european parking u-turn, itdp

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EuropesParking U-Turn:From Accommodation

to Regulation

By Michael Kodransky and Gabrielle Hermann

Spring, 2011


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2 | Europes Parking U-Turn

A tremendous and special thanks to Walter Hook for his invaluable guidance

and critical review of this publication. Thanks to Diego Salzillo Arriaga for his

assistance collecting data and developing the Munich case study. This report

also could not have been produced without the support of a number of other

people such as Heiner Monheim, Julien Allaire, Marius Navazo, Bram van

Liupen, Carina Zell, Mandy Held, Jan Willing, Nicole Foletta, Felix Bode, Willy

Staley, Ryan Whitney, Matthew Egan, and Holly LaDue.

Michael Kodranksy is Global Research Manager for ITDP and Gabrielle Hermann

is a consultant to ITDP.


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Table of Contents

4 Executive Summary

8 Introduction

10 Part 1: Historical Context

12 Part 2: Current State of Successful Parking Management

StrategiesEconomic Mechanisms

Regulatory Measures

Physical Design

Quality of Service Contracting

22 Part 3: Case Studies

Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Antwerp, Belgium

Barcelona, Spain

Copenhagen, Denmark

London, United Kingdom

Munich, Germany

Paris, France

Stockholm, Sweden

Strasbourg, France

Zurich, Switzerland

74 Conclusion

76 Appendix A: Munich Minimum Parking Requirements

77 Appendix B: Additional Resources

78 Appendix C: Parking Management and Technology

Vendors

80 Appendix D: Pay-by-phone Vendors

81 Appendix E: Reference List


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Executive Summary

This paper is the second in a series o policy papers rom ITDP on parking. The

rst paper, released in Spring 2010, ocused on successul parking practices in

U.S. cities. This paper reviews successul parking practices in European cities.Parking management is a critical and oten overlooked tool or achieving a va-

riety o social goals. For much o the 20th Century, cities in Europe, like cities in

the rest o the world, used parking policy mainly to encourage the construction

o additional o-street parking, hoping to ease a perceived shortage o parking.

In the last ew decades a growing number o European cities have led the world in changing the direc-

tion o parking policy. European citizens grew tired o having public spaces and ootpaths occupied by

surace parking. Each parking space consumes rom 15 m2 to 30 m2, and the average motorist uses two

to ve dierent parking spaces every day. In dense European cities, a growing number o citizens began

to question whether dedicating scarce public space to car parking was wise social policy, and whether

encouraging new buildings to build parking spaces was a good idea. No matter how many new parkinggarages and motorways they built, the trac congestion only grew worse, and as much as 50% o trac

congestion was caused by drivers cruising around in search o a cheaper parking space.

In the cities reviewed here, parking policy has been reoriented around alternative social goals. Some

recent parking reorms are driven by the need to comply with EU ambient air quality or national

greenhouse gas targets. Other new parking policies are part o broader mobility targets encouraging

reductions in the use o private motor vehicles. While London, Stockholm, and a ew other European

cities have managed to implement congestion charging to reduce motor vehicle use, more are turning

to parking.

Every car trip begins and ends in a parking space, so parking regulation is one o the best ways to

regulate car use. Vehicles cruising or parking oten make up a signicant share o total trac. Otherreasons or changing parking policies were driven by the desire to revitalize city centers and repurpose

scarce road space or bike lanes or bike parking.

The amount o parking available in a city is heavily infuenced by public policy. On-street parking is

governed by municipal or district policy, and o-street parking is generally controlled through zoning

and building regulations. These are ultimately political questions: how much parking is built in new

buildings, and how much public space should be dedicated to motor vehicle parking as opposed to

other uses.

The impacts o these new parking policies have been impressive: revitalized and thriving town centers;

signicant reductions in private car trips; reductions in air pollution; and generally improved quality o

lie.

Progress in Europe on parking reorm should not be overstated. Most cities still impose minimum park-

ing requirements on developers, and ew cities have imposed maximum parking requirements. While

a growing number o cities have mandated charges or both on- and o-street parking, they generally

charge rates that are too low. The most innovative European parking practices are discussed below as

actionable measures that can be applied by any city government depending on their short- and long-

term goals.1


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EFFEcTivE PARki MAAEMET STRATEiES

Eonom Mehansms

Pricing: Trafc experts know that having 15% o parking spaces unoccupied is optimal rom the per-

spective o minimizing the time people spend cruising or parking. European cities are ahead o theirU.S. counterparts, with most o the cities reviewed in this report setting parking ees at levels which

vary at dierent locations and dierent times o day to keep occupancy rates at 85%. Some European

cities like Strasbourg are also ahead o US cities in coordinating on-street parking pricing and supply

with o-street pricing and supply. These measures help ensure that more desirable parking spaces

are used by those most willing to pay or the privilege.

Emissions-Based Parking Charges: Some municipalities, such as Amsterdam and about a dozen bor-

oughs in London, have started to vary parking charges based on the CO2

emission levels o vehicles

at the time o registration. The London boroughs base the price o residential parking permits on the

CO2

emission standards o the drivers vehicle. Cleaner vehicles pay a discount rate, while a higher

rate applies to cars that pollute more.

Workplace Levies: Nottingham, in the UK, recently decided to impose a tax o 250 per year oncompanies or each parking space they provide or employees. The levy, which goes into eect begin-

ning 2012, only applies to companies with over 10 parking spaces. Municipalities across the UK are

considering ollowing suit.2 I all the districts currently considering the levy decide to implement it,

an estimated ten million drivers would be impacted, as employers would likely pass down the cost

on to employees.3 Other cities like Hamburg are allowing companies to provide ewer parking spaces

than required by zoning regulations i they provide a monthly transit pass to employees.

Earmarking/Ring Fencing: Revenue generated rom parking ees goes to support sustainable trans-

port goals. Barcelona, Strasbourg, and certain boroughs in London unnel revenue rom parking ees

to transit projects rather than putting the money into a general und. Political buy-in can be earned

with this type o initiative because the public sees how money rom parking charges is spent. In

Barcelona, 100% o parking ees go to support Bicingthe citys bike sharing program.

Regulatory Mehansms

Parking Supply Caps: Both Zurich and Hamburg roze the existing parking supply in the city center.

When a new space is built o-street, an on-street space has to be removed, so it can be repurposed

or other needs like widened sidewalks or bikeways. This type o cap-and-trade was implemented in

Hamburg in 1976 and in Zurich as part o its historic parking compromise in 1996. Zurich went even

urther. Outside o the zone where the parking cap applies, the City o Zurich only allows developers

to build new parking spaces i the surrounding roads can absorb additional trafc without conges-

tion, and the air can handle additional pollution without violating ambient air quality norms. This

policy has helped make Zurich one o the most livable cities in Europe.

Parking Maximums: Historically, most cities required developers to build a minimum number onew parking spaces. Residential buildings had to include at least one, i not more, parking spaces per

residential unit, and commercial developments had to build a minimum number o parking spaces

per square meter depending on how the building would be used. European cities today are abolishing

these parking minimums in town centers and placing new ceilings on the number o new parking

spaces they can build. In the past, planners thought that requiring developers to build more parking

would transer the cost o parking supply onto private developers. Unortunately, it also created a

perverse incentive or developers to build more parking than the market required and stimulated car


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use. Paris a bolished parking minimums and several other cities established zone-based maximums.

Dutch cities, ollowing the national A, B, C policy introduced in 1989, divided themselves into three

types o zones: areas with excellent transit access and poor car access (designated with the letter

A), areas with good transit access and good car access (B), and areas with good car access but poor

transit access (C). Each zone had its own parking minimum and parking maximum. New develop-

ments in zone A could only build a ew parking spaces. In zone B they had to build a moderate

amount o parking within a specifed range, and in zone C they could build even more parking, but

again within a specifed range. Many cities outside o the Netherlands, like Antwerp and Zurich, also

reduced parking maximums and minimums in locations proximate to transit acilities.

Regulating the Location of Parking: While most cities regulate where parking can occur during dier-

ent times o the day, European cities have used this regulatory power more requently or the purpose

o encouraging transit use and creating vibrant street lie. Many cities push parking to peripheral lo-

cations, while giving transit passengers and cyclists more convenient access to popular destinations

than private motorists.

Physical Design

Bollards: Some cities install this type o barrier to prevent cars rom parking in pedestrian paths and

in public plazas. The saety hazards caused by vehicles encroaching on walkways and bike paths can

be avoided by erecting physical obstructions. Since 2001, Paris has invested approximately 15 mil-

lion to install nearly 335,000 bollards. Bollards are also ubiquitous on the narrow streets o Madrid toprevent cars rom blocking building entrances and sidewalks. These may be automated and retract

into the ground to allow limited access to certain vehicles, such as delivery vans, at certain times.

