Received 09/18/11Revised 02/25/12

Accepted 10/12/12DOI:10.1002/j.2161-1912.2013.00030.x

Family and Cultural Predictors ofDepression Among Samoan American

Middle and High School StudentsChristine J. Yeh, Noah E. Borrero, and Patsy Tito

This study investigated family intergenerational conflict and collective self-esteem as predictors of depression in a sample of 128 Samoan middle andhigh school students. Simultaneous regression analyses revealed that eachindependent variable significantly contributed to an overall model that ac-counted for 13% of the variance in depression. Implications for counselingresearch and practice are discussed in terms of how schools may considerways to promote these youth's cultural worth and positive family dynamics.

Keywords: Samoan, high school, depression, family conflict

Este estudio investigó el conflicto familiar intergeneracional y la autoestimacolectiva como predlctores de depresión en una muestra de 128 estudiantessamoanos de enseñanza media y secundaria. Los análisis simultáneos deregresión revelaron que cada variable independiente contribuyó de formasignificativa a un modelo general que explicó un 13% de la varianza endepresión. Se discuten las implicaciones para la investigación y práctica de laconsejería, en términos de cómo las escuelas pueden considerar formas depromover el vaJor cultural de estos jóvenes y una dinámica familiar positiva.

Palabras C/ave. samoano, escuela secundaria, depresión, conflicto familiar

In urban public schools in the United States, many ethnic minority groupsremain understudied despite their growing numbers and the demon-strated need for scrutiny. Samoan American youth represent many of the

marginalized students who continue to be neglected in mental health andeducational research, and these students warrant empirical attention. Specifi-cally, in the San Francisco Bay Area, Samoan Americans are overrepresentedin thejuvenilejustice system (Stewart, 2005) and have the highest high schooldropout rate in comparison with all other ethnic minority groups (SamoanCommunity Development Center, 2008). Samoans and Tongans share thelowest per capita incomes across all major ethnic and racial groups (Stewart,2005) according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2008). These findings are im-portant because poor mental health, including depression, has been linkedto school dropout (Nair, Paul, &John, 2004) and juvenile detention (Fazel,Doll, & Lângstrom, 2008).

Individuals from American Samoa, Western Samoa, and Tonga are all fromthe Pacific Islands. Pacific Islanders are individuals whose origins are from

ChrislineJ Yeh, Department of Counseling Psychobgy, andNoahE. Borrew, School of Education, UniversityofSan Francisco; Patsy Tito, Samoan Community Development Center, San Francisco, California. Correspondenceconcerning this article should be addressed to Christine J Yeh, Department of Counseling Psychology, Universityof San Francisco, 2130 FuUon Street, San Francisco, CA 94117 (e-mail: cjyeh@iisfca.edu).

© 2013 American Counseling Association. All rights reserved.

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one of three subregions of Oceania: Polynesia, Melanesia, and Micronesia.Pacific Islanders (including Samoans) have a college graduation rate wellbelow the U.S. average. This highlights Samoan American students' mar-ginal status in schools and in society. However, there is almost no researchon this group, or more specifically, on their mental health in schools.Although recent and emerging research has discussed the critical role ofcultural and family variables in Samoan identity (Borrero, Yeh, Tito, & Lu-avasa, 2010; Poasa, Mallinckrodt, & Suzuki, 2000), it has not yet exploredfactors associated with Samoan mental health. Hence, in the current studywe investigated collective self-esteem and family intergenerational conflictas predictors of depression in a sample of Samoan American middle andhigh school students.

For Samoan American families, conflict occurs when the children as-similate to the cultural norms of U.S. society at a faster rate than theyassimilate to the more traditional norms of their parents (Borrero et al.,2010). Because schools generally represent White, middle-class values andexpectations, ethnic minority youth might believe that they must shift theirethnic behaviors and expectations to succeed and belong, and they feelthe pressure to "act White" (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986, p. 177). As childrencontinue to mature, the cultural gap between them and their parents be-comes more prominent (Huang, Ying, & Arganza, 2003), in part becauseyouth adopt "American" individualistic values that contradict their parents'more traditional cultural beliefs. For example, traditional cultural beliefsinclude respect for elders, filial piety, obedience to parents, and caringfor family members (Lee & Liu, 2001; Yeh, Kim, Pituc, & Atkins, 2008;Yeh, Okubo, et al., 2008).

In Asian American families, intergenerational family tensions may occurand may have negative consequences on the youth's psychological function-ing (Crane, Ngai, Larson, & Hafen, 2005; Farver, Narang, & Bhadha, 2002;Yeh, 2003). Although research has found that family conflict is significantlycorrelated with psychological symptoms (e.g., Lee & Liu, 2001), includinganxiety and depression (e.g., Cho & Bae, 2005), the research was focusedon Asian American college and high school students and did not includeSamoan middle and high school student samples. For example, Formoso,Gonzales, and Aiken (2000) found a highly significant relationship (/x.OOl)between family conflict and depression in a low-income, multiethnic sampleof 284 adolescents (percentages in Formoso et al., 2000, were listed as 27.5%White American, 21.8% African American, 39.8% Mexican American, 1.8%Native American, 0.7% Asian American, and 8.1% other).

