontheissueshouldinterestotherpeoplewhowilljoinin,alliesareneeded

at every stage of the organizing work•Theissueshouldleadtootherissues

6.4 Groundworking

Description

This means to go around and motivate people on one-on-one basis to do something about the issue; some aspects of motivation/agitation that can be used are self-interest, morality, rights, honor or shame, and anger.Since this method is crucial to the organizing process, the organizer must ensure that it is not done haphazardly. The CO must have all the data, information and skills needed to make the process work such as:

a. Community problems and concerns, and common felt needsb. An assessment of the past successful and futile actions on these problems,

concerns and needsc. Existing opportunities and resources for the resolution of issuesd. Culture of people their values; ande. An assessment of the social dynamics of the community

6.5 meeting

Description

When the people collectively ratify what they have decided individually. It gives a sense of collective power and confidence; it shows people they are not alone. The meeting also settles details on the planned action.

The meeting aims to arrive at an agreement among the community residents on their common needs and problems, and the necessary actions and delineation of tasks that must be undertaken to resolve the issues





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Method

The process usually includes the following:

a. Presentation of the list of community issues and concerns that surfaced during the SI phase which is formally validated or further enriched by the people

b. An analysis of these issues and concerns in a way that is participatory and the results are final

c. Prioritization of issuesd. Coming up with plan of actione. Delineation of tasks with an adhoc committee or task force

6.6 role Play

Description

This means to act out the meeting that will take place between the leaders of the people and the representatives of the government or institutions.

• It is a way of training people to anticipate what will happen and to preparethemselves

• Itisgoodmethodtodevelopasenseofreactiononthespot•Mainadvantageofthemethod—byitsnature,itinvolvespeople’semotionsaswell

as their intellect and people enter into it with full enthusiasm; it allows for an air of confrontation that people should get used to





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6.7 mobilization or action

Description

This is the actual experience of the people in confronting the powerful and the actual exercise of people’s power. This is the action undertaken by the community to address and resolve the identified issues and concerns. This can be in the form of negotiation or dialogue coupled with pressure tactics. The process serves to build and strengthen the people’s confidence in their capacity to act collectively on their issues and confront the powers-that-be.

Method

In negotiating or dialoguing with the target group or person—or those who have authority to resolve or impede the resolution of the issue—the panel must be skilled in:

a. Presenting their concerns, needs and apprehensions as well as their positions or proposed solutions on how these can be addressed

b. Understanding the concerns, needs apprehensions and positions of the other party as well an in convincing them that the problem at hand has to be resolved for both their benefits

c. If the other party refuses to listen, articulating the possible consequences of their refusal to listen and act

6.8 evaluation

Description

Evaluation has been defined as the “process of discovering by the people what has been accomplished, what has been left out and what remains to be done” (TAGISAN). It is learning from the strengths and weaknesses of the finished action. It is thus essential to evaluate not only to what degree the objectives are being met, but also the degree to which the objectives correspond to the real problems.





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6.9 reflection

Description

Reflection is different from evaluation in the sense that it deals with deeper ongoing concerns and may need a quieter atmosphere. It is best done right after the evaluation when the experiences are still fresh in the people’s minds.

6.10 Formation of People’s organization

Description

It is best to formalize the community based organization or people’s organization after the people have undergone a series of activities together. In that way, the abilities of the members and leaders are tested and become the basis for the selection of key leaders and design of the structure.

Some principles which can be observed in the establishment of the organization are: a) maximum participation of membership; b) maximum control of the people; c) simplicity of structure (e.g. general assembly, council of leaders, executive committed, working committees); and d) collective and shared leadership.

Characteristics of PO

POs come as a result of many successive actions of the people are characterized as follows:

• Anorganizationofsmallerorganizationsratherthanindividuals• Hasaninherentstructuretohelppeopleparticipateanddeliberate,andprovides

for a system of checks and balances• Facesmultipleissuesatanygiventime• Isinconstantactionasademonstrationoftheprinciplethat:actionisthelifeblood

of the organization”• Projectsanimageofpowerandsetsouttowinitsissues• Newleadersareconstantlyemerging• Partisanpoliticsandalliancesaremadeverycritically





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• Mobilizesresourcesfromthepeople• Createsanimpactbeyonditsimmediateconcernsandareas.