Striped Lines: Stockholm uses painted lines to mark reserved spaces or vehicles with disability privi-

leges. Individual spaces were once marked or all vehicles, but now this is only done or special cases.

Entire sections o curbside are demarcated with one large box sometimes taking up an entire street

as the latest practice. One large box encourages smaller vehicles to squeeze into the limited space. In

this way the city optimizes revenue rom its pricing program.

Repurposing Public Spaces: Copenhagen has transormed its city center by creating high-quality

pedestrian districts and high-quality bicycle paths by eliminating hundreds o parking spaces.

Danes can be seen riding their bikes and lingering in public spaces on the coldest, snowiest days

o the year. As the urban planner Jan Gehl has remarked, Copenhagen eliminated winter in just 40

years. Removal o on-street parking rom historic districts and central shopping streets has become

a signature eature o many European cities. This is oten a boon or business, too; shops within the

pedestrian precincts generate more income than those outside. Treating street space as a valuable

public asset, by reclaiming it rom cars, can lead to much better land uses. Reducing the number o

on-street car parking can be a way to encourage the use o other transportation modes by transorm-

ing ormer spaces to bicycle paths or wider walkways.

Street Geometry: Strategically arranging existing parking spaces can help make other street users

more comortable. In Zurich, alternating parking spaces on two sides o a narrow street act as a chi-

cane that slows vehicle speeds. Amsterdam has zones called wooners that use parked cars to create

a winding passage which orces vehicles to move at a pedestrians pace. Paris and Copenhagen have

bike lanes that are protected by parked carsthese act as a barrier between the cyclists and movingtrafc. Copenhagen and Antwerp have play-streets that allow children to saely spend time on the

street without the threat o getting hit by a cartrees, benches, and other physical obstructions cue

vehicles that they are guests in the space.

Quality of Service Contracting and Technologies

Outsourcing aspects o a citys parking management to a private third party can be an efcient tool to

improve parking management and increase revenue collected rom fnes and ees. In Stockholm, many


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The most innovative approaches to parking have

improved the economic, social, and environmen-

tal quality of city centers. Choosing the right

policies depends on a citys goalwhether it is to

reduce CO2

emissions, to relieve trac jams, to

remove vehicles because they are a nuisance, or

any number o other reasonsand certain poli-

cies t certain goals better than others. This paper

illustrates which cities are meeting their goals

with success.

Vehicle parking consumes a lot o land, is blight-

ing, and contributes to dispersed development,

increasing travel distances. Every car trip begins

and ends in a parking space. Each parking space

takes up an area that ranges rom 15 to 30 m2. Car

drivers need between two to ve dierent parking

spaces every day. Most cities still require develop-

ers to build a minimum amount o parking, but

cities at the oreront o parking reorm are reduc-

ing or removing minimum parking requirements

and replacing them with maximums.

The ample provision of parking, especially free

parking, contributes to excess car use by mak-ing driving the most convenient and affordabletravel option.

Cities aiming to reduce car use also remove or

restrict on-street parking in central areas, and

charge a high price or the remaining spaces.

European cities are ahead o the rest o the world

in charging rational prices or on-street parking

that leave an optimal amount o spaces vacant

or newcomers. This substantially reduces trac

rom vehicles cruising or parking.

Parking policy can be a powerul tool to encour-

age people to take public transportation or to

bike. Because walking trips are slower than other

trips, i a person can walk to their car aster than

they can walk to the bus stop and catch a bus,

most people will choose to drive.1 Some European

districts, like Vauban in Freiburg, Germany, place

parking at the perimeter o the neighborhood,

keeping the neighborhood core car ree but acces-

sible by bike and transit.

Some cities are even charging or parking based

on vehicle emissions. For example, several bor-

oughs in London have introduced CO2

emission-

based residential parking permit schemes. The

vehicles that emit the most CO2

pay the highest

ees, while electric cars can park or ree. MoreEuropean cities are using parking management

to encourage replacement o clunkers with low-

emission or emission-ree vehicles in an eort

to improve air quality and tackle climate change.

In France, or example, parking is viewed as a

tool that can infuence a 14% reduction o the

greenhouse gas emissions emitted every year

nationwide.2

Introduction

This report examines European parking management over the last hal cen-

tury, through the prism o ten case studies. Parking management has been

an eective policy tool to improve the quality o city centers and surrounding

areas, saving time and money or shoppers, residents, commuters, and busi-

ness owners alike. Parking can be managed through economic and regulatory

mechanisms, the implementation o certain physical designs, as well as quality

o service contracting. This report examines all our o these strategies.



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Starting in the 1950s and 1960s, many European

cities ound their once vibrant public plazas and

boulevards encroached upon by vehicular park-

ing. While most cities tried to accommodate the

growing tide o car use, Zurich and Copenhagen

took the lead in reclaiming this space or pedes-

trians and tightly restricting parking in their ur-

ban core. These decisions paid o and these cities

are now among the most attractive and competi-

tive cities in Europe.

ThiS REPoRT hAS bEEn DiviDED inToThREE PARTS:

Part 1 o this report provides a historic back-

ground rom which many o the current progres-

sive parking policies in Europe stem. The recent

reversal o 50-year-old parking policy practices in

Europe is a revolt against the lowered quality o

lie that cars bring with them to public spaces.

Part 2 details the tools used to manage parking

by restricting it through regulatory procedures,

physical design elements, and economic mecha-

nisms. The current range o strategies that ft into

these categories are outlined and discussed, in

addition to a discussion o technologies like pay-

by-phone and smart meters that enable better

perormance o these management measures.

Part 3 illustrates the ways in which each city

documented in the case studies has successully

shited trips away rom car travel toward moresustainable modes o transport.

The conclusions reached are based on a review

o research texts and public policy documents as

well as phone, email, and ace-to-ace interviews.

Parking managers, academics, private sector pro-

essionals, advocacy groups, and parking technol-

ogy experts were consulted to understand the

multi-layered parking practices in Europe.

a seen-sy mnpl pkng fly ss lng pmnen nl n he ene f Hmbg, peennghe ses, lke gng peple ess he wefn.

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NotES to iNtroDuctioN

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Local European governments, at frst, allowed

vehicles to park at no cost in public squares, on

sidewalks and nearly anywhere a car could ft.1

Ater decades o unettered accommodation to

cars within the densest and most visited parts o

the cityoten the historic districts, central busi-

ness areas, and nearby residential zonesmanylocal administrations developed more stringent

parking regulations. City governments began

to realize that public lie had been allowed to

degrade as a result o trafc congestion, air pol-

lution, noise, diminished street saety, and cars

encroaching on public gathering places.

Parking infrastructure can diminish the qualityof streetscapes, interrupt walking paths, andincrease distances between destinations.

Drivers desire or nearby parking spots was

almost always appeased, but at the same time an

opportunity was lost to develop the land or other

potential uses such as housing, ofce space, or

retailespecially where land is scare, in already

built-out districts. Parking space may take up

property that has a higher social, environmental,

and even economic value i developed dierently.

In the Dutch city o Breda, a canal had been

drained to build a 200-space underground car

parking acility with a road above it. Ofcials in

Breda decided the underground parking acility

did not sufciently justiy losing the waterront.

The canal has since been restored in a widely

successul project that has transormed the old

waterront into a popular destination. On-streetspaces were also removed to create a pedestrian

promenade.

Once the on-street parking spaces in many

European cities had been consumed, local au-

thorities ound themselves lacking public unds

to satiate an ever-growing demand or even more

parking, so they oered private parking compa-

nies concessionsoten or indefnite or very long

periods o timeto build and manage o-street

acilities.2 Building regulations were also changed,

requiring new developments o all typescom-

mercial, residential, educational and othersto

accommodate what was viewed as the mobility

paradigm o the uture: personal travel by private

car. These two policy decisionsoreiting control

o o-street parking inventory and creating count-

less square meters o new parking spacescre-

ated a system o parking supply that would later

prove quite challenging to reverse.

PART 1:

Historial context

Since the 1960s, there has been a gradual shit across Europe, mainly in city

centers, away rom unregulated or minimally regulated car parking to more

restrictive policies that better balance the competing demands or urban space.

Following the Second World War, motor vehicle ownership and use started to

climb in and around European cities as new neighborhoods were designed to

enable easier car travel. Eastern Europe was an exception, where car ownership

only started to climb most signifcantly ater the introduction o market econo-

mies in the 1990s. New town developments that ormed outside o the city

center oten mimicked the kind o building trends that, at the time, also domi-

nated the U.S., Canada, and Australiaand in most cases still do. Residents

rom the dense inner cities started parking close to their home, oten blockingpedestrian paths and carriageways allocated or moving trafc. Sidewalks were

eaten away to eed the driving and parking demand renzy while roads were

widened, giving more public space away or private vehicle use.


