exploring listener sensitivity to the temporal dynamics of

1
Exploring listener sensitivity to the temporal dynamics of back vowel fronting Daniel Lawrence The University of Edinburgh [email protected] Phonetic variation and social perception Listeners can interpret small pronunciation differences as socially-meaningful in fairly consistent ways. Phonetic variation can be used to form an impression of a speaker’s ethnicity (Purnell et al., 1999) social status (Walker et al., 2014), regional identity (Fridland et al., 2004), and sexual- ity (Munson, 2007), as well as to infer evaluative characteristics such as ‘educated’ or ‘intelligent’ (Campbell-Kibler, 2009). The consistency of these findings implies that listeners have a shared representation of the social meanings indexed by speech forms – their indexical field (Eckert, 2008). However, there is also evidence of considerable individual dif- ferences in how listeners deal with speech variation, both from a phonetic (e.g. Grosvald, 2009) and sociolinguistic perspective (Campbell-Kibler, 2008; Levon & Fox, 2014). Research questions: 1.To what extent do the members of a speech community differ in their social interpretation of phonetic variation? 2. How does this variability relate to characteristics of the listener (e.g. age, gender, socioeconomic status, social network char- acteristics?) Data 52 sociolinguistic interviews conducted in York, northern Eng- land. Social perception data from the same individuals. Birth year Female Male 1935-1960 7 5 1961-1980 8 11 1981-2000 10 11 /u/ and /o/ fronting in York Both /o/ and /u/ are undergoing diachronic fronting in York. /u/ is becoming less diphthongal. /o/ diphthongization varies as a function of socioeconomic sta- tus. Results consistent with previous work (Haddican et al. 2014). 0.4 0.8 1.2 1940 1960 1980 2000 Normalized F2 /u/ Fronting (YOB) 0.6 0.8 1.0 1.2 1940 1960 1980 2000 Normalized F2 /o/ Fronting (YOB) 0.2 0.4 0.6 1940 1960 1980 2000 Normalized Eucdist /u/ Diphthongization (YOB) 0.0 0.2 0.4 -2 -1 0 1 2 Normalized Eucdist /o/ Diphthongization (SES) 1935-1960 1961-1980 1981-2000 0.8 0.9 1.0 5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20 Measurement point Normalized F2 Higher mobility Lower mobility /o/ F2 Dynamics (SES) References Campbell-Kibler, K. (2008). I’ll be the judge of that: Diversity in social perceptions of (ING). Language in Society, 37(05), 637-659. Campbell-Kibler, K. (2009). The nature of sociolinguistic perception. Language Variation and Change, 21(01), 135-156. Eckert, P. (2008). Variation and the indexical field. Journal of sociolinguistics, 12(4), 453-476. Fridland, V., Bartlett, K., & Kreuz, R. (2004). Do you hear what I hear? Experimental measurement of the per- ceptual salience of acoustically manipulated vowel variants by Southern speakers in Memphis, TN. Language Variation and Change, 16(01), 1-16. Grosvald, M. (2009). Interspeaker variation in the extent and perception of long-distance vowel-to-vowel coartic- ulation. Journal of Phonetics, 37(2), 173-188. Haddican, B., Foulkes, P., Hughes, V., & Richards, H. (2013). Interaction of social and linguistic constraints on two vowel changes in northern England. Language Variation and Change, 25(03), 371-403. Levon, E., & Fox, S. (2014). Social Salience and the Sociolinguistic Monitor A Case Study of ING and TH-fronting in Britain. Journal of English Linguistics, 42(3), 185-217. Munson, B. (2007). The acoustic correlates of perceived masculinity, perceived femininity, and perceived sexual orientation. Language and Speech, 50(1), 125-142. Purnell, T., Idsardi, W., & Baugh, J. (1999). Perceptual and phonetic experiments on American English dialect identification. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 18(1), 10-30. Method Identify a set of social meanings relevant to this community through ethnographic interviews and an open-ended speech evaluation task. Measure listeners’ ability to match these meanings to variation in the target vowels through a perception experiment. Figure 1: /u/ variants tested (too/food) Fronting ←------------------------------- Diphthongization ←------------ Yu 0u Uu High-front High-central High-back eu 9u 7u High-front High-central High-back (lowered onset) (lowered onset) (lowered onset) Figure 2: /o/ variants tested (toast/so) Fronting ←--------------------------------- Diphthongization ←------------ ø: 8: o: Mid-front Mid-central Mid-back eU 9U oU Mid-front Mid-central Mid-back (fronted onset) (centralized onset) (diphthong) 9y 90 Mid-front Mid-central (fronted offglide) (centralized offglide) Figure 3: Visual stimuli z }| { Rural z }| { Urban Social class: Middle/Working | {z } Age: Older/Younger | {z } Age: Older/Younger | {z } Task: Participants are told they are listening to an actor pretending to be one of a set of characters in a TV sitcom set in York. – Training phase: Participants sort the images according to questions e.g. ‘Which character comes from Rural Yorkshire’? – Testing phase: Participants see the characters in ‘minimal pairs’, hear a speech token, and select the character which they think the actor is pretending to be. Analysis: Responses analyzed using mixed GLMs with a logit link. Models predict the selection of a WC vs MC image as a func- tion of vowel variant heard. Individual-level variability modelled through uncorrelated ran- dom slopes (variant|listener) and random intercepts (listener and item). Results Main effects for MC/WC selections: �� �� Listeners perceive back /u/ variants as more ‘working-class’ than fronted variants. Additionally, there is a weak effect of /u/ diphthongization, with diphthongal variants heard as more ‘working-class’ than monophthongs. Monophthongal /o/ variants cue ‘working-class’ selections. Diphthongal /o/ variants cue ‘middle-class’ selections, with the exception of the back diphthongal variant [oU]. There is a small effect of fronting within monophthongs – more fronted variants sound less ‘working-class’. How consistent are listeners’ intuitions? �� �� �� �� Responses are similar in directionality, but individuals vary: in how much they deviate from chance selections. in terms of which variants they are most sensitive to. k -means clustering reveals at least two perceptual profiles for each vowel: For /u/, some listeners are more sensitive to fronting than others (right panel vs left panel). /o/ also shows qualitative differences – some listeners hear [ø:] as relatively unmarked with regard to the MC/WC dimen- sion, while others hear it as more ‘working-class’ (left panel vs right panel). How does this variability relate to social characteristics of the listener? Variables tested: Listener gender (M/F); Listener year of birth (1935-2000); Local identity index (-3 +3); Mobility index (-3 +3) /u/: Younger, more mobile listeners are more sensitive to fronting as an index of social class than older, less mobile listeners. �� �� ��� /o/: More mobile listeners are more sensitive to diphthon- gization as an index of social class than less mobile listeners. �� �� Conclusion 1. When interpreting phonetic variation socially, individuals vary: ...quite a lot in terms of the strength/consistency of their eval- uations ...a little in terms of which acoustic dimensions they attend to ...very little in the directionality of their evaluations. 2. This variability is related to characteristics of the listener: Younger, more mobile listeners are more sensitive to /u/ vari- ation as an index of social class than older, less mobile listen- ers. Controlling for age, more mobile listeners are more sensitive to /o/ diphthongization as an index of social class than less mobile listeners.