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Section 7

The Organizers





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secTion 7: The orGanizers

7.1 sources of commitment and strength

Each organizer has a different story to tell about the sources of their strength and commitment. Some examples of these are values, family, sense of belonging, the community itself and faith. Organizers experience their work not just as a source of employment but a lifelong vocation. In training organizers, it is important to tap into these sources to be able to sustain their commitment to a very challenging vocation.

Some of the stories that were shared by the KFI trainees follow:

“I felt effective when I was able to go into the area which is dominated by the MILF. The livelihood project was organized and people participated and the project developed and existed until now. My commitment and perseverance and the positive attitude of the community made me able to face the challenge. A picture of children in a community that I hang in my room is where I draw my strength to do all this.” - Krems

“I am proud that for two and a half years as CO I have learned so much specially the land rights advocacy that I was able to organize. Their eagerness to participate made the advocacy easier to do. I was able to win the sympathy of the people. I learned to be more flexible in dealing with them.” - Ronnie “I was able to go to an area where no Christian is allowed and risked my life just to talk to the leader of the community. My family has been part of the conflict as resident of the area and I do not have to change my religion to be able to carry out the task. To be open to accept history and that we can still hope for the future.” - Cliff

“I willingly went to meet some group in the area during the time when the government declared an ‘all out war’ and Christians are not allowed to enter a Muslim area. I did not mind receiving very little because I thought that being a peace builder it will be useless if I am not able to do something to settle the problem. The source of my strength is my faith and my commitment to the people” - Derek

“We went to an area and were held by an armed group. This group was known to kill anyone who goes to this place. Through the intervention of some people in the area we were able to do our work. To learn to deal with different groups and the struggle that we have been fighting for helped me to continue my work.” - Norman

Section 7: The Organizers




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“I was assigned to an area known to be a problem area. It was also a problem for me because I barely know the community and I was not welcome because I was not from there. I was sent there to work but instead they wanted to do the work and made me a participant. I was treated as an outsider and there were even threats to my life. Being open to learn and share my own learning helped in dealing with them and they were able to accept me”. - Rollie

“The Datus do not want for the Tedurays to be taught because leaders fear that they might become problem late on. I persevered to make them ware of their rights and learn to be empowered. My faith in Islam is where I draw my strength”. - Yasser “Being able to break the barrier between the Muslims and Christians. The community where I was denied entry once was able to see the sincerity in my work. No matter how little is done they appreciated my work” - Edith

“Being able to break culture of silence. My work is in project development and my character is “to see is to believe’ defying protocols and breaking rules even if am not familiar with the area. If I see that one person dominates I feel that I need to do something, especially if I see children and women.” - Nonits

“We were on our way to distribute relief goods to a community when our vehicle was stuck in the area near a rebel camp. We stayed for a while until help came. When I reached home I reflected if this is really the work that I want to do. I realized that this is my contribution to the people. What helped was the tenacity to stand for what you want to do” . - Jimmy

“I was warned that if I enter a community they expected the CO to help them solve the problem. When I was in the community the people asked me what was I doing there and that they do not need help from anybody. I persevered in my work with the help of my fellow CO. My contribution to help was small but I was able to contribute to make a change. The courage to do something made it happen”. – Saudi

“My work in KFI was the best experience I had. I felt fulfilled when ‘Bakwit Power’ happened. The fear that my ideas were not acceptable vanished when people approached me and thank me, appreciating what I did. The right to self- determination is my commitment.” - Nash “When I joined the land rights team. The warm acceptance of the community in Tinungkaan, I was able to bring people from DENR to visit the area. Being CO helped in all the work. I put myself on the ground, I work not above them but with them.” - Lanie

“When I joined KFI in 2002. I saw so many idle areas that I saw the importance of linkaging and mobilize the community. The water project in Upi and being able to look for funds. With determination





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and faith we can achieve the task no matter how big or small.” - Cams The barangay was able to sustain the daycare classes in Kinebaka that we started. Day care facilitators are empowered, they work as day care facilitators and they are also tapped as Barangay facilitators. Day care workers continue to work even if they do no longer receive allowance. Their commitment to work even if they walk long hours to reach the barangay is an inspiration to us.” - Sam