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In the 1960s and 70s, ater a ew decades o

ullling the unending demand or car parking,certain Western European cities, like Copenhagen

and Zurich, began to realize that excessive park-

ing supply was part o a system-wide policy

mismatch that contributed to trac congestion.

Parking plans that responded to demand without

controlling supply threatened the economic pros-

perity, community vitality, and historic advan-

tage o many central city locations.3 The demand

or more parking spaces had long been viewed as

an indicator o a thriving economy, except when

trac conditions began to impact productivity,

polluted the air, and led to other undesirableconditions. These negative externalities demon-

strated a need to reassess transportation invest-

ment priorities and pricing mechanisms, which

can infuence travel behavior. 4

Car ownership increased in nearly every

European country throughout the 1990s and

in the beginning o the 2000s. Emerging mar-

ket economies in Eastern Europe, like Slovenia

and the Czech Republic, have outpaced more

car-oriented countries, like Greece and Ireland,

when it comes to car ownership. (See Figure 1.)

This growth infuenced numerous cities to shit

away rom catering to increased parking demand

toward an approach that addressed many o the

unintended and adverse impacts resulting rom

unregulated parking supply.

Parking demands fuctuate based on location,

time o day, and day o the week. Central rail

stations are oten high demand areas or quick

passenger drop-os and pick-ups. Employment

districts have high parking demand during

business hours on the weekday, and experience

less demand over the weekends. Sports arenasonly experience an infux o cars during events.

Meanwhile, residential areas may have long-term

parking demands overnight on weekdays, but

lower demand on the weekends, when house-

holds may use the amily car or retreats to the

countryside.

Befe (p) ndfe (b) heNeuwe mk wsesed f dnd undegundpkng fly he gnlnl n Bed, theNehelnds. Sue:Wessel Keze

Fgue 1:chnge n nube f pssenge s pe 1,000 esdens, 199020045

Austria

Belgium

Denmark

Finland

France

Germany

Greece

Ireland

Italy

Netherlands

Portugal

Spain

Sweden

UK

Bulgaria

Czech

Estonia

Hungary

Latvia

Lithuania

Poland

Slovakia

Slovenia

1990

19972004

NotES to Part i

1 Jn Gehl nd Ls Geze (2006). New cy Lfe. the Dnshaheul Pess: cpenhgen.

2 Kenneh J. Bun (2006). the pll eny f pknghges n s nd send- bes wlds. tnspn Ply.13 (6), 470478.

3 Jn Gehl nd Ls Geze (2003). New cy Spes. the Dnshaheul Pess: cpenhgen. thd Edn

4 coSt an 342 (2006). Pkng Ples nd he Effes nEny nd mbly. tehnl cee n tnsp.

5 Eus (2003). ae we vng n he gh den,Eupen Envnen ageny. Ssl yebk n nd-de unes, ofe f ofl Publns.


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EcooMic MEchAiSMS

on-Street Prng

The rst parking meter in the world was installed

in Oklahoma City in the United States in 1935,2

while the rst version in Europe was introduced

in the summer o 1958 on Grosvenor Square in

London outside o the American Embassy in the

Mayair district.3

On-street parking ees are set to optimize the use

o curb space, infuencing turnover and mini-

mizing the number o vehicles slowing trac by

searching or parking. Prices are calibrated based

on demand sensitivities (i.e., vacancy and occu-

pancy targets). Drivers will park as close to their

destination as possible even i it means blocking

the moving trac lane and pedestrian paths.5

Market-based perormance pricing mechanisms

can work to shit the behavior o those who

choose to drive. Harmonizing o-street and on-

street prices is essential to nudge drivers into o-

street acilities. Municipal garages in Strasbourg

slightly undercut on-street parking costs to

encourage drivers to park out o sight.

Drivers circulating to nd a ree or cheap on-

street space slow overall trac fow, while thosealready parked monopolize underpriced curbside

spacepreventing turnover that could bring more

customers into area shops. Vehicles searching or

parking make up one-third o trac in London.6

Decreasing the number o available spaces while

increasing the cost to park may have ve eects

on the behavior o drivers with dierent impli-

cations or commuters, short-term drivers, and

residents7:

No mees mees Pies quadupled

PART 2:

cuen Sae of Suessful Pakingmanageen Saegies

The main strategies or parking management all into our categories: pricing

mechanisms, regulatory measures, physical design elements, and quality o

service contracting (and the advanced technologies that enable these our).

These can be employed in dierent combinations to achieve dierent eects,

so the best practices ultimately depend on the goals o the city implementing

the policy.1

Gosveno

Squae, London.

Soue: trL4


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Find an alternative parking location

Start their journey at another time

Shift to another mode of transport

Change their destination

Avoid making the trip altogether

The introduction o parking ees in Vienna led to a

two-thirds drop in the vehicle kilometers traveled

(rom ten to three million) resulting rom searches

or an available space. Figure 1 compares parking

ees in 11 city centers. An increase in the price o

parking in o-street municipal acilities led to a

30% dip in occupancy. At the same time, public

transit and bike commuting increased, with 25%

o car users switching modes.8

A UK-based study compared the eect o parking

restrictions and improved public transit on car

use. Doubling parking ees reduced car usage by

20%, while an increase in public transit requency

was predicted to only decrease car use by a mea-

ger 1 or 2%. Cutting the parking supply in hal led

to a 30% drop in car use.9

The price o parking linked to the number o

available spaces infuences travel behavior in

areas that have a high demand or parking. These

Cost(Euros)

Parking fee Cost increase

20

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

Time (minutes)

30 60 90 120

Fge 2:mdd ble zne pgesse pkng hges

Fge 1:Fs h pkng psns

15-Minute Short-Term Parking in versailles

Special devices designed by the French company

AMCO have been installed along major commercial

corridors in Versailles at individual parking spaces to

control short-term 15minute ree parking between

8 a.m. and 8 p.m. These spaces are meant or driv-

ers making quick errands. Other French cities controlshort-term on-street parking using this device as

well and can adjust the time. A red LED light begins

to blink uriously to alert drivers and enorcement

wardens that a vehicle has exceeded the allowable

stay time. When the vehicle leaves, the light turns

o. A magnetic detection wire is implanted under the

parking space and connected to the blinking device.

It is unclear i the cost o installing and maintaining

the hardware justies its purpose. The same unction

can be programmed into a pay-and-display machine

or pay-by-phone service, especially since time limita-

tions are harder to enorce than pricing mechanisms.

city

ased

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Rihmond-Upon-Thames c2-basedResidential Parking Permits

Richmond-Upon-Thames, a leay and afuent borough

in the Southwest o London, was the rst to issue resi-

dential parking permits based on vehicle CO2

emission

levels, in 2007. Since then, the percentage o permits

issued or the most emission-intensive cars has allen

rom 16% to 13% and the amount issued to the lowestemission vehicles has increased rom 25% to 32%.10

Richmond is also the rst borough to go one step ur-

ther and charge or on-street and o-street metered

parking based on vehicle emissions. Payments can

be made using pay-by-phone services or by purchas-

ing a pre-paid RichmondCard, which is debited every

time a driver parks in a metered space. Under this

scheme, the standard parking ee was increased by

25% and drivers with cleaner vehicles could qualiy or

a discount.

As a way to gain support rom local businesses or

the emission-based parking measures, the borough

council came up with a proposal called 20:20 that al-

lows drivers to park or 20 minutes on-street or only

20 pencethus encouraging visitors to make shorterrands to local shops. Lower emission vehicles pay 10

pence or the same amount o time.11

In 2010, the new conservative government that took

oce immediately abolished the CO2-based measure

in Richmond-upon-Thames. Other boroughs still have

their policies intact.

BLuE DiScS

cLEaN vEHicLES

motorcycLES

car SHariNG cLuBS

DiSaBLED ParKiNG

te-led fee spes e fen egled enllns n es sng he ble dss, wdel egnzedss Epe. Des s dspl he ds behnd he swndsheld ndng e f l. Sgn pss dspl hwlng pkng s peed sng he ble dss. the ple ln s p 90 nes.

Skhl nd cpenhgen llw len ehles pkf fee s w enge phse f ele ehles hse wh lw essns. the lng-ew f hs seg sn ssnble sne ee f len ehles n sll hendesble nseqenessh s he need f pkngnfse he expense f he lnd se pssbles.

Ps, Skhl, cpenhgen, nd ased llw -les pk f fee. the esl hs been plfen fzed w-wheeles, seen nll s bee lene pe ehle se. the bgh f Wesnse n Lndnnsed pd le pkng fe he plfen fw-wheeles bee pble wh dded ngesn,nse, nd plln.

cpnes n ased nd he bgh f Wesnsen Lndn h n shng lbs e gen led, feen-see spe.