The emerging research on Samoan American students' experiences inschools has found that, like many other ethnic minority groups, these stu-dents are often caught between incongruous academic and ethnic identities(Tyler et al., 2008); that is, their perceptions of themselves as students are

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in opposition to their perceptions of themselves as Samoans (Borrero etal., 2010). Borrero et al. (2010) also found that Samoan students reportedfeeling alienated and discriminated against. In fact, Borrero et al.'s workhighlighted how Samoan high school students feel "othered" in schools,reflecting previous theory (Kumashiro, 2000) and research with youth ofcolor who feel they must choose between an academic identity and an eth-nic identity (Nasir & Saxe, 2003). Samoan students also reported feelingstereotyped in school as "dumb," "lazy," "dangerous," "gang members," and"troublemakers" (Borrero et al., 2010, p. 51). Such stereotypes contributeto negative feelings about their cultural group, also referred to as collectiveself-esteem. In school-based programs, it is important to consider ways toencourage feelings of cultural worth and identity that may contribute topositive mental health. Hence, in the current study, we focused on familyand cultural dynamics that are often neglected in the school counselingliterature on ethnic minority students.

Collective self-esteem refers to positive feelings about one's cultural or socialgroup membership (Luhtanen 8c Crocker, 1992). For Samoan high schoolstudents, this focus on cultural worth may be pertinent because they oftenfeel alienated and alone in schools (Borrero et al., 2010). Samoan culturehas typically been described as interdependent, with a strong priority onrelationships and family (Mageo, 1995; Poasa et al., 2000). Lam's (2007)study found a relationship between collective self-esteem and depressionthat was mediated by a sense of coherence (meaningfulness, manageability,and comprehensibility) about one's life. However, Lam's research focusedspecifically on 122 Vietnamese American high school students and did notinclude Samoan youth. In a sample of 54 Chinese immigrant youth participat-ing in a culturally responsive career development program. Shea, Ma, Yeh,Lee, and Pituc (2009) found that participation contributed to an increasein collective self-esteem. Again, although the sample included diverse highschool students from an urban public school, it did not include any SamoanAmerican students.

Results of recent quantitative and qualitative research on Samoan highschool students have revealed a cultural focus on unity, in which Samoanfamilies and communities feel interconnected through a shared culturalidentity (e.g., Borrero etal., 2010). Because of this cultural emphasis on col-lective worth, we investigated the predictive value of collective self-esteem onSamoan students' depression.

The purpose of the current study was to investigate Samoan middle andhigh school students' perceptions of family conflict and collective self-esteemas predictors of mental health. Although previous research focused oneducational outcomes and experiences of Samoan youth (Stewart, 2005),the potential contributors to depression in low-income Samoan middleand high school students remain unexamined. We sought to expand the

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current empirical school health research on ethnic minority students byincluding an underrepresented, yet growing group, especially in urbanpublic schools. This is one of the few studies focusing on family and culturalpredictors of mental health in this important adolescent community. It isour hope that our work will provide much needed direction for school-based counseling services and interventions (Hoganbruen, Clauss-Ehlers,& Nelson, 2002), especially with Pacific Islander youth (Sandhu, 1997;Yeh, Borrero, & Shea, 2011).

PARTICIPANTS

The sample included 128 students from six urban public middle and highschools in San Francisco, California. There were 68 (53.1%) male and 60(46.9%) female students who had a mean age of 15.15 years (range 11-20years, SD = 1.8 years). In terms of grade level, there were 15 (11.7%), 28(21.8%), 22 (17.2%), 17 (13.3%), 17 (13.3%), and 29 (22.7%) students inGrades 7 through 12, respectively. We also inquired about generation leveland found that 15 (11.7%) students were first generation (born in Samoaor American Samoa), 50 (39.1%) were second generation (born in theUnited States, parents born in Samoa/American Samoa), 27 (21.1%) were2.5 generation (one parent born in the United States and one in Samoa/American Samoa), and 29 (22.7%) were third generation (both parentsborn in the United States). Two students did not report their generationlevel, and five students listed their generation level as "other."

INSTRUMENTS

Demographic information. The demographic form inquired about age,gender, grade level, generation level, language use, and cultural back-ground.

Family conflict. The Family Conflict Scale-Likelihood (Lee, Choe, Kim, &Ngo, 2000) is a 10-item scale used to measure the intergenerational familyconflict between Asian American children and their parents. We adaptedone sentence of the scale so the term Samoan Americans 2LS opposed to AsianAmericans was used in the initial introduction. Each item is rated for itslikelihood of occurrence using a 5-point rating system (1 = almost never to5 = almost always). A sample item is 'Your parents tell you what to do withyour life, but you want to make your own decisions." Higher scores indicategreater likelihood of family conflict. This scale has demonstrated conver-gent validity with acculturative stress and the child's and parent's level ofacculturation (Lee et al., 2000; Lee & Liu, 2001). The alpha coefficient in

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previous research with Asian American/Pacific Islander students rangedfrom .81 to .91 (Lee &: Liu, 2001; Tsai-Chae & Nagata, 2008). The coefficientalpha for the current study was .84.