According to the KFI CO consultant and trainer, one of the best moments of COs is when the paradigm shift takes place in terms of one’s ability to understand why there are poor people. This usually happens during the social analysis stage when they learn to analyze what causes poverty. For the COs, it is always liberating when one is able to understand why there is a need to work in one area, how a task is done and the processes utilized in the organizing work. Ambition can help largely in attaining goals. In the end, as development workers, the ambition is not just limited to the self but an aspiration to help the communities attain improvement of the quality of life. As COs, the desire to improve the quality of life of the people should focus on poverty alleviation and conflict transformation. This entails that one is able to know what is poverty dependency and conflict as well as comprehend their causes.

7.2 creating a nurturing environment for co

NGOs need to work for the nurturance of community organizers in ways that they are able to support each other in the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual dimensions.

The Physical Dimension empowers us; we strengthen the Mind by challenging it;

the Spiritual Dimension is the Leadership of Life; and, we practice our Emotional/ Social Dimension by being

proactive in our social contacts.” - stephen covey

Energizing elements which the COs value are unity, the aspiration for self-determination, sense of family in the NGO, teamwork, a shared history of involvement and one’s faith. De-energizers can easily be addressed if NGOs are able to sustain regular feedback giving and reflection sessions





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together along with the usual tactics and strategizing sessions. Aside from addressing inter-personal dynamics within the organization, the COs identified the need for efforts to strengthen organizational elements of strategy development, style of leadership, structure, staffing, skills, sources, systems and the spirit or culture of the organization. In all these, the principles, strategies, approaches and processes of CO should be integrated and mainstreamed.





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bIblIograPhy

CBCS Presentation on the Right to Self-Determination. 2008.

Documentation of Proceedings of Tactic Sessions from 2008-July 2009.

Documentation of Proceedings of CO Lead Training, Davao City. August 6-11, 2009.

Mediation Training Manual, Mediators’ Network for Sustainable Peace. 2005.

Mucha Shim-Quiling Arquiza. Presentation on Cultural Action and Freedom. CO Lead Training, Davao City. August 9,2009.

Rural Community Organizing in the Philippines. Publication of CO Multiversity and PhilCOS. 2002.




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Annex A: Tools for Social Analysis




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annex a: Tools For social analysis

conjunctural analysis

Conjunctural Analysis focuses on the assessment of the social forces affecting a specific issue at a given moment. While structural analysis assesses the situation on a bigger scale by looking into the systems and superstructures of the society, Conjunctural Analysis examines trends in a specific area or region in a specific point in time, usually the present.

Conjunctural Analysis can be done in four phases:

1. Identification of the analysts and their position which includes: class, culture, gender, occupation and organizational base; general analysis of society; vision of society; development principles and perspectives

2. Naming or identifying the issues- which has three core steps

• Selection of 1-3 issues for analysis. The criteria for the identification of the issuearound which the organizing process will revolve can be used such as the number of people affected, winnability, etc.

• Generalassessmentofthetrendoftheissue Sample of trends in ARMM (results of Lead CO Workshop, Aug. 6-11,2009)

a. Power struggle/disputes at different levels (i.e. b/w MILF and gov’t, within gov’t, within the MNLF, among sultanates, political administrative boundaries)

b. Non-implementation of tenurial instruments/redistribution limitations

c. Increasing tendency towards violence

d. Decline in the provision of services

e. Lowering of food production

f. Weakening of moral fiber because of desecration of religious places





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3. Assessment of the social forces that affect the movement of the issues

As can be seen in the illustration, the following questions can be answered:

a. Who are the major actors in each side? (persons, groups institutions in each side; whose position and influence has the greatest impact on the movement of the issue)

b. What are their objectives? (expressed interets and target audiences; short-term and long term goals)

c. Who are their allies? (actual and potential; interests, effect on the movement of the issues)

d. How would you assess the correlation of forces? (relative strength of the principal forces in each side; where they get their strength or power, who is likely to win the struggle and at what cost?)

