failing, failed, and fragile states conference report

Failing, Failed, & FragileStates Conference

Conference Report March 2007International Relations Students Association

International Relations Students Association

FINAL CONFERENCE REPORT

Report Directors: Alia Dharssi and Kristian Jebsen

Contributors: Ana-Maria Chirila, Alia Dharssi, Nae English, Will Goldbloom, Robert Hartfiel, Kentaro Ide, Kristian Jebsen, Vanessa Lunday, Leah Marchuk, Rahim Mohamed, Amir Musin, Alex Sales, and

Dave Steinbach

Report Design: Eleanor Cheng, Alia Dharssi, and Yifeng Song Cover Photo by: Yifeng Song

Conference Director: Ana-Maria Chirila

Conference Organizers: Lammie Cheng, Alia Dharssi, Nae English, Rudy Irwin, Kristian Jebsen, Yifeng Song, and Pamela Toor

Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference

at the

Liu Institute for Global IssuesUniversity of British Columbia

March 8 – 10, 2007

Hosted by the

International Relations Students’ Association www.irsa.ca

The International Relations Students’ Association would like to gratefully acknowledge the specific contributions of the following sponsors:

The Centre of International Relations and the Liu Institute for Global Issues, for providing the venue for the conference, financial contribution, and academic guidance;

The Canadian Department of National Defence for financial and speaker contributions via the Security and Defence Forum – Special Projects Fund;

The University of British Columbia and its students for financial contribution via theWalter H. Gage Memorial Fund and the Teaching and Learning Enhancement Fund;

The Canadian Consortium on Human Security and the Human Security Program of the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade for financial contribution via Complimentary Activities programme;

The Alma Mater Society of UBC for financial contribution via the Constituency Aid Fund;

The Arts Undergraduate Society of UBC and the UBC Faculty of Arts for financial contribution via the Dean of Arts Fund;

The International House of UBC for providing the venue for the conference;

The Canadian International Development Agency for speaker contribution.

We would also like the thank the International Relations Program, the Centre of International Relations, the Alma Mater Society of UBC, and all members of the International Relations Students’ Association for their continued support of all of our activities. Finally, our warmest gratitude extends to Dr. Brian Job and Dr. Cameron Ortis, whose expert guidance throughout the entire process proved essential to the success of the project.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………… 4

2. Executive Summary………………………………………………………………………. 5

3. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….. 7

4. Conceptualizing Failing, Failed and Fragile States………………………………………. 11

5. Policy Recommendations………………………………………………………………… 15

185.1 Actors and Methods of Intervention Summary of Discussion………………………………………………………………. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 20

235.2 Gender Summary of Discussion………………………………………………………………. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 25

295.3 Balance of Peace and Justice with Regards to Armed Groups Summary of Discussion………………………………………………………………. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 31

335.4 Democratization and the Role of Government Summary of Discussion……………………………………………………………… Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 35

375.5 Natural Resources and the Private Sector Summary of Discussion………………………………………………………………. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 40

445.6 Afghanistan Summary of Discussion………………………………………………………………. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 46

495.7 Haiti Summary of Discussion……………………………………………………………… Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 51

575.8 Sudan Summary of Discussion………………………………………………………………. Policy Recommendations…………………………………………………………….. 59

6. Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………….. 63

7. Appendices……………………………………………………………………………….. 67Appendix 1: Conference Schedule……………………………………………………….. 69Appendix 2: Methodology………………………………………………………………... 75Appendix 3: Participants………………………………………………………………….. 80Appendix 4: Letters of Endorsement……………………………………………………... 90

8. Bibliography 95

Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference Report

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ExEcutivE Summary

“All happy families are happy alike, all unhappy families are unhappy in their own way.”

- Leo Tolstoy

Leo Tolstoy’s quotation from his world famous work, Anna Karenina, was separately used by two speakers at the Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference. As the participants of the conference learned, a focus on context is essential to understanding the problems faced by failing, failed, and fragile states (FFFS). The purpose of the conference was to enhance the awareness and understanding of the issues surrounding FFFS and their relation to Canada’s foreign policy. This was achieved through presentations by top experts from academia, government, and non-governmental organizations. These presentations were followed by discussions and policy formulation sessions in which student delegates interacted with one another and the experts at hand. The following is a list of the topics that were considered at the conference, with a summary of policy recommendations for each:

actorS and mEthodS of intErvEntion

Canada should move out of the “FFFS paradigm” and refocus its priorities on building •institutional capacity to recognize strengths and identify growth areas within FFFS. Canada should achieve this by forming incentive-based proactive international partnerships that strengthen the capacity of individual states to effectively respond to crises in the interest of human security.

GEndEr

Canada should increase investments in research on gender needs in FFFS and determine •how such information can be used to increase the effectiveness of Canada’s programs within FFFS;Canada should support locally-driven initiatives and foster regional partnerships that focus •on strengthening, supporting, and diversifying women’s representation and leadership in strategic sectors of the public sphere in FFFS in order to address gender inequity and inequality.

BalancE of PEacE and JuSticE with rEGard to armEd GrouPS

Canada should invest in preventative measures in FFFS, help resolve existing conflicts, •and mitigate the negative impacts of violence in situations in which a balance between peace and justice is required.

dEmocratization and thE rolE of GovErnmEnt

Canada should look beyond Track-1 diplomacy with regard to FFFS and engage local •stakeholders in dialogue on democracy and openness.

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Executive Summary

6

natural rESourcES and thE PrivatE SEctor

Canada should undertake partnerships with relevant organizations and actors in order •to encourage market-based support for small, sustainable industries in FFFS, with an emphasis on natural resource or extractive industries; Canada should implement both regulatory and non-regulatory measures to ensure the •corporate social responsibility and accountability of Canadian companies operating in extractive industries in FFFS.

afGhaniStan

Canada should extend its military mandate in Afghanistan until at least 2011;•Canada should increase communication between the government and the Canadian people •with the goal of increasing popular support for a sustainable long-term commitment to Afghanistan.

haiti

Canada should help Haiti implement its plans in the area of judicial reform and should •make judicial reform an important part of its development commitment to Haiti;Canada should take the lead in helping Haiti implement its plans in the education •sector;Canada should increase its focus on the long-term nature of its commitment in Haiti to •ensure the sustainability of that commitment.

Sudan

Canada should engage in diplomatic action to increase international support for the efforts •to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in Sudan;Canada should engage in non-military actions that impose greater pressure on the •Sudanese government.

In discussing the topics considered at the conference, both delegates and experts refrained from homogenizing the issues faced by FFFS. As can be seen in the report, two overarching themes emerged: consideration of issues on a case-by-case basis and use of local resources to promote stability and development. The two themes ensure that the policies followed by the Canadian government do not misconstrue inherently complicated and diverse issues, while enhancing the work of the Canadian government in FFFS.

Failing, Failed, & Fragile States Conference

Introduction


IntroductIon

Background

Failing, failed, and fragile states (FFFS) constitute a topic that is of utmost importance in today’s increasingly interconnected world. Recent events have exposed the devastating effects of state collapse on the citizens of affected states, as well as the ways in which FFFS threaten international peace and stability. Human security is undermined by both the causes and consequences of state failure. Violent conflict, environmental degradation, and lack of access to resources undermine human security and can lead to state collapse. Meanwhile, characteristics of FFFS, such as weak governance, corrupt military, inefficient financial institutions, and a lack of basic services, adversely affect local populations. Threats to human security emanate from continued violence, poverty, further environmental degradation, deterioration of human rights, and lack of access to basic resources and services. Furthermore, the absence of order and security undermines the successful implementation of development programs. Evaluating security situations and analyzing the relationship between security and development, therefore, is fundamental to all international efforts regarding FFFS. It is for these reasons that the Government of Canada has made FFFS one of the key priorities of its foreign policy. While many of the issues addressed at the conference are not necessarily new, the way in which they apply to FFFS is of great relevance. As the Government of Canada is currently developing its policies toward such states, now is the time for students to contribute to this process. The student delegates’ ability to provide a unique and insightful perspective on the issues discussed, aided by the guidance of high-level experts, have resulted in the valuable policy recommendations presented in this report.

conference overview

The Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference was hosted by the International Relations Students’ Association of the University of British Columbia (UBC) from March 8th to March 10th, 2007. The conference brought together 70 student delegates with numerous academics and practitioners. The aim of the conference was to discuss and debate the overarching issues and case studies of special relevance to Canada’s operations in FFFS in order to produce a series of foreign policy recommendations regarding FFFS. The recommendations were designed to be presented to the Canadian government, as well as to NGOs, lobby groups, and academic institutions that deal with FFFS. This report outlines the foreign policy recommendations produced at the conference.

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conference goals

The conference encouraged students to engage in constructive dialogue in order to build a deeper understanding of FFFS, and to develop a vision for Canadian foreign policy with regard to FFFS. This was necessary to achieve the following goals:

Promote dialogue and increase awareness of the issues surrounding FFFS, especially in relation •to human security;Provide a forum for structured and critical analysis of the Canadian government's policies and •practices regarding FFFS, while promoting the collaboration of students, academia, NGOs, and government agencies;Provide students with the tools and framework necessary to develop comprehensive policy •recommendations;Challenge students to actively participate in forming Canadian foreign policy;•Provide the Canadian government, NGOs, academia, and the public with a Conference Report •detailing substantive policy recommendations made from an informed and unique perspective.


Concepts


Definition anD Causes of state fragility

The Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 provided the basis for the modern concept of the state as a “sovereign territorially-based entity” and assumed that rulers had the responsibility of asserting that sovereignty. This Western notion of the modern state has come to be considered as “the solution to the political order,” because it provides an “efficient mechanism for ensuring property rights and securing markets that allow capitalism (and imperialism) to flourish.”1 The creation of the United Nations in 1945 cemented the Westphalian conception of the state by institutionalizing a system of international cooperation that assumed such nation-states to be the building blocks of the world order.2 Thus, even fragile colonial entities with no history as sovereign states, let alone as democracies, were expected to function as such under the auspices of United Nations.3

State failure is generally associated with a weakening or complete lack of central authority. However, the ability to “control and administer territory”4 is not the only important element of a stable state. The terms “fragile,” “failed,” and “failing” have become shorthand for describing states beset by a complex set of social, economic, political and environmental challenges or deficiencies. In failing, failed, and fragile states (FFFS), human development has stalled or, in some cases, begun to regress. The inability of state authorities to provide public services, such as education and health care, leads to a decline in economic growth and increases in mortality and morbidity. A government that cannot provide for its citizens lacks legitimacy and invites armed challenges to its authority. The inability of a state to control its own territory can give rise to violence and criminality. Spillover effects such as conflict, disease, and general unrest can spread across borders, destabilizing entire regions.

Prior to the events of September 11th, 2001, scholars from varying disciplines were mapping links between these various factors, as well as the relationships between these factors and “state capacity.” Concepts such as “human security” and the “security-development nexus” attempted to capture the crucial relationships between poverty, demographics, governance, displacement, environmental degradation, human rights, and political and criminal violence. It became commonplace to read that sustainable development could not take place without security, and that “state security” could not be sustainable, or meaningful, if it came at the expense of the security of a state’s own citizens.

However, state failure took on a new level of salience after the attacks of 9/11. Afghanistan’s role as a base for the recruitment and training of terrorists highlighted the risks involved in ignoring

1 Keith Krause and Jennifer Milliken, “State Failure, State Collapse and State Reconstruction: Concepts, Lessons and Strategies,” Development and Change 33 (2002): 755. 2 “Failed and Collapsed States in the International System,” Report prepared by The African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Transnational Institute, Amsterdam, and The Center of Social Studies, Coimbra Un. Global Policy Forum, http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/sovereign/failed/2003/12failedcollapsedstates.pdf. 3 Robert I. Rotberg, “The Failure and Collapse of Nation States: Breakdown, Prevention and Repair,” When States Fail: Causes and Consequences, ed. Robert I. Rotberg, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004, 27-8.4 Jeffey Herbst, “Responding to State Failure in Africa,” International Security 21, no. 3 (1996): 120-44.

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Concepts

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FFFS. Since 9/11, preventing state failure has arguably become the new paradigm for international security policy. The Bush administration’s 2002 National Security Strategy states, “the events of September 11, 2001, taught us that weak states, like Afghanistan, can pose as great a danger to our national interests as strong states.” Canada’s 2005 International Policy Statement states that “security in Canada ultimately begins with stability abroad,”5 and that “failed states…plant the seeds of threats to regional and global security.”6 Many governments have “significantly increased their budgets in support of failed and fragile states and are shifting much of their diplomatic assets into troubled regions.”7

The United Nations placed emphasis on the need for a comprehensive strategy to deal with new security threats. In 2004, the United Nations released a high-level panel report on collective security entitled A More Secure World: Our shared responsibility. In his Forward to the report, Kofi Annan states: “[T]he front line in today’s combat must be manned by capable and responsible States … The task of helping States improve their own capacities to deal with contemporary threats is vital and urgent.” The report argues that with poverty comes a “fertile breeding-ground” for civil conflict. Providing poor nations with the resources to develop, as recommended by the Millennium Development Goals, enhances the security of wealthier countries. The report also emphasizes the importance of post-conflict peace-building as a means of stabilizing states and is illustrative of the growing consciousness regarding the links between development and security issues.8

The consequences of state fragility for Canada transcend the risk of terrorist attacks. The spillover effects of state fragility or collapse can have both regional and global impacts on trade, global energy supplies, crime networks, human and drug trafficking, the spread of infectious diseases, and the flow of migrants and refugees.

5 Canada, DFAIT, “International Policy Statement; Defence: A Role of Pride and Influence in the World,” 2005, http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/reports/dps/pdf/dps_e.pdf, 3.6 Ibid., 5. 7 David Carment, “Guess what? We give more than 7% already,” Ottawa Citizen, 3 March 2007.8 United Nations, “A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility,” http://www.un.org/secureworld/.


Policy Recommendations


Policy Recommendations

Prior to the conference, delegates were each assigned to a specific issue area or geographic case study for which they would formulate policy recommendations. They were also provided with resources designed to prepare them for the discussion of all the topics, with emphasis on the specific topic that was assigned to them.

On Friday, March 9th,1 Professor Stephen Nairne facilitated an introductory session to ensure that all the participants adhered to the same methodology during the conference. Nairne provided a broad working definition of FFFS, described the indicators used to measure state fragility, and provided an overview of Canada’s involvement in FFFS. Nairne concluded by providing the delegates with a set of guidelines for formulating recommendations.2

The introductory session was followed by panels of experts, which were composed of members from the academic, governmental, non-governmental, and private sectors. The panels addressed the five issue areas of the conference (Actors and Methods of Intervention; Gender; Balance of Peace and Justice with Regard to Armed Groups; Democratization and the Role of Government; and Natural Resources and the Private Sector). At the end of each panel session, delegates interacted with the panellists during a question-and-answer period. Each delegate also participated in two sets of break-out sessions, in which they each engaged in discussions with other delegates on two of the five issue areas featured at the conference (one issue area for each set of break-out sessions). Student co-chairs directed these discussions with the assistance of the experts. Through exposure to the five issue areas, delegates strengthened their understanding of the complex links between the issue areas and identified themes for policy recommendations.

During the morning of Saturday, March 10th, delegates engaged with panels on the three case studies of the conference (Afghanistan, Haiti, and Sudan). These panels were followed by a set of break-out sessions in which each delegate was assigned to a specific case study. These panels and break-out sessions followed a similar format to those of the previous day and enabled delegates to identify themes for policy recommendations.

The conference culminated with Policy Formulation Sessions during the afternoon of Saturday, March 10th. During these sessions, delegates formulated policy recommendations on the issue areas and case studies. Each policy session was co-chaired by a student well-versed in the topic, as well as the respective panellists. The recommendations that follow were formulated through discussion and collaboration between the student delegates and student co-chairs with the guidance of experts. Each set of policy recommendations is preceded by an overview of the topic that integrates the main points presented by the panellists and a summary of the key themes that came up in the subsequent break-out sessions.

1 A detailed conference agenda is provided in Appendix I.2 An overview of the key points made by Professor Nairne is provided in Appendix II.

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poLICY rECOMMENDATIONS

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summaRy of issue aRea 1: actoRs and methods of inteRvention

One of the most important contemporary debates in International Relations is that of the timing and method of intervention in FFFS. The norm of non-intervention has enabled states to justify inaction in situations involving extreme human rights abuses, such as the events that took place in Rwanda in 1994.

In 2000, the Canadian government sponsored the Independent International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) to confront this challenge and answer the questions of when, how, and in what form the international community should intervene in another state’s affairs, with a special focus on military action. After twelve months of intensive research, the ICISS produced a report entitled The Responsibility to Protect. The report explores the notion of the Responsibility to Protect, which suggests that in the event that a sovereign state does not protect its own citizens from avoidable catastrophe, the international community has a responsibility to intervene. The Responsibility to Protect is divided into three main components: the responsibility to prevent, the responsibility to react, and the responsibility to rebuild. The bulk of the ICISS report was completed prior to the attacks of September 11th. However, since 9/11, the debate over the responsibility to intervene in situations of extreme human rights abuses in FFFS has come to overlap with responses against terrorism in the policies of many developed nations, including Canada. Panellist Dr. Jane Boulden noted the securitization of the issue of FFFS, whereby a need to respond to FFFS is identified because of the potential threats, such as terrorism, that these states can produce. Dr. Boulden suggested that discussion of actors and methods of intervention be framed by asking three questions: “who are the actors,” “how to intervene,” and “when to intervene.” Canadian experience with intervention has generally involved multilateral actors such as the UN and NATO; however, Dr. Boulden noted that Canada has been shifting its involvement in interventions from those under a UN banner toward those under the banner of NATO, a military organization. Canada’s role in intervention efforts have ranged from crisis and peace support to the use of military forces. The timing of an intervention, such as whether the intervention happens prior to, during, or after a conflict, affects the impact of the intervention and the range of resources required for a successful conclusion. Dr. Boulden discussed the Responsibility to Protect report, noting its emphasis on prevention, an area that is often disregarded in favour of an emphasis on crises. Dr. Boulden also explained that it is crucial to understand the context of the situation on the ground in order to implement a successful response.