Dsbled bdges llw fee pkng f n nled e. theenl Lndn egn ws exlded f he nnl ds-bled bdge shee, nsed ssng s wn shee. thesebdges e ssed b ll hes nd 70% f he essed (e.g., sed b fl ebe). the bdges n gesld f 2,000 n he blk ke. Se bdge hldesneed g befe pnel deene h he e leg-el dsbled, whle hes e eqed ge sgnedfd f ll d.

Limited Free Parking

Several policies exist across Europe

that allow ree parking within zones

that otherwise require payment. This

is part o a theory that short-term er-

rands should be enabled and the time

o allowable ree parking should be

limited, encouraging turnover.


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itdp.org | 15

demands vary based on whether the area has a

concentration of commercial, residential, indus-

trial or other uses. A Controlled Parking Zone

(CPZ) is a designated section of the city that can

be as small as a block, or as large as an entire

neighborhood. CPZs allow each council in Londonto determine what fees and regulations are ap-

propriate to the local context, like setting the cost

in a popular shopping district, in order to prevent

all-day commuters from parking, while favoring

short-term visitors, and businesses. Zurich and

Munich use a similar approach with a block-by-

block pricing designation that varies in cost based

on location and time of day.

Progressive charges

Zurich, Antwerp, Vienna, and Madrid have on-

street pricing schemes that charge a marginalcost increase with successive time to capture the

increased marginal burden of a cars presence.

Visitors to Madrid are allowed to park for a maxi-

mum of two hours and the fee increases a mar-

ginal amount following each time interval. Figure

2 (previous spread) illustrates how the parking fee

increases at a progressive rate.

Residential Permits

Spillover from central business districts (CBDs)

into residential areas prompts the need for resi-

dential parking permits. It is also a way to better

manage the particular demands of residents,

which differ from short-term visitor and commut-

er parking. Residents in the Camden and Islington

boroughs of London pay for residential parkingpermits based on their vehicles CO

2emission

standards that are assessed at the time of regis-

trationthe most noxious cars pay a higher price.

Residential parking permits in Munich helped

reduce the share of car trips from 44% to 32%.

Nearly 27% of car commuters switched to another

mode of transport.12 Meanwhile, public transit

ridership increased from 40% to 47%.13

Workplae Levies

Companies can be taxed for spaces providedat work sites. Municipalities across the UK are

ready to charge up to 250 per year, as has been

proposed in Nottingham beginning in 2012, for

a parking space at a work site.14 The plan, gain-

ing traction in many UK cities in recent months,

would impact an estimated ten million drivers,

as employers would likely pass down the cost

imposed by local governments to employees.15

construton of a 400-spae underground parkng

falty wth resdental unts above, n the islands

Brygge neghborhood of copenhagen, Denmark.


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A study done in Paris ound that given a scenario

in which no workplace parking existed, 20% o

drivers would walk or cycle instead, 20% would

take public transit, 15% would car pool, 40% would

search or ree spaces urther out, and 5% would

be willing to pay or a spot. An estimated 75% ocommuters to the city center in the 2001 study

had a parking space provided by an employer.16

Earmarking/Ring Fening

Barcelona, Strasbourg, Munich, and certain bor-

oughs in London earmark revenue rom parking

unds to support sustainable transport. Public

support or parking charges can be won when the

surplus unds are used to improve public transit,

walking, or cycling conditions. In the London bor-

ough o Kensington and Chelsea, 12% o parking

revenue is used to und Freedom Passa programthat gives ree transit tickets to the elderly (60+)

and disabled. In Barcelona, 100% o parking ees

are used to support Bicingthe citys bike sharing

program arranged as a public-private partnership

with ClearChannel.

REULATRY MEASURES

Parking Supply caps

Hamburg, Zurich,17 and Budapest have insti-

tuted caps on the total parking supply in the city

center, reorming the building codes to reeze the

existing inventory and ban any urther increases.

The Hamburg supply cap was instituted in 1976,

sealing the inventory at roughly 30,000 spaces.

Zurich instituted a cap in 1996. While commuters

are mostly dissuaded rom driving into the central

business district, some fexibility still exists or

other types o uses, like delivery trucks. For every

o-street space created within the capped area,

an equal number o spaces must be removed romthe on-street supply. This type o a parking-based

cap-and-trade allows the supply to stay constant

while repurposing the on-street uses.

In Copenhagen, this type o arrangement was

used as political leverage to remove 1,000 on-

street spaces or repurposing as bike and pedes-

trian paths in exchange or the creation o 3,000

o-street spaces built by a private developer. Car

ownership in the city, especially in the areas im-

mediately outside the municipal boundaries, has

been increasing in the last decade, as it has all

across Europe.

Parking Maximums

Some cities in Europe have recognized the need

to institute parking maximums, creating ceil-

ings or the amount o parking included in new

developments. Cities like Zurich, Amsterdam, and

Strasbourg are leading the way in this initiative

while most other cities are still ollowing regula-

tions or minimums based on antiquated build-

ing codes that have not been updated in decades.

Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and Italy set

maximums as national guidelines. The Milan met-

ropolitan area tailors national standards to the

local context.

Publi Transit Employee eneft Program

Companies in Hamburg are required to provide less parking than is mandated by the citysminimum parking requirements i a signicant number o employees have public transit

passes. The transit-pass benet program requires opt-in rom employees, whose payment is

deducted rom a pre-tax salary.

Some portion o the pass is also subsidized by the company. The parking spaces oered to

those who still wish to commute by car may be accommodated o-site at a certain distance

rom the company building.18


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itdp.org | 17

Local jurisdictions in the UK are required to

set maximums as a way to promote sustain-

able transport choices, reduce the land-take o

development, enable schemes to ft into central

urban sites, promote linked-trips and access to

development or those without use o a car, and to

tackle congestion.19 For non-residential devel-

opments, the policy goes urther and says that

the maximum requirements should be set basedon what is locally appropriate to reduce the car

use, promote cycling and walking, reduce carbon

emissions, attain air quality standards, reduce

sprawl, and meet other objectives.20 Despite the

strong language, however, the requirements are

not legally binding.

The idea o requiring parking minimums is that

new developments will generate driving trips and

demand or parking. Requiring a minimum provi-

sion is thought to transer the burden o creating

new parking onto private developers. Yet orecast-

ing or parking demand is not based on any well-studied algorithm. Most parking managers cannot

explain the origin or rationale to parking require-

ments or buildings, which orce opportunity

costs onto developers who may preer to use the

square meters or other purposes. In older historic

districts, the regulations do not have as much

o an impact because there is limited change to

the buildings. In parts o the city where many

new construction projects exist, the eects o

the policy are palpable. Zurich has demonstrated

with such projects as SihlCity that it is possible to

regulate demand or parking by requiring devel-

opments to promote visits by transit, biking, and

walking trips while capping how many allowable

car trips can be made to the site.

Figure 3 shows how parking minimums vary be-

tween cities or residential accessory parking.

Hamburg may be an outlier in this case because

o the amount o unregulated on-street space

that exists in many districts immediately outside

the CBD. Developers can also pay a ee in lieu o

providing parkingto reduce development costs

and encourage shared parkingand in act must

do so in the CBD as a result o the citys parking

cap. The in-lieu ee amounts to $20,705 per park-

ing space in the city center, and $11,300 in the

surrounding neighborhoods.21

Stockholm has the lowest mandated provision

o any city analyzed or this report. Developers

there can ulfll parking requirements by fnding

available spaces in nearby parking acilities with

the assistance o Stockholm Parkering, the local

parking authority. In act, the city requires them

to do a scan o available spaces beore complying

with the building code on parking.

a Bng son n Belon n he G ds.

city

ased

anwep

Belon

copenhgen

Hbg

mdd

mnh

Sokhol

Ssbog

venn

miNimum rESiDENtiaL StaNDarDS

1 spo/hosng n + 0.2 dded fo gess

1.1 spos/dwellng n; 2 ble spos/dwellng n

1 spo/26 pens (dependng on e)

1 spo/100 sq. ees

0.2/lng n n cBD, 0.8/lng n osde cBD

1 spo/n

1 spo/n

0.14 spos/oo

0.5 spos/pen f whn 500 ees of Pt,

1 spo/pen ohewse

1 spo/dwellng

Fge 3:a opson of pkng ns n dozen es.


18/84


In Madrid, which has the highest share o

residential parking acilities in Europe (120,000

acilities), owners o spaces in these car garages

can lend them temporarily to visitors by way o

controlled reservations. In the London borough

o Westminster, on-street residential bays have

also been opened up to visitors. And in Paris, an

experiment has been underway since 2009 al-

lowing residential vehicles to park overnight in

loading zones. These shared space arrangements

decrease the orecasted need to build more park-

ing inrastructure.

Parking requirements can be urther limited de-

pending on public transit accessibility as has been

done in Antwerp, Paris, Amsterdam, and Zurich.