4. Seizing the moment of examining the opportunities and threats into action.

a. An assessment of opportunities and threats to people’s action

b. Analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the organization or community


Conjuncture Kalaban

Kakampi

Puwersa

Interes

Tamang Pagkakataon

Kakampi

Kalaban

interesconjuncture

PuwersaTamangPagkakataon




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c. Identification of key interventions for the people’s collective action on the resolution of the issue/s

institutional analysis

In order to understand the situation in the ARMM, it may be important to analyze the different social and economic forces that are driving the relationships, and the possibilities that are necessary to improve these relationships.

To undertake this, we will utilize the tool called ‘institutional analysis’ or ‘social forces analysis’ in order to identify the different individuals and groups that are important in decision-making

The tool will provide an illustration of the relationships between the different social forces that underlie decision-making in the region, and the necessary improvements to be undertaken in the configuration of these forces.

Process:

a. Identify the key organizations and individuals responsible for political, economic and social decisions in the ARMM.

b. Cut out (or draw) circles to represent each organization or individual

c. The circles to be drawn should depending on the relative influence (or the degree/ extent that they are important in decision-making in the area) of the organization or of the individual represented. The larger the circle, the larger the influence in formal/ informal decision-making.

a. It may be good to identify the different levels of influence by categorizing the different levels (very influential, influential, somewhat influential, least influential)

b. The groups should be arranged so that the groups that are closely related should be grouped together. The circles should be drawn as follows:

- separate circles = no contact among the individuals/institutions- touching circles = information is shared between them





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- small overlap = some cooperation in decision-making- large overlap = considerable cooperation

Distance between groups may mean weak and/or antagonistic relationships

c. Keep a permanent (paper) record of the diagram, including the individuals who participated in the workshop.

instructions: Part 2

a. Discuss in your own workshop group the answers to the following questions:

Which groups/ individuals are the most politically, economically, socially influential in your respective areas? Why?

Which groups/ individuals are the least politically, economically, socially influential in your respective areas? Why?

What groups relate most/ least with one another? Why?

Which constituencies or societal groups that are under-represented in the illustration?

What improvements do you wish to see in the institutional map? Which institutions should be strengthened/ transformed? How can these be undertaken?

b. Present the map and your answers to the questions before the plenary.

Problem Tree

What it is

Problem Tree is used to identify the relationships (cause and effect) of problems in the community and the main (root) cause of the problem [also known as ‘situational web’ or ‘sapot ng gagamba’]Instructions





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a. Focal problem approach: a central issue (i.e., lack of safe water) is identified and the causes and effects of the issue or problem is reviewed

- Define the central problem- Add the substantial and direct effects above it- Add the substantial and direct causes below it- Develop the causes and effects further to get a tree- Identify linkages between causes and effects through the central problem- Review the problem tree from the bottom for validity

b. What is a focal problem ? One that involves the interests and problems of the stakeholders present. If agreement cannot be reached, then:

- Arrange the proposed problems in a problem tree according to the causal relationships between them

- Try again to agree on the focal problem on the basis of the overview achieved in this way.

If no consensus can be achieved:

- try further brainstorming;- select the best decision, e.g. by awarding points; or- decide temporarily on one, continue your work but return at a later stage to discuss

the other options.- Whenever possible, avoid a formal vote by the participants to obtain a majority

decision.

eFFecTs oF The Focal ProBlem





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FiGure 2 ProBlem Tree sTrucTure


high levels of proteinmalnutrition

lack of proteinavailable in local diet

limited surplusfor sale

low incomes

inadequate levels of fresh-waterfish production available for use

Fingerlingproduction

limited

low productivityof fish ponds

highpost-harvest

wastage

dilapidatedhatcherycentres

Poor pondmanagement

practices

inadequateprocessingtechnology

inadequatemarketingfacilities

lack of knowledgeand appropriate

incentives

Poormanagementand lack ofinvestment

lack ofinvestment




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ProBlem Tree 1a

issue on ancestral domain

can’t understand documentsconcerning them

displacement of the aetas

land grabbing renting landto townsmen

result tocredit/debt

can’t comprehendcommunity structures

& systems lack of basiceducation

unfair pricesfor crops

low literacy rate easily swindledby townsmen

lack of interest in educationchild labor subsistence

economyno venue forselling crops





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objective Tree analysis

The Objective Tree Analysis builds on the work that has been done in the Problem Tree and goes through the following process:

a. To create an objectives tree convert the problem tree into a tree of future solutionsb. Start at the top of the problem tree and convert all the problems into positive statementsc. Then start from the bottom and check it for validity of the “means-end” relationshipd. Note that not all cause-effect relationships translate into a means-end relationshipe. Where necessary delete, add or reword to make sense