Panellist Dr. David Carment emphasized that, when formulating recommendations, it is important to know how one’s audience will perceive the recommendations. It is also imperative to recognize that states fail for a variety of reasons, and to recognize the importance of different sources of information, such as ground monitors and statistical information, in building a full picture of the situation of the state in question. The analysis of FFFS for effective policy-making requires recognition that each state is different, consideration of a wide range of factors, and an understanding of what is strategically relevant to Canada.

Both panellists emphasized that Canada’s ability to assist FFFS is limited by Canada’s capacity; this was also a theme that arose frequently during discussions. Dr. Carment explained that there

poLICY rECOMMENDATIONS Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference Report

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are many relevant actors that can be or are involved in FFFS. Thus, it is important for Canada to consider questions such as how much development assistance Canada can allot to the nation in question, whether Canada has the tools to make a difference, which organizations or branches of government can provide assistance, whether Canada has prior experience in the area of the proposed intervention, and whether the proposed intervention would garner sufficient political support. An assessment of relevance combined with an assessment of Canada’s potential impact can be used to gauge Canada’s potential net effectiveness, determining whether or not Canada should participate in an intervention.

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Actors and Methods of Intervention Break-Out Sessions included:

What factors should determine Canada’s interest in a region?• It is important to consider the limitations of Canada’s capabilities and where Canada can make the most impact. Not all delegates agreed with a focus on intervention for security issues. Some suggested that we should also consider the preventative capacity of the military. Some delegates argued that Canada has had mixed goals, resulting in a lack of a single unified method or statement of intent. Canada’s interests in multilateralism and its ability to gather support from other regions may also impact its ability to intervene. Delegates also debated the extent to which Canadian values, such as democratization, should be involved in stabilization efforts.How can Canada’s impact be increased• ? Delegates identified a need to strengthen Canada’s analytical and diplomatic capabilities. Delegates also noted that Canada’s impact can be strengthened by incorporating local knowledge and local structures from the FFFS being assisted. What makes an intervention legitimate?• Delegates debated which actors had the legitimacy to intervene in FFFS and whether it was always necessary for the UN Security Council to provide a mandate for action.What actors are important?• Delegates identified multilateral frameworks as important in the context of Canada’s involvement. Recognizing both the private sector and diaspora linkages was also seen to be important. The concept of intervention• : Delegates suggested that “engagement” may be a more appropriate term than “intervention,” because “intervention” indicates a violation of sovereignty and a lack of consent.Military aid as a method of intervention• : In terms of methods of intervention, concern was voiced that the military might not be the most effective agent for delivering aid. Specifically, while NGOs were typically identified as impartial, the partiality of the military was often seen as questionable.


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Policy Recommendations: actoRs and methods of inteRventionStudent Co-Chair: Alia Dharssi

Recommendation 1: Formulate Preventative Engagement

Preamble

The strategic philosophy of the government impacts the dynamics of Canada’s operations in other states. In order to reach desirable outcomes, it is important to consider what philosophies and values Canada wants its operational frameworks to be built upon.

Canada’s current paradigm for intervention is the “Triple-F (Failing, Failed, and Fragile) paradigm,” which can be defined as an outlook that focuses on the failure or extreme fragility of a state as a necessary prerequisite to engagement. Post-conflict engagement has been shown to be much more costly then preventative measures, but moral and legal considerations have prevented states from intervening before a state is deemed as “failed.” However, preventative engagement with states that are on the threshold of disintegration would be more cost-effective, would prevent the undesirable spillover effects of conflicts, and would enable Canada to exert its influence within a peaceful environment by building positive relationships with FFFS.

While it is important for Canada to maintain an overarching sense of values in its engagement with FFFS, it is also important for Canada to be aware of the unique nuances of each individual situation. The issue areas and case studies of the conference illustrate that the most effective operations necessitate a thorough understanding of the specific context of the state in question. The issue areas and case studies also illustrate that a lack of sufficient and effective institutional capacity-building has the potential to drive states into collapse. Canada’s relationships with weak states could benefit from a framework that is conscious of context-specific factors and focuses on preventative institutional capacity-building in the context of long-standing diplomatic relationships for the purpose of mitigating institutional problems. For instance, one of the biggest problems currently plaguing Haiti’s infrastructure and threatening its fragile stability is its legal codes, which date back to 1804.3 However, Canada, which has had formal relations with Haiti since 1968, could have aided in capacity-building by reforming the judicial system prior to Haiti’s collapse.

review of Canadian PoliCies and Programs

In 2001, Canada sponsored the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in response to former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s challenge to the international community to come to a consensus on when, how, and under whose authority intervention should occur. Through this action, Canada recognized the importance of having a framework for engagement with FFFS. In December 2001, the ICISS produced a report entitled The Responsibility to Protect.4 The report presents a framework that has been recognized by the Canadian government

3 International Crisis Group, “Haiti: Justice Reform and the Security Crisis.” Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2007. http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4639&l=1.4 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, “The Responsibility to Protect,” http://www.iciss.ca/menu-en.asp.


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as “a key component of Canada’s human security agenda.”5

The Responsibility to Protect is “the idea that sovereign states have a responsibility to protect their own citizens from avoidable catastrophe – from mass murder and rape, from starvation – but that when they are unwilling or unable to do so, that the responsibility must be borne by the broader community of states.”6 The mandate reframes the concept of intervention by shifting the emphasis away from the actor(s) intervening to the individuals in need of protection.7 Moreover, the emphasis on human security broadens the concept of intervention to include a responsibility to prevent, a responsibility to react, and a responsibility to rebuild.

Currently, the majority of Canada’s engagements in FFFS have not been on a preventative level. The case studies of the Conference (Afghanistan, Haiti, and Sudan), which constitute Canada’s largest international commitments, all received significant Canadian attention only after the states in question were either nearing failure or collapsing.

PoliCy statement

Canada should move out of the “FFFS paradigm” and refocus its priorities on building institutional capacity to recognize strengths and identify growth areas within FFFS. Canada should achieve this by forming incentive-based proactive international partnerships that strengthen the capacity of individual states to effectively respond to crises in the interest of human security.

PoliCy objeCtives

To move toward a proactive engagement that focuses on prevention (rather than conflict •intervention) and positive bilateral and multilateral relationships with weak states; To encourage a philosophy of intervention that emphasizes the importance of a thorough •understanding of context-specific factors for successful engagement with FFFS;To engage select weak states by building their institutional capacities in order to strengthen •their resiliency and capability of absorbing external and internal shocks.

PoliCy direCtives and guidelines

Canada should focus on “engagement,” rather than “intervention,” as its primary operative word •for interaction with weak states. Intervention has come to represent a breach of sovereignty and tends to imply actions taken only when a state is nearing collapse or is committing grave human rights violations. “Engagement” can be used to broadly imply the building of positive relationships with weaker states that are on the threshold of failure; Recognizing that each state has unique needs, Canada should approach its engagement with •

5 Canada, DFAIT, “Responsibility to Protect,” http://geo.international.gc.ca/cip-pic/library/canadaandresponsibility-toprotect-en.asp.6 Canada, International Development Research Centre, The Responsibility to Protect prepared by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, Ottawa: The International Development Research Centre, De-cember 2001, vii.7 Gareth Evans and Mahmoud Sahnoun,“The Responsibility to Protect,” Foreign Affairs 81, no. 6 (2002): 99-110.


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weak states on a case-by-case basis to ensure that it focuses on context-specific factors and avoids actions based on generalities; When deciding how and when to engage with weak states, Canada should limit its use of •numerical indicators and indexes while taking advantage of other sources of information that define the social, political, cultural and economic context of the state in question. These context-specific sources are equally, if not more, important to numerical indicators that deal with states by universalizing various risk factors. Diaspora groups may prove useful in this regard; however, Canada should also be aware of the biases these groups may bring to the table because of their own interests within the state in question;Canada should seek to build egalitarian dialogues with weaker states by finding common ground, •both through discussions of cultural differences and through recognition of the strengths of other states. Canada should seek to involve the international community by conducting these dialogues in multilateral, in addition to bilateral, frameworks;Canada should use an incentives-based approach in engaging relevant sectors within weak states •in order to build internal capacity and resilience. Some methods for building such relationships may include, but are not limited to: trade agreements, membership in multilateral organizations, and reduction of agricultural subsidies. In implementing this directive, Canada should take advantage of resources it is already using. For instance, the Canadian government could adopt a purchasing policy that requires government agencies to purchase only fair-trade products, such as fair-trade coffee. With such policies, the government would purchase a product it already uses while benefiting farmers in weak states;Canada should include an emphasis on institutional capacity-building in these relationships with •weak states as a means of combating potential weaknesses and corruption in specific sectors;Proactive, rather than reactive, measures that focus on the strengths, not weaknesses, of states •should be considered for Canada’s policy on engagement.


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summaRy of issue aRea 2: GendeR

The issue of gender has become increasingly important in understanding the structural problems of social policy in FFFS. Many studies have pointed to gender equality as an indicator of social and economic viability in developing nations. Gender issues relate to both men and women in terms of the differential effects of the socioeconomic problems that are faced by FFFS. The numerous issues that affect men and women in FFFS must be solved in ways that consider gender issues in the context of religious, cultural, and socioeconomic backgrounds.

Panellist Dr. Erin Baines explained that gender has presented an important approach to understanding conflict situations; however, while gender is not completely absent from Canada’s foreign policy, it has not been well-integrated or specifically articulated either. Dr. Baines argued that it is problematic that “women” is often equated with “gender.” There is a need to take an approach to gender that recognizes how men and women are impacted differently by conflict situations and that recognizes the diversity within both of these gender categories. There are also issues that come with conflict situations, such as the rape of men, that are typically absent from analysis. The different experiences of men and women can impact the effectiveness of humanitarian assistance. Consequently, it is important to consider whether Canada’s current approach to gender analysis is working and to consider alternative models.

Panellist Lauryn Oates suggested that the concepts of gender and security need to be considered in the context of human security, rather than traditional security. When focusing on gender in relation to legal frameworks for international human rights, political participation, and civil society, barriers to change are often created by religious and cultural expectations. Consequently, it is important to find strategies for inciting change from the grassroots level, which is a perspective emphasized by human security, rather than enforcing changes that are top-down, which tends to be seen as cultural violation. This enables a dialogue that can focus on determining the priorities and needs of the women on the ground. Ms. Oates also emphasized that it is also important to consider women in terms of their capabilities, rather than viewing them only as victims.

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Gender Break-Out Sessions included:

The diversity of gender categories: • Delegates noted that is important to remember the diversity within gender categories. The divisions “men” and “women” apply to groups of people from a wide range of socioeconomic categories.Consideration of context is crucial:• Delegates noted that both students and policy-makers are generally disconnected from the “realities on the ground”; moreover, 80% of CIDA’s staff operates in Canada. These factors make awareness of context all the more important. The importance of understanding context for effective operations may also indicate a need for reform in CIDA’s operational strategies. Taking this into consideration, delegates suggested that recommendations need to be designed so that they are adaptable to each unique situation. Delegates also discussed how Canada could facilitate grassroots initiatives to create gender equality.Gender mainstreaming:• Delegates argued that the policy of gender mainstreaming is a step in the right direction, but it has only been used to supplement pre-existing programs. Delegates


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identified the need to consider reformulating or building new programs. Delegates also agreed that recommendations that simply make generalizations about gender equality will not be useful, as such generalizations are already embedded in Canadian policy. Reformulation of foreign policy implementation:• Delegates suggested thinking in the long term when considering gender issues, as this would facilitate a more natural change in a society. Delegates also suggested encouraging interaction between the government, NGOs, and academia to create more dynamic and comprehensive policies.Cultural relativism:• With regard to Canadian values, delegates realized that culture can only be relevant to a certain extent. At some point, when facing extremism, lines must be drawn when dealing with human rights. However, it is also important to recognize the strength of cultural factors and to find ways to initiate change from within. A need for more research and funding:• Delegates suggested that Canada invest in projects to increase understanding of the actual socioeconomic issues and structures with regard to gender in FFFS and do this by building bridges across nongovernmental and governmental sectors. Delegates also identified a need for more funding in general toward gender issues and development in FFFS, noting that Canada is not meeting its commitment of spending 0.7% of its gross national income on official development assistance (ODA). Importance of broadening understanding of sexual violence: • Delegates argued that sexual violence is an issue that must be addressed in conflict and post-conflict situations, using an approach that recognizes how it affects men and women differently. Delegates identified a need to openly address the issue and focus on educational initiatives to affect change. Delegates also emphasized the importance of a focus on the perpetrator, rather than the victim.


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Policy Recommendations: GendeRStudent Co-chair: Will Goldbloom

Recommendation 1: Increase Funding for Research on Gender Issues in FFFS

Preamble

When examining gender within the realm of foreign policy, it is important to differentiate between issues related to women and issues related to gender. Gender issues relate to both men and women in terms of how socioeconomic problems in FFFS affect each differently. Women and men can be adversely affected by gendered policies in FFFS. For instance, women in FFFS are more prone to displacement, HIV/AIDS, poor education, sexual violence and a lack of economic opportunities; whereas, men may be more heavily affected by policies that recruit young males to warring factions. The issue of gender within FFFS is sensitive because cultural norms can form barriers against the influence of the international community, particularly in regard to issues faced by women.

The issue of gender has become increasingly important in understanding the structural problems of social policy in FFFS. Many studies have pointed to gender equality as an indicator of social and economic viability in developing nations. The gender dynamics of a region have an impact on which groups exercise power, how these groups exercise power, economic opportunities for families, and the building of civil society. Consequently, a better understanding of gender issues is crucial to increasing the effectiveness of Canada’s assistance to FFFS.


Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) has identified gender mainstreaming, “a strategy to assess the implications for both men and women, of any planned actions, policies, or programmes in all areas and at all levels,”8as one of its foreign policy priorities.9 Additionally, CIDA places importance upon gender analysis as “an indispensable tool for both understanding the local context, and promoting gender equality.”10 CIDA defines gender analysis as “the variety of methods used to understand the relationships between men and women, their access to resources, their activities, and the constraints they face relative to each other.”11 CIDA considers gender analysis to be “an essential element of socioeconomic analysis” because it “provides information on the different conditions that women and men face, and the different effects that policies and programs may have on them because of their situations.”12 In sum, Canada has recognized that gender analysis can play a central role in ensuring effective policies and programs.

rights/Iwe5-mainstream-en.asp. 9 Canada, DFAIT, “Canada’s Commitment to Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women’s Rights Inter- Canada, DFAIT, “Canada’s Commitment to Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women’s Rights Inter-

10 Canada, CIDA, “CIDA’s Policy on Gender Equality,” Canada, CIDA, “CIDA’s Policy on Gender Equality,” Canada, CIDA, “CIDA’s Policy on Gender Equality,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/EMA-218123616-NN9#sum.

KBD#1. 12 Ibid.

8 Canada, DFAIT, “Mainstreaming of a Gender Perspective,” http://www.international.gc.ca/foreign_policy/human-

http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-31194519-11 CCaannaaddaa,, CCIIDDAA,, ““GGeennddeerr AAnnalysis,

nationally,” http://www.international.gc.ca/foreign_policy/human-rights/Iwe1-equal-en.asp.

”


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Between the fiscal years 1998-1999 and 2005-2006, an annual average of 4.68% of CIDA’s ODA was allocated to programs aimed at increasing gender equality.13 Allocating more funding specifically toward research on gender needs in FFFS has the potential to improve Canada’s operations in FFFS because, as has been recognized by Canada, gender analysis can provide a crucial perspective for understanding the impact of programs on the ground.

PoliCy statement

Canada should increase investments in research on gender needs in FFFS and determine how such information can be used to increase the effectiveness of Canada’s programs within FFFS.

PoliCy objeCtives

To enhance the positive impact of Canadian interventions in FFFS;•To increase focus on women’s issues in the media, government, and academia;•To increase focus on how gendered policies impact men and women differently in FFFS;•To build civil society instruments that emphasize gender equality.•


CIDA, DND, and DFAIT should devote increased funding to assess gender needs during the •development of Canada’s policies and programs for FFFS;CIDA, along with any other relevant government sectors, should build a stronger relationship •between policy-makers, academics, governments, and those on the ground with regard to understanding the impact of gender on its operations in FFFS;CIDA should consult with local agencies and civil society organizations before moving ahead •with any projects that emphasize gender-based programs. This will help determine whether the programs can be improved to better address the needs of the local populations and can also review the practicality and necessity of the programs.

Recommendation 2: Foster Local Initiatives

Preamble

Each region has its own unique needs with regard to alleviating the negative impacts of gender roles. Many countries have not benefited from gender empowerment; in some situations, there have been backlashes against human rights values that are seen as “Western” and movements toward more extreme and limited interpretations of rights that subjugate women. In other cases, boys have been removed from schools and replaced by women. To effectively deal with gender issues, it is important to consider each situation individually and to encourage a grassroots approach to the development of gender equality.

13 Canada, CIDA, “Funding – CIDA’s Investment in Equality Between Women and Men,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-31195111-KF2.


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Canada has signed both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which are human rights instruments that represent an international consensus on gender equality.14 Moreover, Canada, along with the international community, has made important commitments to women through the Beijing Platform for Action, the Millennium Development Goals, and UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.15 Additionally, CIDA has displayed a strong commitment to gender equality through its Policy on Gender Equality, which states that “gender equality must be considered as an integral part of all CIDA policies, programs and projects.”

UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which passed with a unanimous vote in 2000 when Canada maintained a seat on the Security Council, “encourages the Secretary-General to implement his strategic plan … calling for an increase in the participation of women at decision-making levels in conflict resolution and peace processes.” Resolution 1325 also “urges the Secretary-General to seek to expand the role and contribution of women in UN field-based operations, and especially among military observers, civilian police, human rights, and humanitarian personnel.”16 While these statements were directed at UN bodies, their intentions of strengthening and supporting women’s representation and leadership in strategic sectors of peacekeeping and security are relevant to Canada’s operations in FFFS.

PoliCy statement

Canada should support locally-driven initiatives and foster regional partnerships that focus on strengthening, supporting, and diversifying women’s representation and leadership in strategic sectors of the public sphere in FFFS in order to address gender inequity and inequality.