The Dutch A, B, C policy modies non-residential

parking standards based on distance to a transit

stopdevelopments closest to transit (at A loca-

tions) are required to build limited parking while

those near no transit access (at C locations) are

encouraged to build more parking. In Paris, build-

ing parking at new developments is orbidden 500

meters rom a transit stopnearly every part o

the inner city is within this distance.

Regulatng te Loaton of Parkng

Vehicles may be limited or banned altogether in

pedestrian priority districts, except or delivery o

goods during specic times o the day. Cars have

been restricted or banned in many historic cen-

ters and popular retail corridors. Barcelona has a

trac cell in the Gracia District called the Super

Manzanas project, which orces trac to move

along the periphery o the zone that has been

reprioritized or pedestrians and cyclistsspecial

permissions may be granted or vehicles to park

inside or short periods, but otherwise parking

inside the zone is orbidden.

Certain categories o vehicles are banned rom

city centers based on their emission levels. This

type o strategy is used in Berlin, London, Milan,

and dozens o other cities. While not a parking-

based strategy per se, the eect is that those

vehicles with high emissions are not permitted to

park in the city due to the specic driving pro-

scription.

PhYSicAL DESiS

ollards

Paris and Madrid have bollards installed through-

out the city to prevent vehicles rom blocking

pedestrian paths and encroaching on public pla-

zas. Since 2001, Paris has invested approximately

15 million to install nearly 335,000 bollards.

Sometimes retractable bollards, vehicle-height-

limiting bars, and other types o barricades are

used to restrict street access, while giving emer-

gency vehicles and delivery vans the fexibility to

enter and park, i needed.

Strped Lnes

Stockholm has painted white lines demarcat-

ing where parking is allowed on a given street,

serving as a sot visual cue that organizes park-

ing rom other unctional spaces such as pedes-

trian paths, bike lanes, and moving trac lanes.

Painted markers can also include words that limit

demarcated spaces to specic userssuch as car-

sharing club vehicles. The success o this type o

installation is dependent on strong compliance

and enorcement o parking rules.

Repurposng Publ Spae

Copenhagen started removing parking spaces

rom the city center in the 1960s, especially along

Strget Streetthe main car-ree retail corridor

in the city. The total number o parking spaces

in the inner city was reduced by 400 spaces rom

3,100 to 2,720 between 1995 and 2000, through

Bollards on a street in a residential neighborhood in the city

center of madrid.


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itdp.org | 19

small reductions over time, while the network o

pedestrian areas increased by 4,020 m2 in roughly

the same period.22

Other compelling reasons or removing parking

spaces include: the improvement o sightlines

at intersections; decreasing crossing times or

pedestrians by installing bulb-outs (sidewalk ex-

pansions at crosswalks); greening the streetscape

with tree plantings; expanding the space available

to caes on narrow streets; and the addition o

benches to encourage lingering. All these alterna-

tive uses slowly decrease the overall parking sup-

ply on the street, while improving the streetscape

or other uses.

Retailers are sometimes the loudest critics o

restrictive parking policies, because they believe

that the economic vitality o a city is linked to ac-cessibility by car. A study conducted in Rotterdam,

The Netherlands, ound that retailers on one o

the busiest shopping streets grossly overesti-

mated the percentage o customers who arrive by

car.23 Shops in a pedestrian zone where parking

spaces have been wholly removed generate more

income than those outside.24 In the most promi-

nent pedestrianized shopping district in Munich,

only 16% o people come by car, while 72% come

by public transit. The remainder walk or bike.25

Street space has been reclaimed throughout

Europe, and treated as a public asset that can be

used or more highly valued purposes. In France,

most rst- and second-tier cities have built costly

underground parking acilities to revitalize public

squares that were once overwhelmed by parked

cars. Reducing the on-street supply can be a way

to encourage the use o other transportation

modes and improve the local environment.26 The

enlargement o the tram network in Strasbourg,

France, or example, resulted in the relocation

o on-street space to o-street acilities beneath

pedestrianized streets, the building o park-and-

ride acilities at the ends o tram lines and the

expansion o paid parking zones. These measures

refect a general attitude that took hold in many

European cities and has been decades in the

makingone where unquestioned support or in-

creased parking demand shited toward the strict

control o supply, especially near transit.

Street geometry

Where on-street spaces have not been removed,

they can be organized in a way to meet street

saety goals. In Zurich, alternating parking spaces

on two sides o a narrow street act as a chicane

that slows vehicle speeds. Amsterdam has zones

called wooners that use parked cars to create a

winding passage that orces vehicles to move at

a slower pace alongside cyclists and pedestrians.

Paris and Copenhagen have bike lanes protected

by parked cars that act as a barrier between the

cyclists and moving trac. Copenhagen and

Antwerp have play-streets that allow children

to saely spend time on their street while limit-

ing the threat o getting hit by a carhere trees,

benches, and other physical obstructions cue

vehicles that they are guests in the space.

QUALiTY F SERvicE cnTRAcTingAnD TEchnLgiES

In Stockholm, many traditional government unc-

tions have been contracted out to private com-

panies. Urban planning and health department

tasks are now handled by outside consultants.

This type o public-private arrangement is espe-

cially relevant or cities acing budget constraints.

Single designated parking space on a street inStockholm.


20/84


Stockholm managed to decrease the number o

in-house sta. Remaining employees overseeprivate contracts, review delivered products and

services as well as make sure contract agreements

are kept on track. Two private security companies,

or instance, handle parking enorcementone

responsible or the northern part o the city and

the other the southern portion. Both companies

must meet certain perormance targets and their

payment allocations can fuctuate based on de-

livery o service. Parking wardens are expected to

monitor a set number o parking spots during a

shit. The companies are also evaluated based on

the percentage o vehicles within compliance o

parking ruleswith the ultimate goal o reaching

100% compliance.

Technological advancements in the last decade

have allowed cities to meet parking-related goals

more eectively. Private companies can better

ulll contract terms or services oered to cities,

such as parking enorcement and revenue col-

lection, through data-supported assistance and

monitoring. The latest hardware and sotware is

also meant to improve the customer experience

or drivers. Four technologies that enable better

parking management are described.

Electronic Parking uidance Systems

Drivers can spend nearly 25% o their travel time

searching or parking. Real-time message boards

placed at specic locations along the roadway di-

rect drivers to available parking spaces in nearby

garages. Every major city in Germany uses these

advanced parking guidance systems. The next

wave o guidance technology will include in-car

inormation delivery.

Smart Meters

These types o meters have magnetic elds ca-

pable o registering the metal mass o vehicles.

They have a direct computer link to a police sta-

tion and send a signal to parking wardens when

a vehicle is parked beyond the allowable time.

Drivers also receive an alert text message on their

mobile phones. These meters have been installed

throughout France with much success.

Pay-by-phone

While paying or parking is still possible in many

places using pre-paid cards, coins, or credit

cards, pay-by-phone is increasingly the preerred

payment collection method because the han-

dling o money is outsourced to a third-party

vendor, thereby eliminating any chance o thet.

The London borough o Westminster was losing

200,000 per week to thet beore going cash-

less. The pay-by-phone company Verrus handles

parking transactions and receives 10% o the

revenue as compensation. In Stockholm, custom-ers pay a subscription ee to EasyPark o3 per

month and a transaction ee o0.50. EasyPark

receives 3% o all revenue collected as compensa-

tion. The competing companies in Amsterdam

Parkmobile, Parkline, and SMS Parkingget 4 to

5% o revenue as compensation or their services.

Cities that have yet to implement pricing mecha-

nisms or parking can bypass some o the prob-

lems associated with thet and spillage o parking

a street within the

Super mnzns

zone in the Grci

district, Brcelon,

Spin.


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itdp.org | 21

fee collection by starting with a pay-by-phone

program. Pay-by-phone is also a good way to get

political buy-in for introducing performance pric-

ing because it makes parking so much easier for

drivers, who dont need to look for coins or rush

back to a meter when running late.

San cars

Enforcement of parking has been revolutionized

in Amsterdam, where a van with six cameras

mounted on topthree on each sidemoving at

40 km per hour, takes more than 160 photos per

second. The scans capture license plate numbers

using Automated Number Plate Recognition tech-

nology, to assess whether a car is parked legally.

The vans have a 98% accuracy rate. The remaining

2% is due to unrecognizable vehicles from outsideThe Netherlands. Three wardens on scooters fol-

low the van to issue penalty tickets. Some of the

central London boroughs use CCTV for enforce-

ment activities.

NotES oN Part 2

1 rbe Jd e l. (1996). a ql nd bn spe nge-en, the Sene f he tl Ennen, 189/190, 57-67.

2 rhel Wenbege e l (2010). u.S. Pkng Ples: an oeewf mngeen Seges, inse f tnspn ndDeelpen Pl.

3 Pken celebes he Glden annes f he Pkng mee.aessed nlne Jl 2010. [urL: hp://www.pken./de/Pess-relese/Pken-elebes-he-glden-nnes-f-he-pkng-ee.hl].