ProBlem Tree 1B

inefficent

low self-esteem

high mortality rate

malnutrition

low/unstableincome

inaccessible topublic services

lack of livelihood program

Farm inefficiency

unaware ofcurrent events

unaware of bad weather conditionhigher consumption

expense for lightsources at night

limited access to media

no electricity lack of energysource alternative

Physical inaccessibilty

Poor roads

Further discrimination

discrimination sincemt. Pinatubo eruption

isolation of thecommunity by choice

Psychological andcultural inaccessibility





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f. Once the negative statements from the problem tree have been re-worded to positive statements, you should then check:

• Arethestatementsclearandunambiguous?• Arethelinksbetweeneachstatementlogicalandreasonable?(Willtheachievement

of one help support the attainment of another that is above it in the hierarchy?)• Isthereaneedtoaddanyotherpositiveactionsand/orstatements?Moredetailmay

be required• Dotheriskstoachievingtheobjectivesandalsohavingsustainableoutcomesappear

to be manageable?• Arethepositiveactionsatonelevelsufficienttoleadtotheresultabove?• Istheoverallstructuresimpleandclear?Simplifyifpossibleornecessary.

d. Once these main points have been checked, the proposed objective tree structure can be circulated for further comment and feedback.

some Tips in objective Tree analysis

• Intheobjectivesanalysis,theproblemtreeistransformedintoatreeofobjectives(futuresolutions of the problems) and analyzed.

• Workingfromthetop,allproblemsarereworded,makingthemintoobjectives(positivestatements).

• Difficultiesinrewordingmaybesolvedbyclarifyingtheoriginalproblemstatement.• Ifastatementmakesnosenseafterbeingreworded,writea replacementobjective,or

leave the objective unchanged.• Checkthatmeetingobjectivesatonelevelwillbesufficienttoachievetheobjectivesat

the next level.

Problems: If cause is A, then the effect is BObjectives: The means is X in order to achieve YNote: Not every cause-effect relationship becomes a means-ends relationship. Thisdepends upon the rewording.

• Workingfromthebottomupwards,ensurethatcause-effectrelationshipshavebecome

means-end relationships.• Drawlinestoindicatethemeans-endsrelationshipsintheobjectivestree.





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oBJecTive Tree

Preservation of ancestral domain

Permanent place for the aetas

can understanddocuments concerning them

avoid land grabbing land for ownfarm use

Financialindependence

Fair pricesfor crops

smarter and wiser inmarket transactions

establish aeta cropcentral market

can comprehendcommunity structures

& systems Basic education

high literacy rate

interest in education

more efficient

high self-esteem

child education

monetaryeconomy

high/stableincome

lesser consumptionexpense for lightsources at nightaccess to public

services

improved nutrition

low mortality rate Provide a livelihood program

Farm efficiency

more access to media

more aware ofcurrent events

have electricity implement energysource alternative

Physical accessibilty

improved roads

social acceptance

disregard discriminationsince mt. Pinatubo eruption

Fortification ofcommunity identity

openness to othernon-aeta cultures

more aware of bad weather condition





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sustainable livelihood Framework and community analysis

Sustainable Livelihood framework can be an operational framework for assessment of the community situation, and thus analysis should be:

• People-centered:analysisofpeople’slivelihoodsandhowthesechangeovertime,andshould fully involve the people

• Holistic: the analysis should be multi-sectoral and should involve understanding themultiple influences and actors bearing upon the community