PoliCy objeCtives

To build civil-society instruments that emphasize gender equality;•To support grassroots initiatives that enable people in FFFS to come to an understanding of •gender equality that fits into their own cultural context;To encourage a stronger female presence in strategic areas of leadership;•To provide role models to encourage other women to seek out careers in these strategic sectors in •order to increase the proportion of women in society who can influence important decisions;To encourage female participation in all levels of decision-making processes. •

14 Canada, DFAIT, “Canada’s Commitment to Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women’s Rights Inter-Canada, DFAIT, “Canada’s Commitment to Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women’s Rights Inter-nationally,” http://www.international.gc.ca/foreign_policy/human-rights/Iwe1-equal-en.asp.15 Canada, CIDA, “Equality Between Women and Men,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-31192610-JXF.16 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1325,” United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1325,” http://www.unfpa.org/women/1325.htm.


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CIDA should continue to encourage microfinance and microcredit initiatives that provide •women with greater economic opportunities; CIDA and DFAIT should provide more direct funding to relevant accountable local organizations •that can allocate the funding according to local needs;Before moving ahead with any projects, CIDA and DFAIT should consult with local agencies •in order to determine the practicality and necessity of those projects; CIDA and DFAIT should encourage more funding for local advocacy and lobbying-based •organizations within FFFS, as opposed to service-based organizations;Through its programs, CIDA should seek methods to create physical spaces that can increase •women’s networking opportunities by enabling women to meet and interact without men;CIDA and DFAIT should connect women of varying socioeconomic backgrounds with •appropriate regional networks that can help them find ways to impact decision-making, while allowing them the opportunity to find their own solutions;CIDA and DFAIT should provide funds specifically for training female personnel from •varying socioeconomic backgrounds in strategic fields such as security, medicine, and public policy. Such policies should aim to decrease the number of violations made against women by predominantly male institutions, such as the police system, and make it easier for women to approach these institutions.


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summaRy of issue aRea 3: Balance of Peace and Justice with ReGaRd to aRmed GRouPs

A society emerging from conflict is often faced with the question of how to deal with the perpetrators of war crimes and the instigators of conflict. This question is laced with immediate difficulty, as there is a fine balance that must be struck between forgiveness and punishment in order to bring closure to the affected populace. Canada is actively engaged in international efforts to bring to justice individuals who have fomented hate and/or conflict and has joined efforts with organizations such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Criminal Tribunal (ICT). Canada has also passed the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act, which it abides by in order to remain true to the Rome Statute, the treaty that established the ICC. The problems faced by Canada in this realm are numerous, as it is difficult to bridge the gaps between reconciliation and enforcement of international law.

Panellist Dr. Marie-Joelle Zahar explained that the questions of how to achieve the balance between peace and justice and for whom it is being achieved are of fundamental importance. The peace structure has a tendency to be imposed by a foreign power or organization. This ultimately works against the intent of the structure, as local populations feel alienated from the process, preventing lasting stability from being achieved. Consequently, “peace and justice for whom and by whom?” is one of the first questions that must be answered in any attempt to implement a balance of both peace and justice. This question implies consideration of whether both state and non-state actors should be included. In the event that non-state actors are included in the peace process, one must decide whether or not to include militias. This has been marked as a contentious issue, as including militias in the process involves the undesired risk of giving them political legitimacy. Dr. Zahar noted that a second and equally important concern is the order in which peace and justice are sought. Certain cases require a stable environment for any efforts toward justice to be successful, while others require a sense of justice to satisfy the population before any peace can be established. Both peace and justice, however, are preconditions to stability.

Panellist Dr. Jean-François Gareau explained that no specific formula exists that will ensure a viable transition from a state of war to a state of stability, as all cases are drastically different. However, despite the situational differences in each separate case, there exist certain continuities in the processes of international law. The first one is the judicial process, which involves ad hoc tribunals, the ICC, and hybrid tribunals. There are also non-judicial approaches to peace and justice that are often ambiguous in their strengths, as they involve much trial and error. Non-judicial processes involve Truth Commissions and Amenities. The issue of how to deal with non-entities, such as armed groups, is also of vital importance, as the court has to hold them responsible without granting them any legitimacy that may undermine the government.

Panellist Dr. Erin Baines spoke about the balance of peace and justice with regard to armed groups in relation to her experiences working in Northern Uganda. Dr. Baines discussed the tension between punishing those responsible for war crimes and reintegrating armed groups into the society, the


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latter being an essential part of the peace process. Dr. Baines also discussed the difficulties that come with the implementation of the international system of justice, noting that the ICC, which focuses on indicting top leaders, may be unable to address the needs of the local populations because it may undermine the local justice system. Such a situation may also fail to provide solace to the families of victims and may be unable to provide answers as to why the conflict happened in the first place. Common themes and questions emphasized during the Balance of Peace and Justice Break-Out Sessions included:

The role of the ICC:• Delegates argued that the ICC is an instrumental organization for establishing a balance between peace and justice; however, conflicts can emerge between the ICC and local traditional approaches to justice. There is often a pronounced friction between the two that makes integration of the systems difficult, as the traditional approaches to justice do not always run parallel to the ICC’s opinions on how justice should be achieved. Education of local populations: • Delegates argued that people indigenous to the region in question often do not know of the benefits or processes of the ICC tribunals. Delegates argued that educating the locals in these processes is important.Canada’s role:• Delegates questioned whether it is possible for Canada to act as a neutral mediator in the justice process. Discussions revolved around what Canada can do to help mediation, with an emphasis on how Canada can provide logistical support to the peace and/or judiciary processes. The issue of capacity-building was central to this debate, as states must eventually possess the capacity to conduct their own judicial processes. Education in this context can work as a preventative measure, because educating locals on the importance of a functioning and efficient justice system is intrinsic to maintaining peace and security.


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Policy Recommendations: Balance of Peace and Justice with ReGaRd to aRmed GRouPs

Student Co-Chair: Amir Musin

Recommendation 1: Invest in Preventative Measures, Resolve Existing Conflicts, and Mitigate Violence

Preamble

A key challenge to peace processes in many FFFS is striking a balance between peace and justice. Choosing a proper balance between punishing those responsible for heinous crimes and burying grievances for the sake of peace is crucial to the future stability of a post-conflict state. There are many factors that need to be considered in achieving this balance, and there is no all-encompassing approach that will ensure a successful reconciliation process. Thus, consideration on a case-by-case basis is essential.

Canada’s three largest international humanitarian and security commitments (Afghanistan, Haiti, and Sudan) deal largely with warring or conflicting people within the borders of a single state. The success of Canada’s involvement in countries that have different factions who have been and continue to be at war with one another depends on the proper balance of peace and justice. Old alliances and rivalries threaten the potential for peace and detract from Canada’s mission. In countries that have experienced intrastate warfare, tensions between the warring parties remain prevalent even after conflict comes to an end, especially when people from different communal groups are living within a single area ruled by a single government. Reconciliation between these parties is essential to guaranteeing stability. An increased level of stability decreases the potential for future state weakness and ensures that the resources Canada diverts to the region have a positive long-term impact.


Canada played an integral role in the efforts to create the ICC, and has been involved in international war tribunals since 1945. The court, independent of any single government, has the capacity to prosecute individuals accused of most grave human rights violations.

In conjunction with the Rome Statute, Canada has also adopted the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act, which seeks to bring to justice those residing in Canada who are guilty of crimes against humanity, regardless of where those crimes may have been committed.

PoliCy statement

Canada should invest in preventative measures in FFFS, help resolve existing conflicts, and mitigate the negative impacts of violence in cases in which a balance between peace and justice is required.


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PoliCy objeCtives

To prevent violent conflict by communicating to relevant segments of the population alternative •options, as well as the negative outcomes of violence;To expedite the conflict-resolution process in cases where conflict is occurring or reoccurring •by providing mediation services and/or good offices;To achieve successful reintegration of persons affected by violence (including perpetrators) •back into their societies upon cessation of conflict in order to ensure stable and lasting peace.


Canada should promote understanding of legal options and obligations among people in FFFS. •These efforts should be attentive to the limited role the ICC and the international community have in the domestic affairs of states;In cases where Canada has the ability to influence outcomes, Canada should seek to mediate •between conflicting parties in order to achieve a fair and realistic resolution;In cases were Canada has little or no influence, Canada should offer the use of its territory and •logistical support to the conflicting parties;Canada should provide significant support to local actors who seek to successfully reintegrate •conflict-affected persons into their communities. These efforts should include, but not be limited to, financial, political, and logistical forms of support, as well provision of personnel, expertise, and tangible resources;Canada should be aware and attentive of local customs involved in reintegration and rehabilitation •of perpetrators in order to avoid imposing a Western-centric view of reconciliation upon culturally-sensitive regions;Canada should aim to implement this policy through a “whole-of-government approach” that •focuses on coordination between DND, DFAIT, and CIDA.


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summaRy of issue aRea 4: democRatization and the Role of GoveRnment

The international community regularly emphasizes the importance of promoting stable democracy within FFFS. Democratization is also a value that has been articulated by the Canadian government. Implementing democracy, however, is not always a fail-safe solution to regaining stability in FFFS, which are often plagued by ethnic rivalries, unstable security sectors, histories of conflicting ideologies, and warlordism. Western biases often misunderstand the difficulties of imposing democracy upon an unstable state. At times, the belief in democratic elections and the power of democracy as a whole has been driven more by ideological dogma rather than empirical evidence. It is therefore in the interests of states intervening and/or involved in the peace and rebuilding processes to determine under what circumstances democracy can and should be encouraged. Important points that should be addressed in such a determination include: the legitimacy of the nascent government in the eyes of the populace; the intricacies of holding elections in post-conflict states; the importance of civil societies in the rebuilding process; and the role of the security sector within the post-conflict state.

Panellist Dr. Sandra MacLean was concerned with how to promote democracy successfully without harming or further dividing a post-conflict society and argued that the construction of civil society is paramount to success. The development and construction of a viable democratic system requires a long-term engagement and the receptiveness of the local population is a pre-condition to success. Grassroots initiatives can create a foundation for a stable democracy. However, Dr. MacLean explained that democracy can be impeded by non-democratic elements that influence the state. Examples of such obstacles include radical nationalists, religious fanatics, and states such as China that have models of political development that differ from those of most Western states.

Panellist Dr. Robert Miller argued that parliamentary institutions are necessary to ensure the successful construction of a democracy and democratic governance. Parliaments serve as a forum where people can debate issues of general concern and attempt to tackle the challenges that come with building a nation. A focus on the creation of Parliamentary Committees can serve as a bridge between two or more opposing parties, thereby ensuring that no one single faction dominates the parliament. However, while parliamentary institutions are an intrinsic part of a viable democracy, they cannot function alone as the sole solution, as parliaments are at risk of being controlled and manipulated by a limited executive.

Panellist Stewart Prest also focused on local institutions, arguing that local democratic institutions need to be built upward from the grassroots level in order to ensure successful democratization. FFFS often lack institutional capacity, leading to the rise of single individuals or small groups of elites that control every aspect of the country. There exists a certain danger, therefore, in trying to implement democratic processes, as they can often lead to increased levels of instability. Mr. Prest argued that the democratization of FFFS needs to be done on an incremental scale, by building institutions that allow democracy to take hold gradually. The elements required to create an effective democracy are: a local impetus, as the ultimate responsibility rests upon the people of the state in question; the incorporation of local structures into any democratization initiative wherever possible; prioritizing and sequencing issues based on context, as different issues are of varying importance in different countries; constant monitoring and analysis of the situation, as there is no standard


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formula for democratic reform; multidimensional coordination within and across governments, particularly because the margin for error in FFFS is much smaller than in other situations; and preparation for a long-term engagement in order to create effective, sustainable change. .

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Democratization Break-Out Sessions included:

How can the foundations for a viable democracy be laid in FFFS?: • Delegates argued that the construction of a civil society, combined with NGOs dedicated to promoting democracy and democratic characteristics, are essential preconditions to a viable democracy. Delegates discussed the positive effects of NGOs on the education of the populace, the potential dangers of altering existing power structures (due to the introduction of an NGO), and finally, the barriers to creating civil society in FFFS. The latter point pertains especially to states that are either dependant or heavily engaged in extractive resources, as maintaining the status quo may be in the interest of the elite groups who control those resources. What should Canada’s commitment to democratization be?: • Much of the discussion focused on Canada’s approach to democratization. Agreement was voiced that Canada should promote and allow for the natural evolution of democratic institutions, rather than impose a standard model of democracy that may not be applicable to all cases. A standard model may even be counterproductive and create cultural conflict. Delegates argued that the impetus for democracy should be both locally and internationally driven, as the creation of a stable democracy presents security benefits to both the state and the international community.


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Policy Recommendations: democRatization and the Role of GoveRnmentStudent Co-Chair: Alex Sales

Recommendation 1: Engage Local Stakeholders in a Dialogue on Democracy

Preamble

Canada has made a considerable commitment to spreading democracy, both in terms of building institutions and engaging local civil society in its policy formation. Canada has made a commitment to democratization in the humanitarian efforts where it is most involved, such as Afghanistan and Haiti. According to the Canadian government, the process of democratization is an essential stepping-stone toward state stability; however, there are numerous obstacles to the democratization of FFFS. Democracy is an evolutionary process that takes place over an extended period of time and must, therefore, be contextualized in order to succeed. All states have to be considered on an individual basis and the transfer to a stable and successful democracy has to consider cultural sensitivities that may affect the outcome. Rather than exporting its own democratic model and biases, Canada must develop models that fit with and prioritize local needs.

Canada must begin at the grassroots level by working with local structures and initiatives that engage a majority of the people from different socioeconomic backgrounds. Building and encouraging the development of local civil society organizations can create a stronger foundation for a viable democracy that has roots in the culture of the society in question. Democracy should be built from within, rather than enforced from above.

In order to better integrate local priorities, Canada must have a concrete understanding of local power relations. Democratization can have a destabilizing affect and can, rather paradoxically, interrupt its own progress. Specifically, this is likely to occur if the nation in question lacks the necessary governmental and institutional structures to support the democratization process by itself. Having a better understanding of the local context can help Canada to better allocate resources to support institutions that are sustainable and meet the needs of the local population. Therefore, the prioritization and sequencing of democratization must be done with consideration of the local context and the needs of the people, rather than bureaucratic or ideological impulses.

Additionally, any policy should take into account unique resources that Canada may possess. Diaspora populations have the potential to serve as a vital link between the country being engaged and Canada itself. Support for democratization by diaspora populations may reinforce support for democracy within FFFS and can potentially assist the construction of a stable democracy.


Canadian efforts at democratization began in the 1980s and were closely linked to human rights. The belief was that protection of the rights of the individual was better served by promotion of democratic institution-building. In 1988, the Canadian parliament created the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development (ICHRDD).17 The mission of ICHRDD is to 17 Gerald J. Schmitz, The Role of International Democracy Promotion in Canada’s Foreign Policy, (IRPP Policy Gerald J. Schmitz, The Role of International Democracy Promotion in Canada’s Foreign Policy, (IRPP Policy


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promote respect for human rights and democracy through engagement with local civil society and governments.18

In October 2006, the Office for Democratic Governance was formed. The office defines democratic governance according to four elements: respect for human rights; accountable public institutions; freedom and democracy, including the promotion of the development of political parties and civil society; and the establishment of the rule of law. The Office of Democratic Governance aims to “develop and promote innovative and effective democratic governance programming across the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA); be the hub for a community of Canadian and international partners and experts active in democratic governance; expand the knowledge base and good practices in Canada and link it with international knowledge; be an international leader in elections programming; and be of service to the whole of government and to Canadians involved in democratic governance programming.” 19

PoliCy statement

Canada should look beyond Track-1 diplomacy with regard FFFS and engage local stakeholders in dialogue on democracy and openness.

PoliCy objeCtives

To encourage policies that engage the local populations and civil societies of FFFS to better •gauge local needs and aspirations; To enable Canada to gain a better understanding of the local context and power structures in •order to enhance the impact of Canadian efforts, as local systems and codes can vary from region to region.


Canada should support polling of target societies in order to ascertain the local needs and desires •and avoid imposing Canadian ideas that may be inappropriate for the region. Polling can be done through carefully selected local NGOs and civil society organizations. Polling can also make use of cell phone networks and text messaging where available. Questions should be framed to determine local attitudes toward democratization, attitudes toward Canadian engagement in their country, and what issues the local population would like to address with the international community and local actors.Canada should utilize Canadian diaspora populations as a less intrusive way of understanding the •context in order to smoothen the democratization process. However, it is important to approach diasporas with prudence, as they may have strong personal biases regarding the situation at hand. The Office of Democratic Governance should coordinate these efforts and seek the support of •NGOs, research institutes, universities, and other educational organizations.

Matters: Canada, 2004), 13.18 Ibid, 15-16.19 Canada, CIDA, “Offi ce of Democratic Governance,” Canada, CIDA, “Office of Democratic Governance,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CanadaCorps.


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summaRy of issue aRea 5: natuRal ResouRces and the PRivate sectoR

Natural resources form an interesting perspective from which to analyze state weakness, as they can have both stabilizing and destabilizing effects on a country. Afghanistan, Sudan, and Haiti all face deep-rooted problems related to the issues arising from either the lack of or abundance of natural resources. Natural resources can contribute to state failure because they may provide profit for certain groups within a society at the expense of others, which can strongly influence political institutions and cause violent conflict. Natural resources have been found to increase the duration of a conflict by financing the conflict or reducing the impetus among the elite groups to help end the conflict; that is, maintaining the state’s fragile situation may be in the interest of those in power, who tend to profit enormously from their control of the natural resources. The enormous effects of natural resources on economic, political, and social dynamics are important for the Canadian government to consider in its efforts to engage and help rebuild FFFS.

Additionally, it is important to consider the implications of the actions of Canadian companies that are engaged in natural resource industries abroad. For instance, important questions about corporate responsibility arise in the case of Sudan, where Canadian oil companies have been accused of contributing to the civil war in the region by not sufficiently investigating claims of government-forced displacement, despite the fact that human right abuses in Sudan had been linked with the oil industry. Human Rights Watch has accused the Canadian government of not responding with a policy statement until after it would have been useful in ending the civil war. Moreover, Canadian law does not provide any instrument whereby Canadian corporations operating abroad can be held accountable for being complicit in or not acting against human rights violations.