4 trL (tnsp reseh Lb), uK.

5 Sn andesn nd and de Pl (2004). the ens fpng pkng, Jnl f ubn Ens. unes f vgn.vle 55, isse 1.

6 ineew wh Lndn cnls, Sepebe 2009.

7 Bend P. Feene (1989). a eew f he p f pkngpl eses n el dend, tnspn Plnnng ndtehnlg, 13(4), pp. 229_/244.

8 Bndesnse f vekeh, innn nd tehnlge(2007). vekeh n Zhlen-asgbe, pp. 64-70. aessed nlne Jl2010. [urL: hp://www.b.g./ekeh/gesekeh/ss-k/dwnlds/z07_kp4.pdf].

9 m. Dsgp e l. (1994). the ip f tnsp Ples n Feces, tnsp reseh Lb.

10 co2 Bsed chges. aessed nlne ags, 2010.[urL: hp://www.hnd.lbdes.g.k/news/002936/2_bsed_pkng_hges.hl].

11 co2 Essns Bsed Pkng n rhnd pn thes [urL:hp://www.hnd.g.k/2_essns_bsed_pkng_lef-le.pdf].

12 H H. tpp (1994). Z rlle des Pkens n devekehsbehgng, Senekehsehnk, pp. 375-379.

13 t re e l. (2006). Expnsn f cnlled Pkng Zne(cPZ) nd s inene n mdl Spl: the cse f Ednbgh,tnspn Plnnng nd tehnlg, 29 (1) pp 75 89.

14 Dl ml repe. Des fng 250--e x pk wk despe pledge end w n ss Dl ml onlne.

aessed nlne ags 2010. [urL: hp://www.dll..k/news/le-1305362/Des-fng-250-x-pk-wk-despe-end-w-ss-pledge.hl#xzz0xbWxyk].

15 Jes tpseld (2010). Wkple pkng lees be psedb nls. the independen: uK. aessed nlne ags 2010.[urL: hp://www.ndependen..k/news/k/pls/wkple-pkng-lees--be-psed-b-nls-2059468.hl].

16 W. yng e l. (1991). a eew f bn pkng dels,tnsp reews: 11 (1), 6384.

17 Zh Hs cpse Pkng cp. aessed nlne obe2010. [urL: www.sd-zeh.h/pkplzkpss].

18 ineew wh c f Hbg, Sepebe 2009.

19 annex D: mx Pkng Sndds (2001). Plnnng PlGdne 13: tnsp Depen f cnes nd LlGenen. aessed nlne Sepebe 2010. [urL: hp://www.shfd.g.k/pdf/PPG%2013%20annex%20D.pdf].

20 Depen f cnes nd Ll Genens (2009).Plnnng f Pspes Enes, Ec10.2 aessed nlneags 2010. [urL: hp://www.nes.g.k/dens/plnnngndbldng/pdf/pps4sespnses.pdf].

21 Dnld Shp (1999). in Le f reqe Pkng, Jnl fPlnnng Edn nd reseh. assn f cllege Shlsf Plnnng: 18:307-320.

22 Jn Gehl e l. (2006). New c Lfe. the Dnsh ahelPess: cpenhgen.

23 Gln mngd e l. (2009). N pkng, sll bsness,vekeesknde, N. 4.

24 cen Hss-Kl (1993). ip f pedesnzn nd flng n elng: a eew f he edene f Gen nd he

uK, tnsp Pl, 1 (1), pp 21-31.

25 rlf mnhe (2001). the rle f Pedesn Pens nhe Eln f Gen c cenes f Shppng ubnEnenen cenes, Pesened asl: Wlkng he 21scen, Peh, Wesen asl.

26 GtZ (2010). Pkng mngeen: a cnbn twds Lbleces, Ssnble tnsp: a Sebk f Plkesn Deelpng ces. mdle 2c Dsn f We, Eneg ndtnsp.


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Pricing MechanismsCurbside Charges

Progressive Fee Structure

Off-Street Price Harmonization

Residential Permits

Workplace Levies

Ring Fencing

Regulatory Measures

Supply Caps

Minimums

Maximums

Transit Based Min/Max Reductions

Access Bans

Emissions Reduction Goals

Public-Private Partnership

Physical Designs

Bollards

Striped Lines

Repurposing Public Space

Advanced Technologies

Electronic Parking Guidance Systems

Smart Meters

Pay-by-Phone

Scan Cars

x

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Figure 1:

Poliies applied in European ities

PART 3:

case Studies

This section will examine ten different cities based on the variety of measuresthey use to decrease vehicle kilometres travelled (VKT) and shift travel from

car trips to other modes of transport. Figure 1 outlines which policy instru-

ments have been applied in each city.


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itdp.org | 23

Each case study city can be viewed as a prime application o the ollowing specifc strategies:

AmsterdamNearly all license plates are digitized, allowing or enorcement to be handled using scan cars

that rapidly photograph and assess whether a vehicle is compliant with parking rules.

AntwerpA public-private partnership allows or parking to be managed more efciently.

arelonaAll the revenue generated by parking ees pay or operation and maintenance o a bike-sharing

scheme.

copenhagenThousands o meters o street space have been pedestrianized over several decades with

hundreds o car spaces removed.

London

Emission standards are recorded at the time o a vehicles registration and this has allowed

several boroughs to charge CO2-based parking ees.

MunihOverall restrictive policies with a goal o shiting away rom car trips has proven successul.

ParisStreet space has been repurposed or bike sharing and tramways.

StokholmEnorcement is outsourced to a couple private companies that better survey parked vehicles.

Strasbourg

Parking provision is dependent on distance and access to transit.

ZurihExisting supply in the city center has been capped and allowable car trips generated by new

developments are also capped.


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cASE STUDY:

aserd, the Neherlnds

ciTY ovERviEW

Population: 758,198

Population Density: 4,459/km2 (11,548.8/sq mi)

Parking Supply: 211,457 (on-street: 181,457; o-street: ~30,000)

Curbside Fees: Range is rom 0.90/hour up to 5.00/hour

Total City Budget: 5-6 billion (parking: 140 million/ year)

Car Ownership: 57.2% o households own a car (Total: 215,600 cars)

Policy Goals: Emissions Reduction, Congestion Mitigation, Alternative Mode Promotion

Approximately 40% of air pollution in Amsterdam

is caused by 10% of cars. Parking ees were

introduced to counter decades o car-centric

policies and expanded most recently to tackle air

quality issues triggered by EU directives regard-

ing NO2 and PM10 emissions. The Dutch govern-

ment chose to ollow the most rigid o the EU

interpretations. Paid parking can be ound nearly

everywhere in the pre-1940s parts o the city, and

is rapidly spreading to newer areas. The eect o

paid parking has been a 20% decrease in car tra-

fc in the inner city as well as a 20% reduction in

trafc searching or a space to park.

Beore 1993, vehicle exhaust was not registered

in any way. Now car plate numbers are registered

with emissions inormation. Yet Amsterdam

has not linked parking ees to vehicle emissions

Figure 1:mp of

P&D zones,

aserd.

Soure: ciy

of aserd


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itdp.org | 25

directly as has already been done by several

boroughs in London. A parking authority is being

established with 100% ownership by the govern-

ment to better manage parking, issue parking per-

mits, and communicate about changes in policy.

Parking policy is still made by the city council.

Pay-and-display (P&D) Parking

Pay-and-display machines are gradually being

replaced with license plate input technology.

Approximately 3,000 P&D machines are used to

handle payments. The cost o on-street park-

ing ranges rom 0.90 per hour all the way up to

5.00 per hour in the historical city center, which

is amongst most expensive street parking in the

world. Most o the on-street parking within the

A10 ring road has a ee as do some areas outside

the ring. Figure 1 shows all the pay zones.

One o the newest pay zones, originally 90-cents-

per-hour, was implemented in an outer borough

that has a high on-street parking occupancy rate

near a large shopping center. The ee has risen to

1.10 per hour, and will increase to 1.30 in 2012.

Blue zones are areas where parking is ree.

blue Zones

Parking spaces that accept the European parking

disk, which is a time-limited short-term parking

management tool, are in this zone. Any parking

fne incurred in a blue zone goes to the ederal

government, not the city. The city only collects

fnes in P&D spaces.

10-cent Zones

The lowest ee or on-street short-term parking in

the city is 10 cents per hour, with a time limit o

one hour. 10-cent zones exist on certain shopping

streets in non-central areas and near cemeter-

ies. Currently, the only way to restrict immediate

re-parking in the same spot is i a driver pays by

mobile phone. Drivers are known to renew pay-

ment or parking immediately.

The nominal ee is the smallest amount that P&D

machines will accept. By charging this small ee,

the city can retain jurisdiction over these parking

spaces. Otherwise, the fnes rom illegal parking

would go to the ederal government because they

would be in deault blue zones.