• Dynamic:theanalysisshouldfocusonhowtheselivelihoodshavechangedovertime• Buildingoncurrentstrengths:SLAbuildsonpeople’sperceivedstrengthsandopportunities

rather than focusing on their problems and needs• Encouragebroadpartnershipswithdifferentstakeholdersinthecommunity• Aimforsustainability• Linkedwithmacroanalysis

susTainaBle livelihood FrameworK





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Sustainable Livelihood frameworks of analysis presume that there are certain sets of ‘assets’ that households and communities can utilize in order to improve their livelihoods and incomes and reduce vulnerability.

susTainaBle livelihood FrameworK





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Financial capital

Human capital

Physical capital

Denotes the financial resources that people are able to access. There are two main sources: available stocks (such as savings, or credit) and regular inflows (the most common types, aside from wage earnings, are pensions and other transfers from the state, and remittances) Financial capital is thought to be the most versatile of assets, since it can be turned into other types of capital, but it is also the least available.

Are skills, knowledge and good health that allow people to work and earn a living.

Are basic infrastructure and services that help to keep people out of poverty; essential infrastructure and services include access to roads and affordable transportation, adequate shelter/housing, potable water supply and sanitation, affordable energy, and communications.

The following matrix shows the assets that can be analyzed:

asseT descriPTion Key QuesTions To asK

- What are levels of incomes consumption and savings? - What are main sources of incomes or earnings? - What are the sources of supplemental income (I.e.,

external income from government, remittances, NGOs, others)? Are these enough?

- What are expenditures? What are the biggest expense items of households and communities?

- What are possible sourcesof credit? What services to they provide?

- In what form do people keep their savings? What are the risks?

- What are sources of information in the community? - What are the education levels of household heads and

other members of the different households?- What are the formal and non-formal (technical) skills

that community members can utilize to improve incomes?

- What formal and informal education structures are present in the community?

- What are levels of nutrition in the community? - What are the major health related diseases that are

present? Does this constrain sourcing of livelihoods?

- What infrastructure among those listed above are the most critically needed by the poor and the community?

- Who has access to the available infrastructure listed above?





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analysis of assets: mediating Processes

Access can be modified by the following factors (Ellis, 2000):

- Social relations: How does gender, class, age or ethnicity impact on the poor’s/ marginalized sector’s access to the assets above? Is gender an important factor? Is age an important factor?

- Institutions: What rules and customs exist that impact on utilization of these assets? - Organizations: Are there any associations, NGOs, local government units or national

government/ state agency help so that the poor can have access to these assets?

Social Assets

Natural Capital

Comprises the social resources upon which people are able to draw, which are developed through networks and connectedness, membership of groups and organizations, and relationships of trust, reciprocity, and exchanges that facilitate cooperation and can provide informal safety nets among the poor.

Comprises a variety of resources, from intangible public goods such as the atmosphere and biodiversity to divisible assets used directly for production. Natural capital is particularly significant to those who derive all or even part of their livelihoods from resource-based activities, like farming, fishing, and so on.

asseT descriPTion Key QuesTions To asK

- What are the structures available for the people to participate at the local/community level?

- Are the poor organized? What groups are existing that can be utilized to improve

their participation in the community? - What are other organizations (both formal and informal)

that are present in the community that can link the members with other communities?

- What are natural resources that are available to the community to improve their livelihoods?

- Who has access to these natural resources?- Which groups have access to which types of natural

resources?- What is the nature of access rights (e.g. private

ownership, rental, common ownership, highly contested access)?

How secure are they? Can they be defended against encroachment?- Is there evidence of significant conflict over

resources?- How productive is the resource (issues of soil

fertility, structure, salinity, value of different tree species, etc.)? How has this been changing over time (e.g. variation in yields)?





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analysis of assets: context and results

Context of the poor’s livelihoods are also important. These include the situation of the environment in which the poor are

- What are the trends in terms of population, migration, technological change, prices, macroeconomic policy, national and global economic trends and others that can impact on their livelihood activities?

- What are the shocks in terms of drought, floods, pests, disease, civil war and others that also impact livelihood activities?