Panellist Dr. Phillipe Le Billion explained that the impact of natural resources within fragile states is of great relevance to Canada, which is itself a major producer of natural resources. In addition to their domestic output, many Canadian companies are also involved in the extraction of natural resources around the world. Dr. Le Billon explained that natural resources often increase state fragility due to the economic dynamics created by resource dependency combined with poverty. Dependence on natural resources can also create dynamics that are averse to the development of democracy in FFFS. Countries dependent on natural resources tend to be poor states with volatile economies. Such states may appear to be relatively strong during economic booms, but are easily affected by economic downturns that can lead to high debt and over-extended fiscal spending. Natural resources can also help fuel conflict by providing funding for competing groups and have been increasingly used for this purpose since the collapse of the USSR. The situation may be further complicated when other countries that wish to intervene take advantage of the resources of the state in question.

Panellist Dr. Karen Ballentine explained that state fragility caused by natural resources is a product of a number of factors, such as a highly underdeveloped national economy, a heavy dependency on the resources in question, the physical location of the resources, and the extraction processes necessary to acquire the resources. Consequently, it is important to analyze the situation carefully and consider the actors who may be contributing to the problem at hand. Such actors include, but are not limited to: multinational corporations (MNCs), various governments, groups within civil society, and NGOs.


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Dr. Ballentine explained that MNCs often complicate situations in FFFS by disregarding externalities created through their operations or by displaying no sensitivity toward the environment and other local issues. MNCs may also create problems unintentionally by trying to integrate their operations into the local community. Despite this, Dr. Ballentine argued that the private sector can also play a positive role in FFFS. MNCs often operate in regions that have no significant domestic actors and may be able to utilize their own economic influence in a positive manner. Initiatives such as the Kimberley Process have successfully involved some in the diamond industry as non-traditional peace and security actors. Unfortunately, these initiatives are extremely difficult to enforce, as they normally depend on the voluntary involvement of MNCs or other relevant actors. There is a need to strengthen international norms, local ownership, incentive structures, and regulatory and legal practices in order to ameliorate the negative impacts of natural resources in FFFS.

Panellist Christine Johnson emphasized the positive potential of the private sector, arguing that the private sector is essential to reducing poverty and ensuring sustainability in the long term. Thus, efforts to build the private sector must be fully integrated into poverty reduction initiatives in FFFS. Private sector development is one of Canada’s aid priorities, and it encompasses promoting entrepreneurship, creating enabling environments, and connecting entrepreneurs to new markets. Ms. Johnson emphasized that private sector development should occur in concurrence with, rather than after, the development of good governance and the basic well-being of the people. Conditions in the local private sectors may be seen as causes, consequences, and indicators of fragility. They must therefore be taken seriously in development solutions. Endowments of natural resources are neither inherently bad nor good, and it is important to consider how natural resource development can contribute to reducing poverty. Thus, it is important not to disregard the potential for business leaders to catalyze change both locally and globally; that is, it is important to focus on both microfinance and larger enterprises. Ms. Johnson also suggested that rapid change may be easier in the private sector, rather than the public sector, and searching out “quick wins” could encourage investor confidence.

Ms. Johnson also discussed several methods to engage MNCs, including: supporting public-private dialogue with a diverse range of firms; recognizing the private sector as a resource for developing both human and social capital while simultaneously promoting stability; supporting long-term partnerships with local communities to identify local development challenges; and supporting national or regional efforts to improve local business practices while levelling the playing field. Ms. Johnson explained that donors can contribute by: developing sound strategies for supporting private sector development in FFFS; supporting initiatives that encourage sustainable natural resource development; supporting public-private dialogue on development issues; encouraging global policy development and donor coordination; and encouraging dialogue between multiple stakeholders.

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Natural Resources Break-Out Sessions included:

What enables stability?:• Noting that scarcity of resources is a universal issue, delegates explored several factors that might lead some natural resources to cause instability more so than others. Delegates noted that instability may also have to do with the degree of segmentation and


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animosity within a given population, as well as the nature of any colonial infrastructures that still remain relevant. Canada may have useful knowledge to offer based on its own experience as one of the few stable countries that is heavily reliant on its natural resources. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR):• Delegates noted the difficulties experienced by companies that wish to be socially responsible without losing competitiveness against other companies that have no concern for CSR. Most companies may not be averse to acting ethically if there is a level playing field; however, it is difficult to build an effective regulatory framework that ensures such conditions. Delegates suggested that this stalemate might be overcome by providing domestic incentives to socially responsible companies. Delegates also emphasized that Canada needs to clean up its own act, especially in regard to the oil and mineral-extraction sectors.The impact of trade and the private sector: • Delegates noted that, while trade promotes growth, it does not necessarily tackle poverty. Delegates considered whether the institutions behind trade openness might be the key to success (e.g. regulatory practices or mechanisms to keep profits within the country). Delegates noted that a grassroots-level private sector can be extremely beneficial, as companies at that level are likely to have an interest in building civil society. Delegates considered how DFAIT could create positive government-to-government incentives for open trade to encourage other important goals such as social responsibility. Delegates also noted that stability is necessary for the private sector to be willing to step in, and that conversely, the private sector can also contribute to stability.Good governance: • Delegates noted the difficulty of engaging a country in which elites have an interest in maintaining the standing order because of a natural resource industry and do not wish for foreign countries to intervene. Such conditions may make it more difficult to promote democratization. Kimberley Process• : The Kimberley Process was mentioned as an example of a success that might have some application in other sectors; however, delegates recognized that diamonds are a unique good.


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Policy Recommendations: natuRal ResouRces and the PRivate sectoRStudent Co-Chair: Vanessa Lunday

Recommendation 1: Support Small Natural Resource Based Industries in FFFS

Preamble

While the private sector often exacerbates conflict, it can also exert a positive influence in FFFS if encouraged to operate in an appropriate manner. One way this can be done is by aiding local companies operating in FFFS. Support for local businesses can provide the local economy with a much-needed boost while simultaneously empowering local owners. Moreover, programs used to help start local businesses, such as microcredit programs, have proven successful in boosting local economic resources and empowering citizens. This can further lead to a diminished need for Canadian and international support in these countries.


CIDA’s Policy on Private Sector Development identifies the growth of the domestic private sector as crucial to sustainable poverty reduction in a state. The policy places particular emphasis on: “the importance of supporting small- and medium-sized enterprises, which represent the backbone of a healthy, diversified, and resilient economy”; “the key role that credit and microfinance services can play in empowering women and supporting community economic development”; “the importance of rural agriculture, producers, and cooperatives”; and “the importance of access to international markets and international institutions that work in the interests of all.”20

One example of a successful CIDA project that developed the local private sector was a joint undertaking of CIDA, Druide Laboratories of Quebec, and an Afghan businessman named Waheed Daqeeq. The project succeeded in encouraging the manufacture of soap products in Kabul in order to combat unemployment and eliminate the need to import soap products.21 Further support for and creation of initiatives such as these, as well as the expansion of these projects to the point where the products are export-ready, can only help to divert the Afghan economy from its main source of revenue, which is poppy production.

PoliCy statement

Canada should undertake partnerships with relevant organizations and actors in order to encourage market-based support of small, sustainable industries in FFFS, with emphasis on those in natural resource or extractive industries.

20 Canada, CIDA, “CIDA’s Policy on Private Sector Development,” Canada, CIDA, “CIDA’s Policy on Private Sector Development,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdi-cida.nsf/En/REN-218124828-P9B.21 Canada, CIDA, “Combating Unemployment in Afghanistan,” Canada, CIDA, “Combating Unemployment in Afghanistan,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/NAT-130111834-M5N.


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PoliCy objeCtives

To increase stability by strengthening the economy and encouraging socially responsible •practices in FFFS through the implementation of policies that support small, sustainable natural resource industries;To develop an approach that is driven by Canadian consumers and involves facilitating the •import of products from FFFS.


CIDA should create a CIDA retail outlet or stock government-operated stores (such as museum •gift stores) with products that have been supported by CIDA programs in FFFS. This would include agricultural products or artisan goods that primarily use natural resources and are produced in an environmentally sustainable and socially responsible manner. CIDA should work with other government agencies to encourage Canadian stores to sell •and market products supported by CIDA programming, using advertising and point-of-sale information that emphasize the role that CIDA and taxpayer dollars have in supporting these products, as well as the products’ positive impacts on their source countries. CIDA should work with major retailers to implement a program similar to “air miles,” in which •points could be used to purchase CIDA-supported products or be converted into donations to support CIDA’s projects in FFFS;CIDA or DFAIT should create a position for trade representatives, who would identify •opportunities for local industries in FFFS to produce products that could be exported to Canada and find markets in Canada where these goods could be sold. The representatives would also identify opportunities for Canadian businesses to partner with and assist business in FFFS, as well as opportunities for CIDA to collaborate with NGOs or local civil society organizations operating in FFFS. CIDA should provide public-awareness campaigns to promote CIDA’s initiatives in small-•scale private sector industries, focusing on promotion on the CIDA website and potentially including national television or radio campaigns in order to encourage Canadian consumption of CIDA-supported products. These public-awareness campaigns should emphasize how citizens are empowered to promote a sustainable society through their consumption decisions. The website could also provide information on the imported products, such as where they could be purchased.

Recommendation 2: Implement Measures to Ensure Corporate Social Responsibility of Canadian Companies

Preamble

Natural resources and private companies often have diverse interests in FFFS that can lead to conflict or contribute to pre-existing conflicts. This is particularly true for private companies involved in extractive industries, which can contribute to conflict by financing competing factions, weaken the economy by creating a heavy dependency on the natural resource, or exacerbate unsustainable environmental policies. However, in regard to those companies engaged in the


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extractive industries, the private sector can also exert a positive influence in FFFS if encouraged to operate in an appropriate manner. The impetus for corporations is most powerful when the call for CSR is consumer-based, such as with the Kimberley Process; however the government must play a role in building a framework that holds companies accountable for maintaining socially responsible policies.

When Canadian companies are not socially responsible in FFFS, their operations may exacerbate conflict. Avoiding this through stronger initiatives to foster CSR is an essential preventive measure that complements Canadian values. Encouraging Canadian companies to operate in FFFS in a sustainable and socially responsible manner may also provide economic benefits to the FFFS in which they are involved. Lastly, as a country with a wealth of experience with regard to sustainability and natural resources, Canada has the potential to serve as a leader in spearheading a better-defined framework for CSR.


Natural Resources Canada (NRCan) has expressed its commitment to the concept of CSR22 and has taken initiatives toward fulfilling that commitment, for example by creating a report in consultation with several Canadian companies that have been deemed socially responsible.23 However, while Canadian law does contain several indirect measures, it does not have any specific instrument whereby Canadian corporations operating abroad can be regulated when they are “complicit in or benefiting from human rights violations.”24 Canadian corporations should be held accountable for such behaviour.

At the same time, the Canadian government recognizes the importance of the private sector in development and poverty alleviation. CIDA supports the development of the private sector in poor countries by encouraging regulatory reforms that will help small businesses, promote entrepreneurship, and facilitate the integration of poor countries into regional and international markets.25

It is important for the government to take initiative and build a framework that will hold Canadian companies accountable. Moreover, relevant recommendations and research on some industries have already been produced. The Subcommittee on Human Rights and International Development of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade (now the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development) published a report in June 2005 that puts forth a series of recommendations to develop CSR among Canadian mining companies. The report was

22 Natural Resources Canada defi nes corporate social responsibility as “ the commitment and activities by an organ- Natural Resources Canada defines corporate social responsibility as “ the commitment and activities by an organ-ization to meet stakeholder expectations on economic, environmental and social performance”. See Canada, Natural Resources Canada, “Corporate Social Responsibility,” http://www.nrcan.gc.ca/sd-dd/csr-rse/csr_e.html.23 Ibid. Ibid. 24 Georgette Gagnon, Audrey Macklin and Penelope Simons, “Deconstructing Engagement: Corporate Self-Regu- Georgette Gagnon, Audrey Macklin and Penelope Simons, “Deconstructing Engagement: Corporate Self-Regu-lation in Conflict Zones – Implications for Human Right and Canadian Public Policy,” Social Sciences and Humani-ties Research Council and the Law Commission of Canada, 2003, http://www.law.utoronto.ca/documents/Mackin/DeconstructingEngagement.pdf, 61-73.25 Canada, CIDA, “Private Sector Development – Overview,” Canada, CIDA, “Private Sector Development – Overview,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-121155433-SJ9.


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based on hearings regarding the activities of Canadian mining and other resource companies in developing countries.26

One of the top priorities of NRCan is the Kimberley Process. The Kimberley Process ensures that diamonds are neither being used to finance war economies nor being extracted by means of force. It also requires the cooperation of government, industry, and NGOs in extraction and distribution of this valued commodity.27 This represents an important commentary on the necessary approaches to curbing the negative effects of natural resources on state failure and weakness. Perhaps most significantly, in a discussion of the successes of the Kimberley Process, the Canadian government has stated: “conflict diamonds do not represent the only occurrence of a link between the exploitation of natural resources and human rights abuses. Canada will continue to be a proponent of harnessing the social benefits of resource development around the world to secure greater equity.”28

PoliCy statement

Canada should implement both regulatory and non-regulatory measures to ensure corporate social responsibility and accountability of Canadian companies operating in natural resource and extractive industries in FFFS.

PoliCy objeCtives

To prevent private Canadian industry interests from exacerbating conflict in FFFS; •To encourage a corporate culture that is based on Canadian values, focuses on sustainability, •and values human rights.


DFAIT, CIDA, and NRCan should promote CSR in natural resource industries in order to create •more responsible business practices;DFAIT, CIDA, and NRCan should seek to build and promote innovative certification practices •like the Kimberley Process to increase the ability and likelihood of Canadian citizens to consider human rights in their consumption decisions; Canada should implement in full the recommendations found in the fourteenth report of the •Subcommittee on Human Rights and International Development of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade (now Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development) of June 2005 on human rights issues and Canadian mining companies operating abroad.29 The implementation of a CSR initiative for the mining industry could be used as a stepping-stone for a broad, cross-industry implementation of a more robust CSR initiative on the part of the Canadian government.

26 Canada, Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Subcommittee on Human Rights and Canada, Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Subcommittee on Human Rights and International Development, “Fourteenth Report, Mining in Developing Countries-Corporate Social Responsibility,” http://cmte.parl.gc.ca/cmte/CommitteePublication.aspx?COM=8979&Lang=1&SourceId=178650.27 Ibid. Ibid.28 Canada, Natural Resources Canada, “SD Success Story - Curbing trade in confl ict diamonds: The Kimberley Canada, Natural Resources Canada, “SD Success Story - Curbing trade in conflict diamonds: The Kimberley Process,” 15 Feb. 2004, http://www.nrcan-rncan.gc.ca/sd-dd/pubs/strat2004/english/kr3_ss_e.html.29 Canada, “Fourteenth Report, Mining in Developing Countries-Corporate Social Responsibility.” Canada, “Fourteenth Report, Mining in Developing Countries-Corporate Social Responsibility.”


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summaRy of GeoGRaPhic case study 1: afGhanistan

Canada has been involved in Afghanistan since Operation Enduring Freedom commenced in October 2001. Canada and the other international actors involved in Afghanistan have been confronted with serious political, military and economic obstacles in stabilizing Afghanistan, including: the resurgence of the Taliban and Al Qaeda; warlordism; poppy cultivation; gender inequality and the socioeconomic imbalances that exist in Afghanistan due to a stratified female populace; and a complete lack of infrastructure.

Panellist Brigadier-General Fraser explained that Canada is engaged in a mission that requires a three-pronged strategy that fuses governance, security, and development. He argued that Canadian success in Afghanistan will come more from advances in development, such as the building of roads and a better education system, than from military action. Brigadier-General Fraser urged the delegates to be more critical of the media’s coverage of Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan, as it does not sufficiently shed light on developmental achievements. Brigadier-General Fraser also emphasized cultural sensitivity as being crucial to a successful mission that can effectively navigate the complexities of Afghan society and ensure that Afghanistan is built in the way that Afghans want it to be built.

Brigadier-General Fraser also discussed the difficulties of building an effective counter-narcotics policy. Eradication is a weak policy because eradicating a farmer’s poppy crop hurts a farmer who has no other way to support his family. Brigadier-General Fraser touched on the idea of providing farmers with alternative livelihoods through subsidies for alternate crops that would enable them to earn the same amount as they would for planting a poppy crop.

Panellist Dr. Marc André Boivin explained that the current policies employed in Southern Afghanistan, where Canada is operating, are not sufficiently winning the support of the Afghan population, which will become alienated if policies do not change. This situation is compounded by a flawed counter-narcotics policy being implemented by the US, the UK, and the Afghan government. Dr. Boivin explained that part of the problem is that military and developmental goals are under-resourced and under-funded. This is exemplified by the fact that Kosovo received fifty times more troops per capita than Afghanistan for peacekeeping. The reduction of poverty in Afghanistan is essential, but Afghanistan currently receives much less funding toward this objective than many other post-conflict nations. Dr. Boivin also noted that the limited resources going toward development are being further undermined by corruption. This is compounded by the fact that not enough attention is being paid, either by the media or by the Canadian government, to the developmental aspects of Canada’s involvement.

Panellist Richard Arbeiter argued that the focus of Canadian involvement in Afghanistan should be on an Afghan perspective rather than a Canadian perspective, and that this would ensure that the policies that CIDA implements will work not only in Kandahar but also throughout the other regions of Afghanistan. The approach Canada needs to take, therefore, is an integrated one. The current “3D approach” is insufficient because it takes on democracy, development, and defence as separate issues, when in actuality they are all interlinked. An integrated approach needs to include both Afghanistan and the international community, since decision-making occurs on a multilateral


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level, and must influence all the regions in Afghanistan.