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Page 1: Exploring listener sensitivity to the temporal dynamics of

Exploring listener sensitivity to the temporal dynamics of back vowel frontingDaniel LawrenceThe University of [email protected]

Phonetic variation and social perception• Listeners can interpret small pronunciation differences as

socially-meaningful in fairly consistent ways.• Phonetic variation can be used to form an impression of a

speaker’s ethnicity (Purnell et al., 1999) social status (Walker etal., 2014), regional identity (Fridland et al., 2004), and sexual-ity (Munson, 2007), as well as to infer evaluative characteristicssuch as ‘educated’ or ‘intelligent’ (Campbell-Kibler, 2009).• The consistency of these findings implies that listeners have

a shared representation of the social meanings indexed byspeech forms – their indexical field (Eckert, 2008).•However, there is also evidence of considerable individual dif-

ferences in how listeners deal with speech variation, both froma phonetic (e.g. Grosvald, 2009) and sociolinguistic perspective(Campbell-Kibler, 2008; Levon & Fox, 2014).

Research questions:

1. To what extent do the members of a speech community differ intheir social interpretation of phonetic variation?

2. How does this variability relate to characteristics of the listener(e.g. age, gender, socioeconomic status, social network char-acteristics?)

Data• 52 sociolinguistic interviews conducted in York, northern Eng-

land.• Social perception data from the same individuals.

Birth year Female Male1935-1960 7 51961-1980 8 111981-2000 10 11

/u/ and /o/ fronting in York• Both /o/ and /u/ are undergoing diachronic fronting in York.• /u/ is becoming less diphthongal.• /o/ diphthongization varies as a function of socioeconomic sta-

tus.•Results consistent with previous work (Haddican et al. 2014).

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0.4

0.8

1.2

1940 1960 1980 2000

Nor

mal

ized

F2

/u/ Fronting (YOB)

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0.6

0.8

1.0

1.2

1940 1960 1980 2000

Nor

mal

ized

F2

/o/ Fronting (YOB)

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0.2

0.4

0.6

1940 1960 1980 2000

Nor

mal

ized

Euc

dist

/u/ Diphthongization (YOB)

● ●

0.0

0.2

0.4

−2 −1 0 1 2

Nor

mal

ized

Euc

dist

/o/ Diphthongization (SES)

1935−1960 1961−1980 1981−2000

0.8

0.9

1.0

5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20 5 10 15 20Measurement point

Nor

mal

ized

F2

Higher mobility

Lower mobility

/o/ F2 Dynamics (SES)

ReferencesCampbell-Kibler, K. (2008). I’ll be the judge of that: Diversity in social perceptions of (ING). Language in Society,

37(05), 637-659.Campbell-Kibler, K. (2009). The nature of sociolinguistic perception. Language Variation and Change, 21(01),

135-156.Eckert, P. (2008). Variation and the indexical field. Journal of sociolinguistics, 12(4), 453-476.Fridland, V., Bartlett, K., & Kreuz, R. (2004). Do you hear what I hear? Experimental measurement of the per-

ceptual salience of acoustically manipulated vowel variants by Southern speakers in Memphis, TN. LanguageVariation and Change, 16(01), 1-16.