Lastly, it would be important the livelihood strategies that the poor and marginalized sector undertake. These strategies include:

- What activities does the community currently undertake to support their or their own family’s welfare?

conflict mapping

conFlicT maPSeveral tools have been developed to enable mediators and organizers to assess the conflict in a particular situation. The following tools are commonly used in diagnosing the conflict in terms of its: a) antecedents, manifestations and effects (ABC); b) stakeholders position and interests; c) nature of the conflict; d) power relations of the parties; d) factors that can trigger conflict resolution and escalation; e) readiness to use empowering dispute resolution mechanisms (EDRMP) (MedNet Training Manual, 2006)





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Other tools that can be used a described in the following matrix:

stages of conflict

Timeline

1. Facilitator presents the five stages of conflict describing each in detail and providing examples related to local and familiar contexts of conflict (refer to powerpoint on Conflict Analysis).

2. Participants will be divided nto groups of 5 members each and instructed to map the stage of conflict in their area using the five stages.

3. Each group will present the results of their analysis in plenary.

4. Facilitator synthesizes the reports and links them to deeper insights on mapping the stages of conflict.

1. Participants are asked to draw a timeline and plot the significant events which they experienced that have led to the current conflict.

2. Using an AI approach, they can also be encouraged to recall moments in their past when they had been able to resolve conflict in their areas, how these were resolved and what strengths of the different groups were mobilized to facilitate the resolution of conflict.

This tool enables participants to recognize the different stages of activity, intensity, tension and violence which conflicts pass through. Used with other tools to analyze the dynamics and events that relate to each stage of the conflict, this tool maps out the five different stages namely: pre-conflict, confrontation, crisis, outcome, and post-conflict.

A graphic that shows events plotted against time. It lists dates (years, months or days, depending on the scale) and depicts events in chronological order.

The purpose is to understand the perceptions of people involved. For this reason the different vents described by opposing groups are an important element in understanding the conflict.

Timeline is also a way for people to learn about each other’s history and perceptions of the situation.

Tool descriPTion Process





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The onion ring

The aBc Triangle

This is a technique used to show graphically the possibility of peeling away as many possible layers that build up as a result of conflict, instability and mistrust, in order to meet the underlying needs that form the basis of people’s individual and group actions.

This is useful for parties who are involved in negotiation, to clarify for themselves their own needs, interests and positions. Then as they plan their strategies for the negotiation, they can decide how much of the interior ‘layers’—interests and needs—they want to reveal to the other parties involved.

This analysis is base on the premise that conflicts have three major components: the context or situation, the behavior of those involved and their attitudes.

1. Participants are instructed to focus on a specific conflict which involves different stakeholders, list those stakeholders and identify their position, interest and needs in relation to the issue of conflict.

2. These are illustrated in a matrix and reported back to the big group. Facilitator deepens the sharing from each group by asking them to assess the positions, vis a vis interests and needs of each stakeholder and identify areas for possible negotiation.

1. Draw up a separate ABC Triangle for each of the major parties in the conflict situation.

2. On each triangle, list the key issues related to attitude, behavior and context from the viewpoint of that party.

3. Indicate for each party what you think are their most important needs and/or fears in the middle of their own triangle. This will be your perception.

4. Compare triangles, noting similarities and differences between the perceptions of the parties.






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The conflict Tree This tool is best used within groups—i.e. collectively rather than as an individual exercise. Similar to the problem tree, the focus are the following questions:What is the core problem?

What are the root causes?

What are the effects that have resulted from this problem?

What is the most important issue for the group to address?

1. Draw a picture of a tree, including its roots, trunk and branches—on a large sheet of paper, a chalk-board, a flipchart, on the side of a building or on the ground.

2. Give each person several index cards, or similar paper, on which to write a word or two, or draw a symbol or picture, indicating a key issue in the conflict as they can see it.

3. Invite people to attach their cards to the tree: on the trunk, if they think it is the core problemon the root, if they think it is the root causeon the branches, if they see it as an effect

4. After all the cards have been placed on the tree, someone will need to facilitate a discussion so that the group can come to some agreement about the placement of issues, particularly the core problem.

5. If an agreement has been reached, the people may want to decide which issues they wish to address first in dealing with the conflict.

6. This process may take a long time and need to be continued in further group meetings.






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empowering communities for self-determination

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