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Afghanistan Break-Out Sessions included:

The flaws of the current Canadian approach: • Delegates argued that Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan is seen by the majority of the Canadian public as a by-product of American intervention and American interests. Delegates also noted that the majority of the Canadian population views the mission in Afghanistan as an unsuccessful one, with few positive benefits for the Canadian and the Afghan people. Delegates argued that this is a result of a media bias that portrays the situation as one of a mostly military nature, when in reality the efforts involve significant levels of humanitarian and developmental work as well. What issues should Canada address? • Delegates argued that the manner in which gender issues in Afghan society are addressed needs improvement. Delegates also felt that promotion of civil society and education amongst Afghani youth should be emphasised to a higher degree. Delegates noted that poppy cultivation is also fuelling instability, placing Canada in a difficult dilemma because the Canadian military can neither accept the poppy production nor eradicate the crops. The long• -term nature of involvement: Delegates argued that Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan necessitates a long-term commitment, which will be difficult to maintain with the growing domestic discontent within Canada toward involvement in Afghanistan.


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Policy Recommendations: afGhanistan Student Co-Chair: Rahim Mohammed

Recommendation 1: Increase the mandate of the Canadian military until at least 2011

Preamble

The problems confronting both Canadians and Afghans in the areas of gender, democratization, reconciliation of warring groups, and natural resources are complex. Though Canadian Forces are committed to their mission in Afghanistan until 2009, it is highly unlikely that the complex security issues faced in Kandahar will be resolved within the next two years. The Afghanistan Compact aims for Afghanistan to achieve a self-sufficient Afghan National Army and Afghan National and Border Police by the end of 2010; therefore, Canadian military commitment should be extended until the projected point when Afghanistan will be able to maintain its own security.


Afghanistan is considered to be one of Canada’s top foreign policy priorities. As such, it is Canada’s largest security commitment and the largest recipient of Canadian bilateral aid. Canada first deployed troops to Afghanistan in 2001 and has since increased its financial, military, and developmental commitments. The military mandate has, since the election of the Conservative government, been extended until February 2009. The Conservative government has also increased Canada’s pledge of aid to Afghanistan, committing approximately $1 billion CAD for the period between 2001 and 2011.

Canada has pledged its full support to the Afghanistan Compact, which provides a detailed framework for the international community’s engagement in Afghanistan for the period between 2006 and 2011. Security benchmarks of the Afghanistan Compact include the goal of establishing an Afghan National Army that is “democratically accountable, organized, trained, and equipped to meet the security needs of the country” by the end of 2010. The Afghanistan Compact also aims for the establishment of an Afghan National and Border Police that “will be able to meet the security needs of the country effectively and will be increasingly financially sustainable” by the end of 2010.

PoliCy statement

Canada’s should extend its military mandate in Afghanistan until at least 2011.

PoliCy objeCtives

To ensure • the security of existing Canadian and multinational initiatives in Afghanistan; To create an atmosphere of security• that is conducive to development in the region in order to increase stability.


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Canada should extend Canada’s military mandate until at least 2011• , and consider extending it further if the objectives of the Afghanistan Compact have not been met by 2011; Canada should a• ppend its increased mandate with increased financial and personnel commitments to the mission. While these levels cannot be determined at this point, taking into consideration that there are currently 2,500 Canadian troops deployed in the area, this policy recommendation calls for Canada to sustain a similar level of support until 2011.

Recommendation 2: Increase domestic communication

Preamble

Canada’s mission in Afghanistan faces rising challenges at home, where in recent months the Canadian public has questioned the necessity of Canadian forces in Kandahar. A poll conducted in February 2007 found that 49% of Canadians agreed with the statement, “Canada should pull its military out of Afghanistan as soon as possible and abandon this mission.”30 Evidence indicates that this attitude toward the mission in Afghanistan is likely a product of uneven media coverage that focuses on combat as opposed to rebuilding efforts, as well as a lack of clear communication on the part of the Canadian government about Canada’s role in Afghanistan.

The goal of stabilization that Canada wishes to achieve in Afghanistan is not a short-term, quick-fix endeavour. It is an engagement that will require a long-term commitment, which can only be sustained with strong public support for the mission. With increased and more balanced communication between the government and the Canadian people, public opinion in favour of the Canadian mission can be sustained.


An internal report commissioned by the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade criticized the Canadian government’s approach to disseminating news regarding Afghanistan to the public, explaining that an “absence of official government communication” has been filled by “persistent negative media coverage.”31 A poll conducted in December 2006 indicated that 56% of Canadians believe that “they are seeing more coverage about the combat element in Afghanistan because the media are more interested in reporting on combat and deliberately ignoring the rebuilding efforts.”32

CIDA has created initiatives aimed at providing Canadians with more thorough coverage of international development issues. CIDA’s Mass Media Initiative (MMI) encourages more in-depth coverage on international development issues by funding projects that seek to inform the Canadian 30 Ipsos Reid, “Most Canadians Support Troops in Light of Recent Investigation Into Afghanistan Abuses,” Feb. Ipsos Reid, “Most Canadians Support Troops in Light of Recent Investigation Into Afghanistan Abuses,” Feb. Ipsos Reid, “Most Canadians Support Troops in Light of Recent Investigation Into Afghanistan Abuses,” Feb. 2007, http://www.ipsos-na.com/news/pressrelease.cfm?id3374.31 Allan Woods, “To sell Canada on war, try ‘hope’ but not ‘liberty,” Toronto Star, Feb 17, 2007, http://www.thestar.com/article/182857.32 Ipsos Reid, “Canadians Assess the Canadian Media and Its Coverage of the Afghanistan Mission,” Dec. 2006, Ipsos Reid, “Canadians Assess the Canadian Media and Its Coverage of the Afghanistan Mission,” Dec. 2006, Dec. 2006, http://www.ipsos-na.com/news/pressrelease.cfm?id=3303.


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people on international development issues. The aim is to direct the projects through mass media such as prime time television, radio shows, and articles in large market dailies and magazines.33 CIDA has also created the Journalism and Development Initiative (JDI), which aims to “support activities proposed by Canadian journalists who are interested in enhancing their professional experience in the field of international development and cooperation” in order to provide Canadians with an “in-depth analysis of international issues.”34

PoliCy statement

Canada should increase communication between the government and the Canadian people with the goal of increasing popular support for a sustainable long-term commitment to Afghanistan.

PoliCy objeCtives

To increase the Canadian public’s understanding of the military and non-military aspects of the •mission in Afghanistan, while emphasizing the importance of Canada’s presence; To increase Canadian public support for Canada’s mission.•

PoliCy direCtives and objeCtives

Canada should encourage media coverage of the war that places more emphasis on the •developmental goals and successes of Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan;The Federal Government and DND should communicate with the public more regularly through •press conferences and other public outlets to deepen the Canadian public’s understanding of the scope, progress, and role of Canada in Afghanistan;CIDA should promote coverage of Canada’s work in Afghanistan through its MMI and JDI •programs among students, filmmakers, and, if possible, among Afghans themselves, with the goal of increasing public awareness and understanding of the obstacles to rebuilding Afghanistan.

33 Canada, CIDA, “Mass Media Initative,” Canada, CIDA, “Mass Media Initative,” Canada, CIDA, “Mass Media Initative,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/mmi. 34 Canada, CIDA, “Journalism and Development Initiative,” “Journalism and Development Initiative,” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-12184515-J5W.


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summaRy of GeoGRaPhic case study 2: haiti

Canada has a long history of contributing to security and development in Haiti. Following the Second World War, many religious communities worked in Haiti in the areas of health and education. The creation of CIDA in 1968 established formal government funding for the nation. Since then, Canada has provided over $700 million in development assistance to Haiti. Today, Haiti is Canada’s most important long-term beneficiary of development assistance in the Americas and is also Canada’s second largest commitment after Afghanistan. Moreover, aside from government involvement, members of the Haitian diaspora living within Canada provide significant financial and social contributions for Haiti’s development, both directly and through regionally based NGOs.

Haiti, as a nation in which the immediate crisis is over, presents an interesting case study on reconstruction initiatives in both the short and long term. Despite an inspiring beginning as the first republic of former slaves to gain independence from a colonial power in 1804, Haiti has suffered decades of unstable rule. Leadership has passed between numerous political and military powers during Haiti’s turbulent history. A rebellion in 2004 had devastating effects on an already fragile nation. Today, Haiti is plagued by prolonged security hazards and a tense political environment. Haiti’s volatile political and security climate, particularly over the past half century, have left the economy highly unstable. Close to 80% of Haitians live in poverty, with more than half of the population living on less than one dollar a day. Given the precarious security and economic climate, making progress in various areas of social development has been especially challenging for Haiti. The education and healthcare systems are in need of major reform. At present, Haiti has the highest incidence of HIV/AIDS outside of Sub-Saharan Africa. Political tensions between opposing political parties, as well as the continued presence of MINUSTAH, the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti, suggest that the political situation in Haiti remains fragile even now in 2007.

Pannellist Darren Schemmer highlighted the specificities of Haiti as a fragile state in which the immediate crisis is over and the underlying causes need to be addressed. There is currently no civil war, and most of the territory is controlled by the officially elected government; however, there has been no peace agreement, and Haitian infrastructure is in severe need of reform. CIDA has made important contributions to Haiti in facilitating elections, providing access to medical services, and building basic social infrastructure. Progress has been achieved in Haiti, but Canada needs to remain committed and take a leadership role in both mitigating the larger crisis and avoiding instability. Panellist Carlo Dade focused on leadership in working with both the Haitian diaspora and the private sector as a means of sustaining progress by stepping back to build support and new ideas. Remittances by the Haitian diaspora amount to up to $1 billion CAD, dwarfing Canada’s development aid to the region. While the Canadian government has taken some initiatives to involve the diaspora in its development efforts in Haiti, there have been no initiatives that focus on sustained input from that sector. Consequently, more could be done to institutionalize this relationship and take advantage of the Haitian diaspora as a resource to maximize Canada’s impact. The diaspora could also play a significant role in rebuilding the private sector of Haiti’s economy.

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Haiti Break-Out Sessions:


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The importance of a long-term commitment to Haiti by Canada and the international community• : Delegates considered how long-term commitments focused on stabilizing Haiti could be achieved domestically and internationally. Concerns were voiced about a lack of media attention to the region, which might weaken the Canadian government’s ability to make strong commitments to the region on both the domestic and international fronts. The influence of the Haitian Diaspora• : Delegates agreed that it is important to engage the Haitian Diaspora, as they provide a means of enhancing the impact of Canada’s operations. Delegates also noted that any government initiative involving the Diaspora groups must be aware of the strong personal biases they may hold. The need for infrastructure• : Delegates discussed the need to improve Haiti’s infrastructure. Building better infrastructure can provide a boost to the Haitian economy by supporting and encouraging private sector development and improving the ability of the government to conduct necessary functions, such as collecting taxes. Crime and security• : Delegates were concerned about the type of long-term engagement that CIDA and similar agencies could undertake to decrease both trafficking and the influence of street gangs. The provision of alternate economic options and private sector development were seen as important components of a possible solution.


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Policy Recommendations: haiti Student Co-Chair: Leah Marchuk

Recommendation 1: Assist Haiti with Judicial Reform

Preamble

At present, Haiti’s judicial system is not capable of keeping up to date with reforms in the country’s security sector. The tradition of nepotism within the judiciary, combined with poor compensation for the work of judges, creates corruption within the sector. Some of Haiti’s legal codes are highly antiquated and in need of reform, with some codes dating as far back as the state’s original 1804 constitution.

Limited infrastructure also affects the ability of the judiciary to carry out its work. The state has too few courthouses and prisons, particularly as many of the buildings it once had were looted and destroyed during the 2004 rebellion. Haiti’s prison system is highly overcrowded, with 96% of its inmates still awaiting trial. Inconsistent management of records has created additional problems by generating confusion about the details of specific cases.

In September of 2006, Haiti’s Justice Minister approved a comprehensive plan to coordinate domestic and international efforts in the area of legal and judicial reform. The plan attempts to take a holistic approach, setting goals to combat corruption, create a system for handling transnational crime, developing infrastructure, and reducing pre-trial detention periods.

The issue of judicial reform in Haiti is relevant for the overall sustainability of Canada’s development commitment in the country. Canada has already made significant investments in the development and reform of Haiti’s security sector, but in order for the gains in this sector to be lasting, parallel reforms of Haiti’s judiciary must also take place.

Canadian values call for a humanitarian interest in assisting the reform of Haiti’s judiciary in light of the human rights concerns that arise from Haiti’s overcrowded prison system and potentially corrupt judicial bodies.


Today, Haiti is Canada’s most important long-term development-assistance beneficiary in the Americas, and is also Canada’s second largest international commitment after Afghanistan. Canada supports the Updated Interim Cooperation Framework and its four pillars, which are focused on political governance, national reconstruction, economic recovery, and access to basic services. In July 2006, the Government of Canada committed $520 million to Haiti for the period between 2006 and 2011, including money to be spent through both CIDA and DFAIT’s Global Peace and Security Fund. Through the Canadian Policing Arrangement, Canada commits 100 police officers as part of MINUSTAH, in addition to 4 Canadian Forces officers through Operation HAMLET.


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During the 1990s, Canada provided funding to help develop Haiti’s judicial infrastructure, but much of that work was destroyed in the hurricane and rebellion of 2004. Today, the Government of Canada supports a UNDP program that assists Haiti’s justice sector in non-criminal arenas and funds NGOs as a means of engaging civil society in judicial development.

PoliCy statement

Canada should help Haiti implement its plans in the area of judicial reform and should make judicial reform an important part of its development commitment to Haiti.

PoliCy objeCtives

To work with Haiti and international partners to coordinate efforts in the area of judicial reform, •helping to ensure that clear goals are laid and objectives are met;To meet Haiti’s need for judicial reform in order to enable long-term stability.•


Canada should support the development of infrastructure through actions including the building •of new courthouses, prisons, professional schools, and legal research facilities;Canada should help Haiti identify a leader, such as another state that has undergone widespread •judicial reform, to assist in focusing efforts to reform the judicial system;Canada should enhance the regulatory regime by facilitating the creation of new systems of •records-management and accreditation;Canada should incorporate an anti-corruption strategy into all judicial reform programming that •would include the vetting of judges and other professionals within the judiciary;Canada should support the development of a strategy for reducing the number of prisoners •awaiting trial. This could include programs such as amnesty for prisoners who have committed non-violent property crimes, releasing prisoners who have already exceeded their maximum sentence, or helping to establish a small claims court.Canada should consider engaging Canadian legal experts and professionals as resources to •provide expertise on judicial reform;CIDA should implement the bulk of this policy through consultations with the Government of •Haiti and Haiti’s partners in the Interim Cooperation Framework. CIDA should ensure thorough consultation with MINUSTAH in areas where judicial reform overlaps with other development efforts, particularly security sector reform.

Recommendation 2: Reform Haiti’s Education System

Preamble

Haiti’s education system is in need of major reform. Close to half the adult population of Haiti is illiterate. Only two-thirds of primary-school-aged children are enrolled in school, and less than one-third of those enrolled complete grade six. Schools are unevenly concentrated across the country, with especially poor communities having limited access to schools. For many poor families, as


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much as 40% of income goes to paying for education.

At least 80% of the education system in Haiti is privately run, causing wide variations in quality across the state. The lack of any regulatory accreditation system limits the value of Haitian diplomas internationally. These problems signal the need for a long-term national education plan as an important component of reducing poverty within the country.

Over the past few years, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), with the support of the European Union, has financed the Support Programme to Strengthen Quality Education in Haiti (PARQE). The aim of the program is to promote universal education in four specific regions of Haiti, concentrating on training teachers and building infrastructure. Despite such efforts to help Haiti improve its education system, both security and economic problems remain major impediments to progress in this sector.

Assisting with the improvement of the availability, accessibility, and quality of education in Haiti is in keeping with Canada’s commitments to both addressing the country’s basic human needs and the Millennium Development Goals. Programming in the area of education is also consistent with the long-term nature of Canada’s commitment to Haiti. Canada’s experience in the area of education reform, as well as its knowledge of the French language and the presence of a significant Haitian diaspora in Canada, make Canada a valuable partner in the development of Haiti’s education system.


As mentioned above, the Government of Canada has committed $520 million to Haiti for the period between 2006 and 2011, including money to be spent through both CIDA and DFAIT’s Global Peace and Security Fund.

Canada has repaired or built 252 schools in Haiti, and provided many others with much-needed supplies. Canada also supports the World Food Programme’s School Canteen Program, which provides food to Haitian schoolchildren. Other Canadian programs in Haiti related to education include those that pay teachers’ salaries and provide children with school-supply kits.

PoliCy statement

Canada should take the lead in helping Haiti implement its plans in the education sector.

PoliCy objeCtives

To take a leadership role in facilitating Haiti’s reform of its education system;•To strive to help Haiti attain universal access to primary education, in accordance with the •Millennium Development Goals; To work with Haiti to refine and implement the education strategy currently under consideration •by Haiti and its other international partners.


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Canada should assist with the development of curriculum by providing expertise and helping to •establish standards within the private school system;Canada should raise standards for education professionals by subsidizing teachers’ salaries;•Canada should decrease the language barrier for students by using its own experience as a •country with two official languages to help incorporate both of Haiti’s official languages into curriculum materials;Canada should create a space for supporting the growth of public schools in Haiti to increase •the accessibility of educational institutions;Canada should incorporate the lessons learned from Canada’s other experiences with education •reform in developing countries, and the experiences of other states that have undertaken such reforms;Canada should work with the Haitian Diaspora to help related groups effectively direct their •contributions to education reform in Haiti;CIDA should implement these directives in consultation with the Government of Haiti and •Haiti’s partners in the Interim Cooperation Framework.

Recommendation 3: Sustain Canada’s Commitment to Haiti

Preamble

There is no doubt that Haiti has a challenging road ahead. The nation’s prolonged political instability, continued violence and shaky economy will demand a great deal of patience on the part of both Haitians and the international community if progress is to be achieved. The history and current climate of Haiti leave the state vulnerable to a number of significant risks. Without improvements to education and health care, the level of poverty may continue to climb. Rising degrees of crime and violence could prove detrimental to the state if security is not stabilized. For current progress to have any lasting effect, change must be thought of in the very long term.