Cars with residential permits are not allowed in

the 10-cent zones rom 9 a.m. to about 7 p.m., giv-

ing short-term parking priority.

Residential Parking Permits

A driver in Amsterdam has three options i

they want to park in the central city: apply or a

permit; rent space in a garage; or buy a parking

space (general cost: 40,000). Owners o a private

parking space oreit the chance to get a residen-

tial permit. Residential permits cost up to 150.00

annually and are in such high demand that a sev-

eral year wait is usually required. Once obtained,

a residential permit is only valid near a vehicle

owners home. Drivers must still pay the P&D rate

P&D ustoer pying for prk-

ing spe.vn Swindenstrt is 10-cent Zone fro mondy to Sturdy

between 9 ..7 p.. all other ties residentil perits nd isitor

P&D fees re in effet.


26/84


outside o their own neighborhoods. As o 2009,

residential parking permits can be oreited in

exchange or a one-year transit pass. This has no

impact on the parking supply since the permit is

simply transerred to another driver and the spot

remains.

City ocials determine how many on-street

permits to issue by subtracting 10% rom the totalparking supply. New developments, usually in

outer boroughs, have garages included with each

apartment. I a parking spot is not secured at the

time o purchase, a resident is ineligible to get an

on-street permit.

Disabled persons and delivery trucks get special

parking permits too. Doctors have signs or their

own designated spaces. Midwives get ree spots as

well. A dierent ordinance applies or each case.

car-sharing

Permits or on-street car-sharing parking spots

are issued just like residential permits, except

the car-sharing companies get dedicated parking

spaces. A car-sharing company must have at least

ten cars in its feet to be recognized as legitimate.

The city has made contractual provisions so that

the car-sharing company must use the parking

place.

P&r wynding signge is ment to help deese

uising fo pking spe.

Figue 2:

aBc lotion sheme fo pking inlusion in developments

A

B

C

Excellent public transitfacilities, surroundingmain train stations

Good public transit and

also good accessibilityby car

Mainly well accessibleby car

1 parking space/250 m2

1 parking space/125 m2

Tailor made, no norms

Geen Wheels is one of the mny lubs in

amstedm offeing - shing sevies to membes.


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itdp.org | 27

ff-Street Parking Regulations

Parking norms or housing can be determined on

a project-to-project basis by the boroughs. There

is a regulation in Amsterdam that or every spot

created o-street, an on-street spot should be

removed.

The norms used include these maximums:0.6 spaces per social (public) housing unit

1.0 space per normal housing unit, with 0.2 per

house added or visitors

Commercial acilities are dealt with by the mu-

nicipal Location Policy 2008, also known as the

ABC system. For acilities, the norms vary with

dierent types o location, mostly congruent with

the A, B, and C locations (see Figure 2).

Park-and-ride (P&R)

P&R acilities are located on the outskirts o the

city. Drivers pay 6 to park and can get a 24-hour

public transit pass or up to fve people. The stay

can be extended with the same transit pass deal

or 48 and 72 hours. This sends a clear message:

people are welcome in the city center, but cars

are not. In 2011 this ee will increase to 8, with a

maximum transit pass or up to two people.

Wayfnding signage helps drivers locate P&R

acilities. The next generation o signage uses an

integrated dynamic parking (IDP) system, a type o

advanced parking guidance system (APGS) that is

meant to direct drivers to available parking spaces

and curtail excess VKT rom cruising. There is

also a park-and-bike program. In lieu o a transit

ticket, P&R users can borrow a city-owned bike or

the whole day.

Pay-by-phone

Pay-by-phone service was introduced in

Amsterdam around 2006. The city keeps a record

o user inormation and sends bills based on what

they gather rom the pay-by-phone providers.

There are three private companies that the city

contracts to handle the mobile phone payments

in Amsterdam:

Parkmobile

Parkline

SMS Parking

These companies collect the revenues and then

transer them to the city. The city pays a ee at

a rate o 45% o the revenue or the services.

Residential parking permits are 90% digitized.

a typil volkswgen cddy mxi prking enfore-

ent sn n.Prking wrden on sooter.


28/84


Drivers will soon be able to pay or parking mostly

by phone or internet.

There has been some discussion about introduc-

ing a national pay-by-phone system that would

help lower the overall ee, allowing smaller

municipalities to take advantage o this service as

well. Dutch cities are leading an eort, in conjunc-

tion with a private company, to implement such a

national scheme.

Parking Enforcement

At the moment, parking enorcement is mostly

managed by wardens who patrol the streets. The

next generation uses a scan car and wardens

on scooters. Designed by Abstract Computing

International B.V. using a Volkswagen Caddy

Maxi van, the car has six camerasthree on each

sideand automatic license plate number rec-

ognition technology to recognize illegal parkers.

Driven at 40 kilometers per hour up and down the

street, the car takes scans o the surroundings at

a rate o over 160 scans per second.

A small group o wardens ollow the car on scoot-

ers and issue tickets or violations. This system

is twice as ecient as the old one. The scan car

system has a 98% accuracy rate, although some

parked cars, mostly oreign vehicles, must be

checked manually.

Parking Revenues

Every borough in Amsterdam has a contract with

Cition, a company owned by the municipality.

Cition gets a ne i it does not collect P&D ees

rom visitors. Parking revenues go back into inra-

structure projects. These projects must be part o

the citywide mobility scheme, not just within the

borough where it happens to be collected. There

is a parking und, but the money can be used in

many fexible ways, even to nance kindergartens.

The parking und comes rom P&D ees, penalty

nes, and permit revenues. Every borough is re-

quired to give about 30% o its parking revenue to

the municipal government.

The ne or a parking violation in a paid spot is

always 50.90 plus the price o one-hour parking

(max 5). This applies even i the car is parked or

ten hours in one spot having only paid or one

hour. The maximum parking ne, 150, is reserved

or parking in a handicapped spot.

Trucks and Freight

All trucks over three-and-a-hal tons need to com-

ply with stringent air quality norms. Most trucks

older than seven or eight years will not be allowed

into the city. Trucks can unload or a maximum o

15 minutes in spots where they are not allowed to

park. Loading and unloading must be done beore

10 a.m. or 11 a.m., depending on the street, and

then the trucks need to exit the city.

a woonerf with perpendiculr prking rrnged to clm the

street, giving priority to pedestrins nd bicyclists.a truck driver prks on nrrow rod nd quickly

unlods goods on before 9:30 .m.


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itdp.org | 29

Fuel-Efcent vehcle incentes

There is a debate over whether to reduce the

parking permit ees or electric cars, small and

clean cars, or any environmentally upgraded vehi-

cles. For this to be possible, national policies need

to change to veriy uel efciency o vehicles by

license plate number. Parking permits will only go

to clean or electric cars. By 2012, nearly 200 elec-

tric charge points across the city are expected to

supply power by the renewable energy frm Nuon.

I this happens, the city will need to simultane-

ously reduce the number o other parking permits

issued. Electric cars can help improve air quality,

but not energy efciency or saety, and they still

require parking spaces.

Street Desgn

Amsterdam has several streets that use park-

ing orientation to create saer environments or

bicycle users and pedestrians. A wooner in the

borough o Westerpark includes perpendicular

parking to create a quasi-chicane. Motorists must

give priority to people on bikes and walking whenmoving through the space. Other streets use

parallel parking to protect the bike lane, which is

segregated rom the pedestrian space by a curb,

and rom the parking lane with a curb on the

other side. The curb closer to the parking lane acts

as a buer, preventing collisions between cyclists

and car doors opening into the bike lane.

the pkng lne s desgned pe he bke lnef he ng f lne.

SourcES For amStErDam

abs cpng inennl B.v. aessed nlne Jly, 2009(urL: hp://www.bspng.nl/).

cle chelle (2002). a beh f fesh F Shee.tnsp nd Ennen (t&E).

clles inennl, Glbl cBD Pkng re Sey 2009.aessed nlne Jny, 2010 (urL: hp://www.lles./nen/glblllespkngesey2009.pdf).

Dn Jnes (Feby 2010). ased bsnesses ge 3 fele .

Pwe nd Enegy. GDS Pblshng Ld. aessed nlneDeebe 1, 2010. (urL: hp://www.ngpwee./news/sed-ele-s/).

ineew wh mledefense, Fends f he Eh Nehelnds,Jly 2009.

ineew wh cy Sellne See (Dens Sdsezh),Jly 2009.

ineew wh cy f ased, Jly 2009.

ineew wh Erys reseh nd cnslng, Jly 2009.

Pkng Ply n ased (NL) F Shee, Pllnredn opns Newk (PNe). aessed nlne Deebe1, 2010. (urL: hp://www.wel.nw.de/wel/pdf/pne/fshees/13.pdf).

vs pkng pl f ased ased.aessednlne Jly, 2009. (urL:hp://www.sed./en/sng/snfn/gengnd/pkng/pkngnsed).