Grosvald, M. (2009). Interspeaker variation in the extent and perception of long-distance vowel-to-vowel coartic-ulation. Journal of Phonetics, 37(2), 173-188.

Haddican, B., Foulkes, P., Hughes, V., & Richards, H. (2013). Interaction of social and linguistic constraints ontwo vowel changes in northern England. Language Variation and Change, 25(03), 371-403.

Levon, E., & Fox, S. (2014). Social Salience and the Sociolinguistic Monitor A Case Study of ING and TH-frontingin Britain. Journal of English Linguistics, 42(3), 185-217.

Munson, B. (2007). The acoustic correlates of perceived masculinity, perceived femininity, and perceived sexualorientation. Language and Speech, 50(1), 125-142.

Purnell, T., Idsardi, W., & Baugh, J. (1999). Perceptual and phonetic experiments on American English dialectidentification. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 18(1), 10-30.

Method• Identify a set of social meanings relevant to this community

through ethnographic interviews and an open-ended speechevaluation task.•Measure listeners’ ability to match these meanings to variation

in the target vowels through a perception experiment.

Figure 1: /u/ variants tested (too/food)

Fronting←−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−

Dip

htho

ngiz

atio

n←−−−−−−−−−−−−

Yu 0u UuHigh-front High-central High-backeu 9u 7uHigh-front High-central High-back(lowered onset) (lowered onset) (lowered onset)

Figure 2: /o/ variants tested (toast/so)

Fronting←−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−

Dip

htho

ngiz

atio

n←−−−−−−−−−−−−

ø: 8: o:Mid-front Mid-central Mid-backeU 9U oUMid-front Mid-central Mid-back(fronted onset) (centralized onset) (diphthong)9y 90Mid-front Mid-central(fronted offglide) (centralized offglide)

Figure 3: Visual stimuli

︷︸︸

︷R

ural

︷︸︸

︷U

rban

Social class: Middle/Working︸ ︷︷ ︸Age: Older/Younger︸ ︷︷ ︸ Age: Older/Younger︸ ︷︷ ︸

• Task:– Participants are told they are listening to an actor pretending

to be one of a set of characters in a TV sitcom set in York.– Training phase: Participants sort the images according to

questions e.g. ‘Which character comes from Rural Yorkshire’?– Testing phase: Participants see the characters in ‘minimal

pairs’, hear a speech token, and select the character whichthey think the actor is pretending to be.

•Analysis:– Responses analyzed using mixed GLMs with a logit link.– Models predict the selection of a WC vs MC image as a func-

tion of vowel variant heard.– Individual-level variability modelled through uncorrelated ran-

dom slopes (variant|listener) and random intercepts (listenerand item).

Results

Main effects for MC/WC selections:

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• Listeners perceive back /u/ variants as more ‘working-class’than fronted variants.• Additionally, there is a weak effect of /u/ diphthongization,

with diphthongal variants heard as more ‘working-class’ thanmonophthongs.•Monophthongal /o/ variants cue ‘working-class’ selections.•Diphthongal /o/ variants cue ‘middle-class’ selections, with the

exception of the back diphthongal variant [oU].• There is a small effect of fronting within monophthongs – more

fronted variants sound less ‘working-class’.

How consistent are listeners’ intuitions?

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•Responses are similar in directionality, but individuals vary:– in how much they deviate from chance selections.– in terms of which variants they are most sensitive to.• k-means clustering reveals at least two perceptual profiles for

each vowel:– For /u/, some listeners are more sensitive to fronting than

others (right panel vs left panel).– /o/ also shows qualitative differences – some listeners hear

[ø:] as relatively unmarked with regard to the MC/WC dimen-sion, while others hear it as more ‘working-class’ (left panel vsright panel).

How does this variability relate tosocial characteristics of the listener?• Variables tested: Listener gender (M/F); Listener year of birth

(1935-2000); Local identity index (-3 +3); Mobility index (-3 +3)

/u/: Younger, more mobile listeners are more sensitive tofronting as an index of social class than older, less mobilelisteners.

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/o/: More mobile listeners are more sensitive to diphthon-gization as an index of social class than less mobile listeners.

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Conclusion1. When interpreting phonetic variation socially, individuals vary:

• ...quite a lot in terms of the strength/consistency of their eval-uations• ...a little in terms of which acoustic dimensions they attend to• ...very little in the directionality of their evaluations.

2. This variability is related to characteristics of the listener:

• Younger, more mobile listeners are more sensitive to /u/ vari-ation as an index of social class than older, less mobile listen-ers.•Controlling for age, more mobile listeners are more sensitive

to /o/ diphthongization as an index of social class than lessmobile listeners.

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