Haiti will continue to rely heavily on the contributions of international donors as it struggles to meet these significant challenges. The state’s continued fragility thus highlights the importance of a sustained commitment to Haiti on the part of the international community.

Given the extent of Canada’s commitment to Haiti, the long-term success of its efforts should be a priority. The extent and long-term nature of the commitment requires continuous, well-informed public dialogue to ensure that Canadians stay apprised of developments in Haiti as they take place. Canada’s cultural ties to Haiti, both in the French-speaking community and, more specifically, the Haitian Diaspora, also make Canada’s commitment to Haiti of cultural relevance to Canadians.

Canada faces some challenges to sustaining its commitment in Haiti. There is dissension against Canada’s work in Haiti among some individuals and groups in Canada, most notably the Canada Haiti Action Network, which is angered by accusations that Canadian-trained police in Haiti are committing human rights abuses. There is also a risk of the Canadian public developing “Haiti fatigue,” or a loss of interest and concern for Canada’s commitment in Haiti, as progress in Haiti


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will take place slowly over a long period of time.

Although the Canadian government cannot commit funds to Haiti for more than a few years into the future at a time, it can take measures to ensure that Canada’s work in Haiti remains forward-looking.


Canada has already made significant contributions to Haiti’s security and development. As mentioned above, in July 2006, the Government of Canada committed $520 million to Haiti for the period between 2006 and 2011. This includes $135.5 million for the period between July 2006 and September 2007 to support the extended Interim Cooperation Framework.

In the initial mission to Haiti following President Aristide’s departure, 450 members of the Canadian Forces went to Haiti to help stabilize the security situation. Currently, through Operation HAMLET, Canadian Forces’ participation in MINUSTAH employs four officers in senior positions at MINUSTAH Headquarters. Canada also contributes to MINUSTAH through the provision of 100 RCMP officers through the Canadian Policing Arrangement.

The Government of Canada also works with members of the Haitian Diaspora, who provide significant financial and social contributions for Haiti’s development.

PoliCy statement

Canada should increase its focus on the long-term nature of its commitment in Haiti to ensure the sustainability of that commitment.

PoliCy objeCtives

To ensure that Canada maintains forward-looking policies concerning its commitment in •Haiti;To increase Canada’s efforts to engage and inform the Canadian public on the work Canada is •doing in Haiti.


Canada should develop a sustained public relations campaign that emphasizes Canada’s cultural •links to Haiti for the purposes of facilitating increased and better-informed dialogue and debate on the role of Canada in Haiti and enhancing the Canadian public’s understanding of Haitian society and culture. Canada could also make use of such dialogue to help generate new ideas for how Canada can effectively help Haiti achieve its development and security goals;Canada should continue engagement with the Haitian Diaspora in Canada;•Canada should encourage Diaspora groups to share their experiences with other Canadians, •especially those in English-speaking Canada;Canada should continue working with existing stakeholders and simultaneously build new •stakeholder-relations to assist with the development of Haiti’s infrastructure in order to help


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sustain the Canadian commitment;Canada should establish Canadian investors as stakeholders in Canada’s commitment to Haiti;•Canada should encourage and/or commit resources to research and education programming •related to Haiti (e.g. courses and degree programs);Canada should create an exchange program to allow Canadians to visit Haiti contingent on •improvements in the security sector;Canada should commit funding to public talks and/or colloquia about Canada’s role and •commitment in Haiti;Canada should make funding available, through programs such as CIDA’s Mass Media •Initiative (MMI), for documentary filmmakers to create films about Haiti, specifically, the work of Canadians in Haiti;Canada should ensure discussions about Haiti are included in the government’s foreign policy •dialogues.


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summaRy of GeoGRaPhic case study 3: sudan

Canada developed a formal relationship with Sudan in the late 1960s; however, this relationship deteriorated beginning at the end of the 1980s through to the end of the 1990s because of Sudan’s negative human rights record. Since then, Canada has only supported Sudan through humanitarian relief activities and the Sudanese peace processes.

The Sudanese government has been in place since first winning power in a military coup in 1989 and benefits from the country’s growing oil revenue. However, intrastate conflict has stratified the society into a rich, developing North and a poor, underdeveloped South. The North reaps the benefits of economic progress while the South continues to suffer at the hands of the al-Bashir government, who neglects the needs of the suffering populace. The government has economically marginalized the poor, especially in Southern and Western Sudan, where the poor have revolted against the al-Bashir government in order to ameliorate their conditions. This has led to the recent genocide in Darfur, where, to date, 250,000 people have been murdered (estimates vary) and 2 million persons have been displaced.

Panellist Dr. David Ambrosetti argued that Sudan does not fit the typical definition of a “failed state” because Sudan’s state institutions have demonstrated a permanency and ability to survive. To classify FFFS, therefore, it is important to not only look at its inherent features, but also its relations with external actors. Sudan has a strong internal leadership, but a low level of receptivity to international norms.

Dr. Ambrosetti argued that, despite the apparent strength of the National Congress Party (NCP) in Khartoum, the NCP is currently having a problem legitimizing and maintaining its power. These problems emerge from several different areas. Firstly, the economic boom currently underway in Sudan is mostly benefiting the economic elites of Northern Sudan, while the Southern Sudanese people are being economically marginalized. Any possibility of genuine nationhood is being destroyed by the systematic prioritization of the political and economic elites of Sudan. Secondly, changes in the preferences of international actors are also weakening the elites. Thirdly, the political and economic elites in Sudan are grounded in religious legitimacy. The elites are of an Islamic/Arabic identity. As a consequence, this decreases the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of the Southern Sudanese people, who predominantly hold Christian, animist, or traditional indigenous beliefs. Lastly, the tendency of the NCP to rely on military solutions to problems faced by the country has led to a problematic political internalization of the military as the long-lasting solution.

Dr. Ambrosetti argued that the current problems in Darfur are not, as commonly assumed, purely a result of internal divisions and inequality. They are in part a result of international and regional interference in Darfur, as well as in Sudan as a whole. Libya, Chad, and France are all guilty of interfering and exacerbating an already tense situation in Darfur. Outside influence has had a destabilizing effect on the nation, highlighting the fact that the current instability is not a result of internal weaknesses alone.

Panellist Dr. Stephen Brown noted that there are currently 7,000 African Union (AU) peacekeepers


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in Darfur, whose limited mandate is to protect ceasefire monitors and not the Sudanese people who are threatened by physical violence. The UN has as few as 55 people on the ground in Darfur, which is inadequate considering that Darfur is the size of France. Canada’s response has been mainly in the form of economic, humanitarian, and logistics aid to the people of Darfur and to the AU mission. The effect that Canadian aid has had on the ground is minimal. Canada has also raised the ICC as a possible venue for targeting those who are orchestrating the genocide; however, there remains a fundamental question of how effective this would be in ending the conflict.

Dr. Brown argued that the measures taken by the international community and Canada have thus far been inadequate. Labelling Sudan as an FFFS has caused another barrier to a solution in Darfur. That is, by placing Sudan in the same group as Afghanistan, there is a temptation to believe that what works in Afghanistan will work in Sudan; this, however, is not the case. Canada is heavily engaged in Afghanistan and not Sudan, despite the Canadian government’s dedication to stabilizing FFFS. Dr. Brown questioned whether Canada’s focus on FFFS as a security concern is a result of Canada’s national interests or a product of a deeper desire to stabilize fragmented countries.

Common themes and questions emphasized during the Sudan Break-out Sessions:What should Canada do?:• A recurring theme was the discussion of what Canada has and has not done to stop the ongoing crisis in Darfur. Topics of discussion included putting pressure on the Arab League, especially Egypt (which has a historic role in Sudan), to influence the actions of Khartoum. The delegates also considered the possible need to put pressure on external actors such as the ICC, China, and the UN in order to create a multilateral hybrid UN-AU intervention in the Darfur region. Problems with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA):• The CPA is viewed by many in Khartoum as being overly generous to the people of Southern Sudan and the SPLA. The issue of oil and the profits gleaned from Sudan’s oil contracts remain a contentious issue. It is mostly Northern Sudan that benefits from the oil contracts, even though the geographic location of oil reserves is in Southern Sudan. China’s role• : Delegates discussed how China could be engaged and be made willing to support a UN intervention in Darfur. Both Sudan and China possess a high capacity for change but exhibit a very low willingness to acquiesce to the will of the international community. The Responsibility to Protect: • Delegates discussed how the Responsibility to Protect doctrine could be more prominently placed on the political agendas of both Canada and the UN in order to prevent gross human rights violations such as those occurring in Darfur.


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Policy Recommendations: sudan

Student Co-Chair: Dave Steinbach

Recommendation 1: Increase Diplomacy to Ameliorate the Humanitarian Crisis in Darfur

Preamble

The situation in Darfur calls upon the principles espoused by the Responsibility to Protect, which Canada was instrumental in engineering. Although the Canadian government has recognized the framework of the Responsibility to Protect as “a key component of Canada’s human security agenda,”35 Canada has not yet made any definitive statements regarding the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Canada’s foreign policy should work toward confronting this issue more directly, although a heavy military commitment may be unrealistic due to Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan. Canada’s foreign policy must also recognize that China currently presents the biggest obstacle to a solution in the Darfur crisis. China’s economic leverage over Khartoum should be exploited in order to halt the atrocities in Darfur that the government of Sudan is involved in. Lastly, Canada has a legal commitment to the people of Darfur, as outlined by the Genocide Convention of 1948.


Canada’s involvement in Darfur has consisted mainly of financial contributions to the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) and to multi-donor trust funds (MDTFs), as well as further financial contributions aimed at humanitarian assistance and relief in the area. Canada’s involvement in Darfur, however, ends with financial contributions aimed at humanitarian relief and peacekeeping. Canada should make more use of diplomatic channels to ameliorate the situation in Darfur.

PoliCy statement

Canada should engage in more diplomatic action to increase international support for the efforts to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in Sudan.

PoliCy objeCtives

To increase the role of the international community in alleviation of the humanitarian crisis in •Darfur;To use • the leverage and resources available to Canada to ameliorate the crisis.


DFAIT should make use of diplomatic channels and multilateral forums to persuade middle •powers such as India, Norway, Australia, Brazil, and others to support the efforts to improve the situation in Sudan.DFAIT should persuade China to allow a greater international role in Darfur through diplomatic •channels and multilateral forums.

35 Canada, DFAIT, “Responsibility to Protect.” Canada, DFAIT, “Responsibility to Protect.”


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Recommendation 2: Pressure Khartoum

Preamble

Repeated efforts at opening Darfur to a UN peacekeeping force have been restricted by the Sudanese government in Khartoum, which has frequently reneged on agreements after appearing to go along with the will of the international community. Empirical evidence suggests that the only way to effectively deal with Khartoum is by means of coercion and serious threats to both its expanding economy and Sudan’s privileged elite. During the 1990s, the United States under President Bill Clinton imposed sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes on elites within the Khartoum government (which remains in power today). This resulted in the expulsion of terrorist Osama bin Laden and the Al Qaeda terrorist organization. Soft-handed, courteous diplomacy with government officials has proven to be an insufficient mechanism for working toward a solution to the Darfur crisis and past experience dictates the need for a tougher approach toward the National Congress Party (NCP) in Khartoum. Since Canada has neither the military capacity nor the political will to send its own troops into the region, a non-military approach to the situation must be taken.

Canada is a signatory of the Genocide Convention of 1948, which calls on Canada to act should genocide present itself to the international community. Moreover, the Responsibility to Protect has been affirmed by the Canadian government as “a key component of Canada’s human security agenda.”36 For Canada, as a member state of the UN with a strong faith in multilateral institutions, the crisis in Darfur presents a test for the international community to come together and affirm its verbal commitments.

An end to the genocide would add stability to a nation that has been experiencing chronic instability for decades. Ending the crisis would also reinforce Khartoum’s commitment to the CPA, a commitment which is needed to decrease the friction currently present between Darfur, Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan. Most importantly, it would save the lives of thousands of persecuted, suffering and displaced individuals.


There have not yet been any significant moves by the Canadian government to address the need for targeted sanctions, asset freezes, or travel restrictions on members of the NCP. Development on this front has come in the form of NGOs encouraging students, businesses, and universities to divest from Sudan and propagate the desperate need for economic sanctions against the Khartoum government.

PoliCy statement

Canada should engage in non-military actions that impose greater pressure on the Sudanese government.

36 Ibid. Ibid.


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PoliCy objeCtives

To impose greater pressure on the Sudanese government and encourage the international •community to do the same;To reaffirm Canada’s commitment• s to the Genocide Convention and to maintaining human security.


Canada should impose incremental sanctions against • the Sudanese government and encourage other nations to follow suit. The sanctions should begin with visa restrictions and a termination of all new Canadian investments in Sudan; ultimately, a move toward prohibiting Canadian investment in Sudan altogether should be made. Canada should endorse a no-fly zone over Darfur as a form of diplomatic pressure • against the Sudanese government, as well as to prevent the use of airspace for military action.


Conclusion


CONCLUSION

The engaging discussions at the Failing, Failed and Fragile States Conference reinforced the fact that Canadian students are passionate and interested in Canadian foreign policy. There were several common themes that transcended all of the debates and disagreements:

The importance of engaging local actors:• Successful operations in FFFS require more than simply working through international organizations. Elements of local civil society, grassroots organizations, and local NGOS must be involved whenever possible to ensure that Canada lays the foundations for a sustainable democratic tradition. The importance of long-term commitments:• Successful operations in nations like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Sudan require long-term commitments to ensure sustainable stability. Engagement followed by premature withdrawal may do more harm than good. The importance of open dialogue between the Canadian public and the government:• An open dialogue from the moment an operation begins can help the government to ensure a sustainable long-term commitment in FFFS and assure Canadians of the importance of Canada’s involvement and sacrifices. The benefits of Canada’s role as a middle power:• As a peaceful middle power, Canada brings significant advantages to the negotiating table. Canada is perceived as a neutral mediator that looks not to take sides, but aims to find a peaceful and viable solution to intrastate or interstate conflict. Canada must take advantage of and maintain this position as much as possible to generate positive discourses when building solutions for FFFS. The importance of engagement with the international community:• The lone-actor model does not apply to stabilizing FFFS, as FFFS tend to have deep-rooted problems that are difficult for any single actor to solve. Canada is a country with a foreign policy that emphasizes multilateral action, and FFFS are no exception. Different countries and organizations have vast and varied experiences and knowledge that, once combined, can ensure more effective engagement with FFFS.

The participants of the conference expanded upon these themes in an attempt to get to the root of the problems faced by FFFS. Addressing these issues is of great importance to the international community and to Canada itself, both in order to increase human security by decreasing the human suffering that occurs in FFFS, as well as to increase global stability.

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Appendices


Thursday, March 8th, 2007

17:30 – 18:45 Delegate Registration, Liu Institute for Global Issues

19:00 – 19:30 Conference Welcome, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Welcoming remarks by Ms. Nae English, President of IRSA 19:30 – 20:30 Welcome Address, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Keynote Address by Lowell Bergman, investigative reporter with The New York Times, producer/correspondent for the PBS documentary series Frontline, and the Reva and David Logan Distinguished Professor at the UC Berkley Graduate School of Journalism. 20:30 – 22:00 Welcoming Reception, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Friday, March 9th, 2007 – Presentation of Issues 07:30 – 07:50 Breakfast, International House

08:00 – 8:25 Introductory Session, Liu Institute for Global Issues

The Introductory Session was designed to lay the groundwork for the rest of the conference. Professor Stephen Nairne, Adjunct Faculty of UBC’s Department of Political Science, discussed working definitions for FFFS and established the context of Canada’s role within the sphere of FFFS.

08:30 – 09:25 Issue Panel 1: Actors and Methods of Intervention, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Chair: Katharina ColemanPanellists: Jane Boulden – Professor, Royal Military College

David Carment – Professor, Carleton University

9:30 – 10:25 Issue Panel 2: Gender, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Chair: Margery FeePanellists: Erin Baines – Assistant Professor, Liu Institute for Global Issues, UBC

Lauryn Oates – Vice President, Canadian Women for Women in Afghanistan

10:30 – 10:40 Break

10:45 – 11:55 Issue Panel 3: Balance of Peace & Justice with Regard to

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Appendix i: ConferenCe SChedule

Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference ReportAppendices

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Armed Groups, Liu Institute for Global Issues Chair: Alana TiemessenPanellists: Marie-Joelle Zahar – Professor, Université de Montréal

Erin Baines – Assistant Professor, Liu Institute for Global Issues, UBCJean-François Gareau – Researcher, opérations de paix, Université de Montréal

Delegates were each assigned to Break-Out Sessions on one of the three issue areas discussed during the morning. During their respective Break-Out Sessions, delegates engaged in an in-depth discussion with other students. The sessions were chaired by Student Co-Chairs who had studied relevant materials and were knowledgeable in the issue area. An expert was also available to provide guidance to the participants. The goal of the sessions was to engage students in a discussion of what they had learned during the panel sessions, to deepen their knowledge of the issues surrounding FFFS, and to help them identify key themes for policy recommendations.

12:00 – 13:15 Six Concurrent Break-Out Sessions

Gender (Session A), West Mall Annex (WMAX) 110Student Co-Chair: Will GoldbloomExpert: Erin Baines

Gender (Session B), Liu Institute Case RoomStudent Co-Chair: Nae EnglishExpert: Lauryn Oates

Actors and Methods of Intervention (Session A), WMAX 140 Student Co-Chair: Alia DharssiExpert: Jane Boulden

Actors and Methods of Intervention (Session B), WMAX 150 Student Co-Chair: Alex SalesExpert: David Carment

Balance of Peace & Justice with Regard to Armed Groups (Session A), WMAX 240Student Co-Chair: Amir MusinExpert: Marie-Joelle Zahar

Balance of Peace & Justice with Regard to Armed Groups (Session B), WMAX 216Student Co-Chair: Rahim MohammedExpert: Jean-François Gareau

13:15 – 13:50 Lunch, International House Upper Lounge

14:00 – 15:10 Issue Panel 4: Democratization and the Role of Government, Liu Institute for Global Issues


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Chair: Maxwell Cameron Panellists: Sandra MacLean – Professor, Simon Fraser University

Robert Miller – Executive Director, Parliamentary CentreStewart Prest – Researcher, Carleton University

15:15 – 16:25 Issue Panel 5: Natural Resources, Liu Institute for Global

Issues

Chair: Peter DauvergnePanellists: Karen Ballentine – United Nations Development Programme’s Bureau of Crisis

Prevention and Recovery Philippe Le Billon – Professor, University of British Columbia

Christine Johnson – Senior Policy Advisor, Private Sector Development, CIDA

16:30 – 16:40 Break

Delegates were once again each assigned to a Break-Out Session conducted in the same format as those that occurred during the morning.