Wll Lse (Jne 2009). c Shng Sn n Pbl SeeSpe inellgen Enegy Epe. m Pje. c Shng Fshee N. 6. aessed nlne Jly 2009. (urL: hp://www.p.g/pdf/fshee6esnsnpblspe.pdf).


30/84


cASE STUDY:

antwerp, Belgiu

ciTY vERviEWPopulation: 360,000

Population Density: 2,308 inhabitants per km

Parking Supply: 38,318 inner city on-street, 93,516 outer city on-street; 11,280 o-street

Curbside Fees: Range is rom 0.50/hour up to 3.50/hour, depending on zone

and duration

Policy Goals: Optimal Curbside Visitor Turnover, Prioritized Residential Parking,

Congestion Mitigation, Alternative Mode Promotion

Antwerp, Belgium is using parking as a means

of limiting car use in the city center. The citys

goal is to create higher turnover at the curb

for visitors, while accommodating residential

parking needs. All parking is managed through

a semi-private parking authority, Gemeentelijk

Autonoom Parkeerbedrij AntwerpenMunicipal

Autonomous Parking Antwerpor GAPA.

Emphasis has been placed on pricing, enorce-

ment, and the use o technology to reach the

parking programs goals. In the summer o 2011,

Antwerp is planning to launch a bike-sharing pro-

gram, nancially modeled ater Barcelonas, using

revenue collected rom the parking programs.

Parking nes are currently invested into mobility

projects in the city.

Parkng Authorty as Publ Prate Partnershp

The City Council ounded GAPA in 2001 in a pub-

lic-private partnership (PPP), transerring all exist-

ing parking-related contracts to GAPA and givingGAPA ull authority to manage, oversee, and

control all on-street and publicly-owned o-street

acilities. GAPA is allowed to build and manage

new o-street lots. In return, GAPA is expected to

cooperate with other o-street parking operators,

enorce parking regulations, prepare parking poli-

cies, and pay personnel and operational costs or

enorcement. All revenues are collected through

a special escrow account.

There are many benets to running a parking

authority through a PPP. The contract encour-

ages and allows GAPA to be innovative by using

technology or enorcement and data-collection

needs. GAPA, unlike the city, is also more fex-

ible in their ability to negotiate work agreements

with employees. It is also in GAPAs best interest

Figure 1:

mp of three antwerp P&D zones. Source: GaPa


31/84

itdp.org | 31

to charge the highest easible price or parking,

thereby regulating the number o cars in the cen-

ter city, even i political pressures and city council

approval o parking ees do nevertheless suppress

parking prices slightly below market value.

Pay-and-display Parking

Antwerp is divided into three P&D zones (red,

dark green, and light green) ranging rom most

to least expensive respectively (Figure 1). Parking

ees range rom 0.50 to 3.50 per hour, depend-

ing on the zone and the duration o stay (Figure 4).

The number o paid on-street parking spots has

increased rom 9,500 in December 2003 to 14,460

in March 2005. GAPA has doubled its number o

P&D machines between 2003 and 2006 rom 500

to 1,000.

The fne or nonpayment or overstaying is 23.

Enforcement and Parking Revenue

GAPA has enjoyed a steady increase in revenue

rom the P&D machines (Figure 2). To improve

compliance, both auxiliary police and parking

wardens o GAPA work on enorcement. Figure

3 shows how compliance levels increased along

with enorcement. Red represents income rom

fnes and blue represents income rom the P&D

machines.

2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

60%

50%

80%

90%

100%

70%

Income Fines Income P&D Machines

Figue 4:on-see pking su fee suue

Ds

vlid ties

Line tiff

Pgessie tiff

D tike

mx. PkingDuin

ceil re

Blue Zne

rED ZoNE(cenl Sin & cBD)

mn S

9 .. 10 p..

1.50/2.50/3.50 pe hu

N pplible

3 hus

23/12hus

N pplible

GrEEN ZoNE(wihin single sei-ing d)

mn S

9 10 p..

0.60/1.00/hu

3.50/10hus (n n shppingsees when hee is n ff-see pking fili neb)

10 hus

23/12hus

resied suppl

yELLoW ZoNE(uside single sei-ing d)

mn S

9 10 p..

0.50/hu

0.50/hu

2.50/10 hus (n n shpping sees when hee is n ff-see pking filineb)

10 hus

23/12hus

Pssible

Year

Amount(inEuros)

2001 2002 2003

5 000 000

4 500 000

4 000 000

3 500 000

3 000 000

2 500 000

2 000 000

1 500 000

1 000 000

500 000

0

1 2 3 4

Figue 2:reenue f P&D hines (20012003)

Figue 3:Pking ine bekdwn (%). Sue: GaPa


32/84


P&D Technology and Payment ptions

Customers can choose rom our dierent types

o payment methods: coins, SMS, pay-by-phone

and Smart Card. P&D machines only accept coins

and do not accept bills. The frst ten minutes o

SMS and pay-by-phone parking is ree; the frst 15

minutes o Smart Card parking is ree.

The company Mobile-or (www.4411.be) has been

operating SMS parking in Antwerp since 2004.

Customers who are registered online can send an

SMS to a special number located on the side o a

P&D machine with their vehicle plate number and

a code. A confrmation SMS is then sent in return.

Each SMS sent and received costs 0.15.

Customers can view their parking history, billing,

and settings online. Since the summer o 2009there has been a GAPA-owned o-street parking

lot at the National Bank that allows SMS parking.

Another payment option, oered by the company

Park Line, allows customers to make a call rom

their mobile phone to start and end a parking ses-

sion. There is a one-time ee o10, and a monthly

charge o1.75.

Customers have the option o buying a personal

electronic parking meter called a Smart Park. The

device is hung in the rearview mirror and elimi-

nates the need to go searching or the nearest

P&D machine. Inserting a rechargeable card into

the device activates the system. It is possible to

preset the device so that it only runs during paid

parking times. The frst ten minutes is always

ree. A new starter kit costs 116.50 and reload-

able cards cost 50. This technology is ideal or

employees who must drive a lot and who do not

want to pay out-o-pocket or parking.

Residential Parking Permits

Each household living in a paid or blue parkingzone is entitled to two ree residential park-

ing permits. In partnership with the company

Mobile-or, the distribution and control o resident

permits are digitalized and issued through a new

internet-based sotware application. This allows

GAPA to better control how many residents have

a permit, and it reduces paper use. In 2009, 32,510

resident permits were issued; each is valid or two

years. There were approximately 70,000 resident

permits in circulation at the end o 2010. The

parking zones overlap so that residents are notrequired to walk more than 200 meters between

zones. Residents can select the zone where they

want their parking permit to be valid.

The digitized licensing system allows or efcient

parking control. When a car has paid through

SMS parking, the parking attendants can check

through their hand-held computer terminals us-

ing the license plate o the car. Resident permits

are placed in the windshield and must be checked

manually by the attendants.

ff-Street Parking Regulations

In order or GAPA to manage privately owned o-

street parking acilities, quality standards have

been developed. GAPA is able to enorce these

standards by closing down non-complying ga-

rages, or converting them to resident- or subscrip-

tion-only garages.

Figure 5 summarizes the building code or car and

bicycle parking.

By the end of 2007, 15% of ll prking trnsctionswere pid for by mobile phone. Source: GaPa

Smrt Prkelectronic prkingmeter (with crdreder) for indi-vidul crs.Source: GaPa


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itdp.org | 33

Shared Use of Private Parking Spots

To improve the efcient use o parking spaces,

GAPA is working on a scheme to bring privately

owned parking lots into public use in the eve-

nings, when privately owned lots, like those at su-

permarkets and ofce parks, are typically unused.

GAPA believes that they are in a better position

than public companies to negotiate with private

owners to allow or shared space o privately-

owned parking lots because they are able to oer

technical assistance and subsidies or technical

modifcations.

GAPA is oering the ollowing services to acili-

tate shared parking spaces:

Arranging or residents to get reduced rates Drating model contracts or owners and users Providing an online platorm where parking

spaces can be rented or put up or rent

Subsidizing a private car park or the subscrip-tion o residents on the condition that they give

up their on-street resident parking permit

Facilitating private initiatives or the building onearby parking lots

Oering bicycle parking on private parking lotsthat can be used by the public

car Sharing

GAPA reserves parking spots or car sharing in

parking zones where parking time is limited.

Residents who live within 200 meters o a parked

car and who are car-sharing members receive the

equivalent o a residential permit so that they can

park car-sharing vehicles near the house.

The citys modal share or commutersa popula-tion that tends to park the whole dayshows a

trend toward more public transit and non-motor-

ized transport. In the time peri

european parking u-turn, itdp

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