16:45 – 18:00 Six Concurrent Break Out Sessions

Democratization and the Role of Government (Session A), WMAX 110 Student Co-Chair: Alex SalesExpert: Sandra MacLean

Democratization and the Role of Government (Session B), WMAX 140Student Co-Chair: Leah MarchukExpert: Robert Miller

Democratization and the Role of Government (Session C), WMAX 150 Student Co-Chair: Rahim MohammedExpert: Stewart Prest

Natural Resources (Session A), WMAX 240Student Co-Chair: Vanessa LundayExpert: Karen Ballentine

Natural Resources (Session B), WMAX 216Student Co-Chair: Dave SteinbachExpert: Philippe Le Billon Natural Resources (Session C), Liu Institute Case Room Student Co-Chair: Amir MusinExpert: Christine Johnson

Appendices


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18:00 – 19:30 Free Time

19:30 – 22:30 Formal Reception & Keynote Speaker

Keynote Address by Brigadier-General David Fraser, Commander, Task Force Afghanistan.

Saturday, March 10th, 2007 – Presentation of Case Studies and Policy Recommendations

08:00 – 08:25 Breakfast, International House Upper Lounge

08:30 – 09:40 Case Study Panel 1: Afghanistan, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Chair: Gogi BhullarPanellists: Brigadier-General David Fraser – Department of National Defence

Marc André Boivin – Researcher, Opérations de Paix, Université de MontréalRichard Arbeiter – Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade

09:45 – 10:40 Case Study Panel 2: Haiti, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Chair: Catherine Kiszkiel Panellists: Carlo Dade – Deputy Director, Canadian Foundation for the Americas

Darren Schemmer – Director General: Haiti, Cuba and Dominican Republic, Americas Branch, CIDA

10:45 – 10:55 Break

11:00 – 11:55 Case Study Panel 3: Sudan, Liu Institute for Global Issues

Chair: Robert MillerPanellists: David Ambrosetti – Post-Doctoral Fellow, opérations de paix, Université de

Montréal Stephen Brown – Professor, University of Ottawa

12:00 – 12:10 Break

Delegates were each assigned to Break-Out Sessions on one of the three case studies. The Break-Out Sessions followed the same format as those of the previous day.

12:15 - 13:25 Seven Concurrent Break-Out Sessions

Afghanistan (Session A), Continuing Studies Building (CSB) 213Student Co-Chair: Rahim MohamedExpert: Brigadier-General David Fraser


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Afghanistan (Session B), CSB 214 Student Co-Chair: Will GoldbloomExpert: Richard Arbeiter

Afghanistan (Session C), CSB 215 Student Co-Chair: Amir MusinExpert: Marc André Boivin

Haiti (Session A), CSB 216 Student Co-Chair: Leah MarchukExpert: Carlo Dade

Haiti (Session B), CSB 217 Student Co-Chair: Alex SalesExpert: Darren Schemmer

Sudan (Session A), CSB 212 Student Co-Chair: Dave SteinbachExpert: David Ambrosetti

Sudan (Session B), CSB 219 Student Co-Chair: Vanessa LundayExpert: Stephen Brown

Delegates were each assigned to Policy Formulation Sessions on the five issue areas and three case studies prior to the conference, allowing them to prepare beforehand. The sessions were chaired by Student Co-Chairs who had a thorough knowledge of the topics discussed, as well as the panellists from the corresponding panel. The goal of the sessions was to engage students in focused discussions to formulate concrete policy recommendations.

13:30 – 15:30 Eight Concurrent Sessions: Working Lunch and Policy Formulation Sessions

Actors & Methods of Intervention Policy Formation Group, CSB 216Student Co-Chair: Alia Dharssi Experts: Jane Boulden and David Carment

Gender Policy Formation Group, CSB 213Student Co-Chair: Will GoldbloomExperts: Erin Baines and Lauryn Oates

Balance of Peace & Justice with Regard to Armed Groups Policy Formation Group, CSB 215Student Co-Chair: Amir Musin Experts: Marie-Joelle Zahar and Jean-François Gareau

Appendices


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Democratization and the Role of Government Policy Formation Group, CSB 217Student Co-Chair: Alex Salez Experts: Robert Miller and Stewart Prest

Natural Resources Policy Formation Group, CSB 214Student Co-Chair: Vanessa Lunday Experts: Christine Johnson

Afghanistan Policy Formation Group, CSB 219Student Co-Chair: Rahim MohamedExperts: Brigadier-General David Fraser, Richard Arbeiter, and Marc André Boivin

Haiti Policy Formation Group, CSB 212Student Co-Chair: Leah MarchukExperts: Carlo Dade and Darren Schemmer

Sudan Policy Formation Group, CSB 218Student Co-Chair: Dave SteinbachExperts: David Ambrosetti and Stephen Brown

15:30 – 15:45 Break

15:45 – 16:30 Closing Session

Closing remarks by Ms. Nae English, President of IRSA

16:30 End of Conference


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Appendix ii: Methodology

During the Introductory Session, Professor Stephen Nairne laid the groundwork for the Conference by providing working definitions of FFFS and establishing the context of Canada’s role within the sphere of FFFS. A handout provided by Professor Nairne summarized this information. It is presented below.

1. Why Failed/Fragile States Matter

In recent years, the world has witnessed an increased incidence of intra-state conflict and state failure. Both academics and policy-makers have identified fragile and failed states as vectors for transnational security threats.

Linkages between state failure and terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, transnational crime groups and the containment of pandemics (avian flu, HIV, transmission).

They also pose significant threats to their own people, due to the reinforcing nature of poverty and state failure. Weak governments deprive groups within their country of the basic means for survival, pushing groups into illicit activities in order to survive and create significant IDPs/Refugee flows.

The core international policy issues follow directly:

Issue related to political will and the responsibility to protect at both national, regional, 1. and multilateral levels (arising principally from perceived failures in Rwanda, Sudan and other jurisdictions) (DND)The centrality of state capacity and governance (DFAIT)2. Nature and level of development assistance (fragile vs. non-fragile states) and the need 3. for highly nuanced approaches (CIDA)

2. Working Definitions

The terms of fragile, failing, and failed states encompass a number of concepts related to state vulnerability and state capacity. In general, the term is used to describe states in which institutions are weak, the state is unable to deliver services of provide security to tall (or a significant portion) of its population. In practice, while fragile states share a common vulnerability, they face very different combinations of challenges.

Tolstoy’s homily to families may be easily translated to nations:

“All happy families resemble one another, each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way.”

In this formulation we can turn the problem on its head and ask what functions are necessary for a state to sustain itself despite inherent strains.

Appendices


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While there is no universally accepted definitions it is generally accepted that a functioning state is able to perform three central functions:

Authority: state possesses ability to enact binging legislation and provide a stable and secure environment.

Legitimacy: ability of state to command public loyalty and generate domestic support.

Capacity: ability of state to mobilize public resources toward productive ends and to display basic competence in political and economic management.

While conflict is not necessarily a direct cause of consequence of state failure, the correlation is, unsurprisingly, very high (24/26 in 2006 World Bank Report).

3./4. Failed/Fragile Methodologies and Indices

PMSU Annotated Instability Framework

Ranking tables provide both overall risk scores and, through disaggregation, scores by risk factor.

Structural Indicatorsa. State Capacityb. External Factorsc. Shocks/Sting Sensitivity Assessmentd. Event Monitoringe.

FUND FOR PEACE/FOREIGN POLICY METHODOLOGYwww.fundforpeace.org

The Twelve Indicators:

SOCIAL INDICATORSI1 – Mounting Demographic Pressures•I2 – Massive Movement of Refugees and IDPs•I3 – Legacy of Vengeance – Seeking Group Greivance•I4 – Chronic and Sustained Human Flight•

ECONOMIC INDICATORSI5 – Uneven Economic development Along Group Lines•I6 – Sharp and/or Severe Economic Decline•

POLITICAL INDICATORSI7 - Criminalization or Delegitimization of the State•I8 – Progressive Deterioration of Public Services•I9 – Widespread Violation of Human Rights•


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I10 – Security Apparatus as “State within as State•I11 – Rise of Factionalized Elite•I12 – Intervention of Other States or External Actors•

For Structural Indicators, it is critical to look at level, trend, and volatility.

For sustainable security, a state should have the following: A competent domestic police force and corrections system•An efficient and functioning civil service or professional bureaucracy•An independent judicial system that works under the rule of law•A professional and disciplined military accountable to a legitimate civilian government•A strong executive/legislative leadership capable of national governance•

COUNTRY INDICATORS FOR FOREIGN POLICY METHODOLOGY (CIFP)

Uses 6 indicator clusters:Governance- Economics- Security and Crime- Human Development- Demography- Environment-

Explores Three Dimensions of Governance: Authority, Legitimacy, and Capacity

Inclusion of Gender as Cross-Cutting Theme

5. Issues Related to Canadian Engagement

Most Canadians agree that Canada should be involved in efforts to combat state fragility and failure through prevention, intervention, and reconstruction. Given our limited military capabilities and financial resources, selection criteria must be established, looking at factors such as available resources, expertise, access points, needs of the state in question, and putative impacts of our engagement. Generally, Canadians prefer multilateral engagements.

There is less agreement over whether Canada’s interventions should be guided by national vs. moral/legal interests.

Lastly, effective communications are essential to sustaining political and public support for our contributions.

IMPACT/RELEVANCY ASSESSMENT

A central focus of the CIFP and State Failure Committee’s work has been to sketch and define

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linkages between improved early warning capability and whole of government (and inter-governmental approaches) to preventive actions.

Canada is not equipped to intervene prior to or after each instance of state fragility. Indeed, it has increasingly concentrated its efforts in a smaller number of countries while simultaneously increasing cooperation with donor partners.

This raises a critical question: how can we, as Canadians, make objective and transparent decisions with respect to engagement in a given fragile or failed state?

Key Measures of Relevance

Measures related to Canada’s foreign policy interests and values1. Development Linkages (relative level of aid/aid effectiveness)- Economic and Trade Linkages- Security and Strategic Linkages (regional impacts)- Demographic Linkages (Diaspora)- Cultural/Organizational Linkages-

Measures related to out global development mandate and, specifically, efforts aimed at 2. gender empowerment, poverty eradication, and human security.

Relevance must look both at relevance to Canadian interests and host country interests.In instances where relative relevance is establishes, a second set of considerations related to impact is required:

Key Measures of Impact

Impact assessment looks at international, regional, and national issues related to engagement/consultation, coordination, legal frameworks.

Central idea is to match entry points for intervention with response options – be they primarily of a security, development, or capacity building.

Fundamentally, how much will a situation improve as a result of our engagement and have operational issues been systematically addressed?

Methods of Engagement: Policy Toolbox

Addresses issues related to engagement targeting and effectiveness.

Governancebuilding democratic institutions- legislative assistance- judicial reform - truth and reconciliation processes-


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Economicprivate sector development- financial sector strengthening- small enterprise, micro-credit- transparency/anti-corruption- land administration/defining property rights-

Securitypreventative deployments- support for alternative livelihoods-

Crimepolice, correctional, and legal training-

Human Developmenthealth- education- humanitarian relief-

Demographyrefugee and IDP assistance- resettlement and reintegration-

Environmentnatural resource management- sustainable development-

KEY SUCCESSFUL APPROACHES TO FRAGILE STATES

Understand the Problem1. – there is no policy template with universal application. For example, a strong international presence, intrusive revenue controls and early elections appear to have worked well in Liberia. But the same is certainly not true in Iraq. As a direct consequence, approaches must be evidence-based and built on a strong understanding of a country’s social, demographic, political, and economic dynamics. Recognize that Prevention is Preferable to Cure 2. – preventative actions (i.e. Macedonia) versus hypothetical costs of intervention (despite heroic assumptions involved) put forth a clear, and intuitively appealing, case.Understand the Regional Context3. – experiences in Central Africa, the Balkans, Iraq, and Afghanistan demonstrate clearly that greater attention must be paid to neighbouring states.Commit the Necessary Political, Financial and Security Resources4. – the key political resource is a commitment to stay the course. It may take a decade or more to rebuild a state and premature disengagement, as the case or Timor-Leste, is fraught with danger. Also key are whole-of-government approaches (both internal and external) to address complex challenges related to restoring security, establishing effective governance, and promoting sustainable economic development.

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Appendix iii: pArtiCipAnts

The following individuals organized the Failing, Failed and Fragile States Conference:

Conference Secretariat

Ana-Maria Chirila ~ Conference Coordinator

Lammie Cheng ~ Director of Delegates and Promotion

Rudy Irwin ~ Director of Finance and Fundraising

Pamela Toor ~ Director of Logistics

Yifeng Song ~ Director of Logistics

Alia Dharssi ~ Report Director

Kristian Jebsen ~ Report Director

International Relations Students’ Association

Nae English ~ IRSA President 2006-2007

Amir Musin ~ Vice President Internal 2006-2007


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ConferenCe organizers

Conference Coordinator:

Ana-Maria Chirila is graduating this year with a BA in History from UBC.

Director of Delegates and Promotion:

Lammie Cheng is entering her fourth year at UBC. Majoring in International Relations and minoring in U.S. Studies, her area of interest lies in peace and security, U.S.-Canada relations, and Canada-East Asia relations. Lammie is also in the UBC Co-op program and will be working at the U.S. Consulate General during the summer of 2007. Having worked in Asia, Europe, and Canada, Lammie will consider entering the Canadian Foreign Service or another career that involves international travel upon graduation.

Directors of Logistics:

Yifeng Song is graduating this year with a major in Electrical Engineering. During his years as a student, he has been involved with Engineers Without Borders and Oxfam Canada. Some of his areas of interest are energy trade, energy policy, and the economic development of third world countries.

Pamela Toor is entering her third year at UBC and pursuing a double major in Sociology and International Relations. Her areas of interest include international migration, ethnic/cultural relations, international law, and urban development. Previously, she has been a participant in student conferences, such as Model United Nations, and student exchanges, with the last one being an interactive tour of the United Nations. Upon graduation, she plans to travel and work before pursuing graduate studies.

Director of Finance and Fundraising:

Rudy Irwin is completing his final year of studies at UBC and pursuing a degree in International Relations, with a specialization in international economy and development. His interest is in the confluence of history, politics, and economics and how they shape events globally. After completing his degree, he hopes to continue on to graduate studies.

Report Directors:

Alia Dharssi is entering her third year and pursuing a degree in History Honours and Economics. Her passions include writing, learning languages and travelling. In September 2007, Alia will be traveling to Spain to spend two semesters in an exchange program at the University of Salamanca.

Kristian Jebsen is a fourth-year Political Science major and History minor. In his studies, he has focused on issues of security in the developing world, the link between history and the corresponding

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evolution of literature, and the study of French and Spanish.

International Relations Students’ Association

Nae English was the President for the International Relations Student’s Association (IRSA) during the 2006-2007 Academic year. As President of IRSA, Nae helped to develop the idea and gain initial support for the Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference. She participated in the overall planning and chaired a break-out session on Gender. Nae is graduating this year with a degree in International Relations with a focus on International Development and Economics. In the fall of 2007, she will start a MSc in Development Management at the London School of Economics. Having lived in Africa and studied Arabic for two years, she hopes to pursue a career in development economics in the Middle East and Africa Regions.

Amir Musin is a graduating student this year with a degree in Political Science and International Relations at UBC. His academic interests lie in the fields of International Law and Security Studies. During the years of 2006-2007 he served as the Vice-President External of the International Relations Students Association.

student Co-Chairs

Actors and Methods of Intervention:

Alia Dharssi was also one of the Report Directors. See her biography above.

Gender:

Will Goldbloom is entering his third year and pursuing a major in International Relations with a minor in Critical Studies in Sexuality. His interest in global issues regarding gender and sexuality led him to participate in the Failing, Failed, and Fragile States Conference. Will also volunteers for AIDS Vancouver and has performed in productions with UBC Theatre. Will is going to pursue his studies at Uppsala Universitet in Sweden next year on exchange from UBC.

Balance of Peace and Justice with Regards to Armed Groups:

Amir Musin also helped to organize the conference. See his biography above.

Democratization:

Alex Sales is graduating from UBC with a major in International Relations. Most of his studies have dealt with peace and security issues and he is particularly interested in peacekeeping operations. In 2005-2006, Alex attained a position with the Democratic Institutions and Conflict Division at CIDA, where he assisted on the conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and fragile states files. In September 2007, Alex will be starting a MA in International Affairs at the Norman Patterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University.


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Natural Resources:

Vanessa Lunday is graduating from UBC with a major in International Relations and a minor in French. She has focused on international diplomacy, as well as security and peace studies. She has also done research on environmental regimes and the role of business in international politics.

Afghanistan:

Rahim Mohamed is a third-year UBC student majoring in International Relations. He has been an active participant in Model United Nations Conferences throughout the West Coast. He is particularly interested in security issues relating to South Asia and the Middle East. Additionally, Rahim has been involved with numerous on-campus groups such as the Forum on International Cooperation and the International Relations Students’ Association.

Sudan:

Dave Steinbach is pursuing a major in International Relations at UBC with a focus on human security and development in Africa. His research has centered on the themes of intra-state conflict, ethnic and economic exclusion, and international intervention in countries across the African continent, including Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire, Rwanda, Sudan, Nigeria, and the DRC. With numerous conferences, meetings, and research under his belt, Dave plans to put theory into action with an internship in community development in Madagascar this summer.

Haiti:

Leah Marchuk is graduating this year with a degree in International Relations. Her primary academic interests include conflict prevention, human security, and governance issues. In the past, Leah has worked for both CIDA and DND.

aCademiC/PraCtitioner Panellists and Co-Chairs

Introductory Session:

Stephen Nairne is a Professor of Political Science at UBC with a focus on Country Risk Analysis. Mr. Nairne is also a Deputy Director and Trade Commissioner at the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. He has previously worked as a Political Risk Analyst at the Export Development Bank and has a MA in international relations form Carleton University.

Actors and Methods of Intervention:

Jane Boulden holds a Canada Research Chair in International Relations and Security Studies at the Royal Military College of Canada and was a former MacArthur Research Fellow at the Centre for International Relations in the Department of Politics and International Relations at Oxford University. Dr. Boulden’s current research interests involve “examining the nature and scope of the changes in thinking about national and international security since the end of the Cold War and

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the attacks of September 11” with a focus on the implications for Canadian national security and policy.

David Carment is a full Professor of International Affairs at the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University and a Fellow of the Canadian Defence and the Foreign Affairs Institute. Mr. Carment is the principal investigator for the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy project with current research focused on developing failed state risk assessment and early warning methodologies evaluating models of third-party intervention. He has served as the Director of the Centre for Security and Defence Studies at Carleton University. He is also the recipient of a Carleton Graduate Students’ Teaching Excellence Award and Carleton University’s Research Achievement Award.

Gender:

Erin Baines is the Research Director of the Conflict and Development Programme at the Liu Institute for Global Issues. Her research interests include the politics of humanitarianism and forced displacement, gender and IR, youth and human security issues. She has worked with conflict affected populations in Guatemala, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Rwanda, and Northern Uganda. She is currently focusing on justice issues in Northern Uganda with an emphasis on youth and gender. Baines is the recipient of a two-year interdisciplinary team research grant from Status of Women Canada for a project entitled “Understanding the Effects of Canada’s New Immigration and Refugee Protection Act on Women Asylum Seekers.” She was also awarded a post-doctoral award from the Socials Studies and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Henry Frank Guggenheim Prize on “The Role of the Academic in Reducing Violent Conflict.” Baines received a PhD in International Relations from Dalhousie University in 2000.

Lauryn Oates is a professional human rights advocate and international development practitioner, with particular expertise in gender and women’s human rights. Much of her work is focused on the use of information communications technologies and language accessibility, and her skills include the design and use of accessible information to advance human rights, particularly in the Muslim world. She has been working as an activist on women’s rights in Afghanistan since 1996. She founded the Vancouver and Montreal Chapters of Canadian Women for Women in Afghanistan, a non-profit solidarity network, and also currently sits on their Board of Directors as Vice-President. She managed the CIDA-funded Women’s Rights in Afghanistan Fund and other projects supporting women’s movements and peacebuilding in the Middle East and Central Asia from 2002-2006 in the Women’s Rights programme at the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development. Lauryn holds a BA Honours in International Development Studies from McGill University, an MA in Human Security and Peacebuilding from Royal Roads University, and will commence PhD studies in Education in Fall 2007.

Balance of Peace and Justice with Regards to Armed Groups:

Jean-Francois Gareau is currently a post-doctoral researcher at CERIUM in Montreal. He holds an LLB from the University of Sherbrooke, an MA from the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University, and a PhD from L’Institute des Hautes Études Internationales


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de Geneve. He has previously held academic positions at the University of Montreal and Northeastern University. He also worked for four years in the International Public Law Department at the University of Geneva, Switzerland. He is a specialist in international public law with current research interests in the juridical implications of international intervention in failed states, as well as a critical analysis of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine.

Marie-Joelle Zahar is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Montreal. Her research interests include civil conflict-resolution, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction. She was a recipient of post-doctoral grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Munk Centre for International Studies at the University of Toronto, and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. During her post-doctoral studies, from 1998 to 2000, she was invited to be a researcher at the Centre for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford University. In 1999, she worked as a consultant at the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. She graduated form the American University in Beirut in 1984 with a BA in Political Science and received a PhD in Political Science from McGill University in 2000.

Democratization:

Sandra Maclean holds an MA and a PhD from Dalhousie University and she is currently an Associate Professor at Simon Fraser University. She specializes in international political economy and comparative development. Her main topic of research is the impact of globalization upon governance and security in developing countries and regions, with a particular focus on Southern Africa. She is the co-editor of Crises of Governance in Asia and Africa and has been published extensively in various edited volumes and journals.

Robert Miller is the Executive Director of the Parliamentary Centre. On joining the Centre in 1978, he became senior advisor to the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee. In that capacity, he assisted the committee over the next decade in preparing a series of studies on foreign aid, relations with Latin America, human rights and democratic development. Since the early 1990s, Mr. Miller has led the Centre in establishing an international reputation in the field of democratic development, overseeing the building of programs in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and the Americas. Mr. Miller has written extensively on democratic development and peace-building.

Stewart Prest is a Senior Research Analyst at Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP), a research project located at the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University. His current focus includes the development of CIFP’s Fragile State Monitoring and Assessment Methodology, a project undertaken in partnership with the Canadian International Development Agency. As part of this work, he has co-authored “Failed and Fragile States: A Concept Paper for the Canadian Government,” as well as “The 2006 Country Indicators for Foreign Policy: Opportunities and Challenges for Canada,” an article appearing in the current edition of Canadian Foreign Policy. He is also co-author of “Assessing Small Island Developing State Fragility,” in Economic Vulnerability and Resilience of Small States, a volume jointly published by The Commonwealth Secretariat and the University of Malta Press. In addition, he has written

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“Upheaval in Haiti: The Criminal Threat to Canada,” a case study exploring the linkages between state fragility and transnational crime, available on CIFP’s website at www.carleton.ca/cifp.

Natural Resources:

Karen Ballentine is a Project Manager for the Report on Fostering Post-Conflict Economic Recovery with the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery at the United Nations Development Programme. Ms. Ballentine has previously worked as a Senior Associate for the International Peace Academy and as an Adjunct Professor at the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University. Her research interests include war economies, business, conflict, and human rights. She has consulted for the UN Global Compact, the New Security Programme at the Fafo Institute of Applied International Studies, the Millenium Development Goals, the UN Informal Working Group on the Political Economy of Armed Conflict, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, and the Human Security Network.

Philippe le Billon is an Assistant Professor at the University of British Columbia with the Department of Geography and the Liu Institute for Global Issues. Mr. Le Billon has worked for environmental and humanitarian organizations in Angola, Cambodia, Sierra Leone, and the former-Yugoslavia. He is currently conducting research on the political economy and geography of war, the role of primary commodities in armed conflict, and corporate social responsibility in the extractive sectors.

Christine Johnson is a Senior Policy Advisor for Private Sector Development at CIDA. Her work on a new strategic focus for private sector development was incorporated into Canada’s international policy framework and a strategy to strengthen CIDA’s effectiveness and innovation in private sector development. Her models focus on entrepreneurship, business and investment climate reform, foreign direct investment, and corporate responsibility in developing countries. Ms. Johnson graduated from Simon Fraser University with a BA in Political Science and is currently working towards a postgraduate degree in International law.

Afghanistan:

Richard Arbeiter is the Deputy Director of Policy and Advocacy of the Afghanistan Task Force with the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. Mr. Arbeiter has a MA in Conflict Analysis from the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs. He was previously a Policy Advisor with the Afghanistan Unit of the South Asia Division of Foreign Affairs Canada.

Marc André Boivin is the Assistant-Director of the Peace Operations Research Network (Réseau Francophone de Recherche sur les Opérations de Paix) and a fellow at the Research Group in International Security (REGIS), both affiliates of the International Studies and Research Center of the University of Montreal (CÉRIUM). He was recently part of a team headed by Former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gordon Smith, that drafted a report based on the fundamental question “is what Canada doing working in Afghanistan?”. The report was published on March 6, 2007 by the Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute.


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Brigadier-General David A. Fraser assumed command of the Regional Command South (Multi National Brigade) Kandahar, Afghanistan in February 2006, a position he held for nine months as part of the ongoing international commitment to the development and stability of the region. Brigadier-General Fraser has previously served in Cyprus and Sarajevo in 1994/1995. He was awarded the Meritorious Service Medal for his actions during the Bosnian Civil War. He has worked as Director Land Force Readiness 3 responsible for all Army planning and tasks and in this role played a major part in Canada’s participation in Kosovo and Honduras. He was then assigned as the Project Director for Land Force Reserve Restructure, responsible for developing new Army Capabilities and assignment of tasks for the Army Reserve. In 2003, Brigadier-General Fraser was posted to the Bi-National Planning Group in Colorado Springs Colorado where he served as the Co-Director until 2005. In June 2005, Brigadier-General Fraser assumed command of 1 Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group and was promoted to his current rank shortly thereafter. Brigadier-General Fraser was also the recipient of the Vimy Award in 2006, which recognizes one Canadian annually for making a significant and outstanding contribution to the defence and security of Canada and the preservation of democratic values.

Sudan: David Ambrosetti is a post-doctorate researcher at CERIUM (Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internactionales) at the University of Montreal. His current research focuses on “The Road for Influence in UN Peace Support Operations: the Leadership within the UN Security Council and Its Rules.” He has a PhD in Political Science from the University Montesquieu-Bordeaux IV for “International Politics as a Sphere of Social Judgment: The French Diplomacy and UN Conflicts Management.” His research interests include international response to armed conflict and political violence in Rwanda and Sierra Leone, as well as field research in Sudan. Stephen Brown is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Ottawa. He has published on a range of issues relating to Africa, notably democratization, foreign aid, conflict, and conflict prevention. He is currently working on a research project on transition violence in Angola, Kenya, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe.

Haiti:

Carlo Dade is the Deputy Director of the Canadian Foundation for the Americas (FOCAL), where he manages research initiatives in Afro-Latinos, Diaspora Engagement and Remittances, Corporate Social Responsibility, and Canadian Engagement in Haiti. Prior to taking on his position at FOCAL, Dade served at the Inter-American Foundation and the World Bank. He was also a founding member of and served as a senior analyst at the Enterprise Research Institute and Foundation for Latin America, a think tank focused on corporate social responsibility and the private sector. Dade graduated from the University of Virginia in 1984 with a BA in International Affairs and a minor in Middle Eastern Studies. He then pursued an MA in Arab Studies at Georgetown University, from which he graduated in 1989.

Darren Schemmer is the Director General of Policy and Planning at the Americas Branch of CIDA. He joined CIDA as a Foreign Service Officer in 1989, leaving a career in education in Vancouver. He has served at CIDA headquarters in the Americas Branch as well as in the field in

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Honduras, Egypt, and at the Organization of American States. He was the Senior Departmental Assistant to the Minister for International Cooperation from August 2002 to August 2004. Since September 2004 he has been the Director General of Policy, Planning, and Management in CIDA’s Americas Branch. Since July 2006 he joined the Haiti, Cuba, and Dominican Republic program as Director General for the program. Mr. Schemmer has a BEd from the University of Alberta and a MBA from Royal Roads University.

Keynote sPeaKers

Opening Reception:

Lowell Bergman is a producer/correspondent for the PBS documentary series Frontline and a former investigative reporter for The New York Times and 60 Minutes. Mr. Bergman is also the Reva and David Logan Distinguished Professor at the Graduate School of Journalism at the University of California at Berkeley. He is the recipient of honours in both print and broadcasting, including the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service, Emmys, and Peabodys. As a producer for CBS News between 1983 and 1998, Bergman produced stories about organized crime, international arms and drug trafficking, terrorism, and corporate crime. The story of his investigation of the tobacco industry for 60 Minutes was chronicled in the Academy Award-nominated feature film “The Insider.” Berman received a BA from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1966 and pursued graduate studies at the UC San Diego.

Formal Reception:

Brigadier-General David A. Fraser was also a panelist. See his biography above.


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PartiCiPating sChools

Simon Fraser University – Burnaby, BCUniversity of Alberta – Edmonton, ABUniversity of British Columbia – Vancouver, BCUniversity of Calgary – Calgary, AB University of Canterbury – New ZealandUniversity of Northern British Columbia – Prince George, BCUniversity of Otago – New Zealand University of Saskatchewan – Saskatoon, SK University of Toronto – Toronto, ONUniversity of Victoria – Victoria, BCWestern Oregon University – Monmouth, OR, USA Wilfred Laurier University – Waterloo, ON York University – Toronto, ON

list of delegates

Aequitus, Matthew UBC Kerr, Sarah UBC Albino, May U. Toronto Kim, Robert UBCAlfalaij, Mona UBC Lam, Sienne UBCAllen, Nikole Hermina Western Oregon University Lim,Tee University of OtagoAllen, Jared York University Macdonald, Sara UBCBacalso, Cristina U. Calgary McFadden, Katie University of CanterburyBandali, Naveed U. Alberta Peel, Melissa UBCBege, Roland UBC Petroutsas, Anthony U. VictoriaBell, Adriana Wilfred Laurier University Phelps, Mark UBCBernovsky, Victor UBC Rai, Harkamal UBCBerry, R. Dane SFU Ramze Rezaee, O.Jasmine UBC Boothe, Alison UBC Renaud, Simone UNBCBrebner, Sarah Merise SFU Rikoff, Heather UBCCarr, Devon UBC Robbins, Lisa UBCChan, Damian UBC Rusko, Christopher UBCCheung, Christine UBC Ryffel, Pascal U. AlbertaCooper, Tara UBC Seaborn, Claire UBC Crossley, Ashley Lynn UBC Smith, Claire UBCD’Arrigo, Marie UBC Snee, Iain UBCDe Silva, Shanila UBC Stendie, Larissa U. AlbertaDe Visser, Katherine UBC Stiege, Tyson UBC DeMarcus, Laura UBC Taneja, Trisha UBCEarner,Gwendolen UBC Thomas, David UBCEdgerton-McGhan, Janine UBC Triemstra, Melanie UBCElliot Harrison, Richard U. Calgary Turnbull, Ayako UBCGeoghegan, Ronan UBC Tuytel, Dyna UBCGerlach, Annika UBC Wheler, Brett SFUHaerthe, Natalie UBC Wiebe, Adam U. SaskatchewanHafeez, Waleed Wilfred Laurier University Winstanley, Marena UBCHallet, Alaina SFU Wong, Annabel UBCHamza, Veronika UBC Wong, Rosalind UBCHarris-Ankerich, Brandon Western Oregon University Wong, Danica UBC Jackson, Tessa UNBC Zanganehpour, Shoushiant UBCJames, Shannon U. Calgary

Appendices

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Appendix iV: letters of endorseMent

Letters in support of the conference were received from Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Minister of Foreign Affairs Peter G. MacKay, BC Premier Gordon Campbell, and UBC President Stephen Toope.

I am pleased to extend my warmest greetings to everyone attending the University of British Columbia Failed, Failing and Fragile States Conference. The International Relations Student Association of the University of British Columbia, along with its supporting partners, has organized this meeting as a way of connecting students who are interested in playing a constructive part in world affairs. Over the next three days, students from a variety of disciplines will assemble to discuss the human tragedy that results from the collapse of fragile nations. It is a wonderful opportunity for participants to increase awareness and understanding of this complex problem and to propose solutions and policy recommendations that are consistent with Canada’s core ideals and values. I would like to commend the organizers for putting together a program that is sure to stimulate a great deal of thoughtful discussion. I am certain that delegates will benefit from the exchange of ideas while enjoying the camaraderie and social interaction that are an essential part of the experience. On behalf of the Government of Canada, please accept my best wishes for a memorable and productive conference.

OTTAWA 2007

Province of British Columbia Box 9041 Stn Prov Govt Office of the Premier Victoria, B.C. www.gov.bc.ca V8W 9E1

February 3, 2007

A Message from the Premier

As Premier of the Province of British Columbia, I welcome everyone to the Failing, Failed and Fragile States conference organized by the International Relations Students Association of the University of British Columbia.

I understand that the event will bring together over 100 upper level undergraduate and graduate students from across Canada. It is a valuable opportunity for everyone to meet, gain new knowledge and discuss current issues in the Canadian government’s policies and practices highlighted on the agenda.

I would like to recognize the volunteers and organizers of this event. I commend them for their hard work and personal time that went into preparing all aspects of the program. I am sure there will be a lot of constructive discussions.

Please accept my best wishes for an enjoyable and successful conference.

Sincerely,

Gordon Campbell Premier

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--- “CIDA’s Policy on Private Sector Development.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/REN-218124828-P9B.

--- “ Combating Unemployment in Afghanistan.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/NAT-130111834-M5N.

--- “Equality Between Women and Men.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-31192610-JXF.

--- “Funding – CIDA’s Investment in Equality Between Women and Men.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-31195111- KF2.

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--- “Haiti – Overview.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-12912349-NLX?OpenDocument.

--- “Journalism and Development Initiative.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-12184515-J5W.

--- “Mass Media Initative.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/mmi.--- “Office of Democratic Governance.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/CanadaCorps. --- “Private Sector Development – Overview.” December 2006. http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/

CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/JUD-121155433-SJ9.--- “Sudan – Overview.” http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/sudan. Canada. DFAIT. “Canada’s Commitment to Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women’s

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--- “International Policy Statement; Defence: A Role of Pride and Influence in the World.” 2005. http://www.forces.gc.ca/site/reports/dps/pdf/dps_e.pdf.

--- “Mainstreaming of a Gender Perspective.” http://www.international.gc.ca/foreign_policy/human-rights/Iwe5-mainstream-en.asp.

--- “Responsibility to Protect.” http://geo.international.gc.ca/cip-pic/library/canadaandresponsibilitytoprotect-en.asp.

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--- “SD Success Story – Curbing Trade in Conflict Diamonds: The Kimberley Process. February 2004. http://www.nrcan-rncan.gc.ca/sd-dd/pubs/strat2004/english/kr3_ss_e.html.

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Canada. Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade. Subcommittee on Human Rights and International Development. “Fourteenth Report, Mining in Developing Countries-Corporate Social Responsibility.” http://cmte.parl.gc.ca/cmte/CommitteePublication.aspx?COM=8979&Lang=1&SourceId=178650.

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