Collective self-esteem. Collective self-esteem was assessed using the total scoreof the Collective Self-Esteem Scale Revised (CSES-R; Luhtanen & Crocker,1992), a 16-item scale that measures the empathie aspects of collective orsocial identity by assessing how self-esteem is related to group membership.The questions were all reworded so they pertained to students' feelingsabout being part of the Samoan cultural group. The items are anchored ona 6-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree). Scoresare achieved by summing responses to the subscales or all of the scale items.The CSES-R is composed of four subscales of collective self-esteem: Member-ship, Private, Public, and Identity. The scale replaced the term cultural groupwith Samoan cultural group. A sample item includes "I am a worthy memberof the Samoan cultural group." We were interested in the students' overallfeelings of cultural worth, so we used the total score ofthe CSES. Concur-rent validity was established with moderate correlations between the CSES-Rand the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965), which measurespersonal self-esteem. Previous research has demonstrated strong reliabilitycoefficients (Lam, 2008; Yeh, 2002). The alpha for the total score in thecurrent study was .83.

Depression. Depression was measured using the Depression subscale of theBrief Symptom Inventoiy (BSI; Derogatis & Melisaratos, 1983). The BriefSymptom Inventory 18 (BSI-18) is an 18-item self-report inventory designedto screen for symptoms of psychological distress and psychiatric disorder. It isan abbreviated version ofthe 53-item BSI. The BSI-18 assesses three symptomdimensions (Somatization, Depression, and Anxiety) and a Clobal SeverityIndex. Because of our primary interest in depression, only the scores from theDepression subscale were used in the study. Participants are asked to rate theirlevel of distress over the past week on a 5-point scale of distress (0 = not at allto 4 = extremely). The Depression subscale asks participants to rate the follow-ing symptoms: "Feeling no interest in things," "Feeling lonely," "Feeling blue,""Feelings of worthlessness," "Feeling hopeless about the future," and "Thoughtsof ending your life." Previous research has indicated that the BSI has strongreliability coefficients ranging from .70 to .88 (Broday & Mason, 1991). Thealpha for the current study was .79.

LANGUAGE OF SURVEYS

The surveys were given in English because all of the participants were flu-ent in English. American Samoa has been recognized as a U.S. territorysince 1911, so participants from American Samoa are taught English inschool. Western Samoa, also known as the Independent State of Samoa,

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is an independent country, but the students still learn English as well asSamoan in school.

PROCEDURE

The study received full institutional review board approval prior to recruit-ment of participants. Students were administered survey packets at an urbancommunity-based center that provided after-school programs, tutoring, andschool-based case management and programming for Samoan students. Weexplained consent procedures to students and gave instructions in English.Parent or guardian consent was completed for students who were minors.The survey took about 20 minutes to complete, and the students received $10compensation for their participation. The order of the surveys varied acrosspackets to decrease ordering effects.

POWER ANALYSIS

We conducted a power analysis using GPower 3.1.2 (Erdfelder, Faul, &Buchner, 1996) to approximate the sample size. The power analysis wasset at .95, an alpha level of .05, and a medium effect size (i.e., .15). Theresults indicated a sample size of 107 is needed for a medium effect size.Our sample size of 128 is likely to detect an effect with a medium effectsize and a power of .95.

DATA ANALYSIS

We conducted data analysis using SPSS 19.0. Regression analyses wereconducted under the assumption of multivariate normality of the depen-dent variable and all predictor variables. We assessed our data to examinenormality, linearity, and homoscedasticity (Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken,2003; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Our regression analyses revealed thatthere was no violation of the assumption of residual normality, linearity,and homoscedasticity. In addition, preliminary multivariate analyses ofvariance revealed no main effect of the demographic variables (gender,age, generation level, and grade level) on the variables of interest (familyconflict, collective self-esteem, and BSI-Depression), so no further post hocanalyses of variance were performed.

rp Sil Its

The means, standard deviations, and correlations of the main variables areprovided in Table 1. Depression was significantly correlated with family con-flict and collective self-esteem. Specifically, there was a significant negative

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TABLE 1

Correlation Matrix for Main Variables of the Study

Variable

1. Depression2. Family conflict3. Collective self-esteem

a

.79

.84

.83

M

4.953.015.33

SD

5.340.780.92

Range

0-221-51-7

1 2

.23*

3

-.27**.01

Note. N= 128. Depression score is sum of Brief Symptom Inventory-Depression items.*p< .05. **p< .01.

correlation between depression and collective self-esteem (r = -.27, p< .01)and a positive correlation with family conflict (r= .23, p < .05). There wasno significant correlation between family conflict and collective self-esteem.

Next, we conducted a simultaneous regression analysis to investigate thestrength of the relationships between the predictor variables and the crite-rion variable. Our hypothesis stated that collective self-esteem and familyconflict would significantly predict depression in the expected directions.The independent variables were entered into a simultaneous regressionmodel predicting depression (see Table 2). The results indicate that themodel was significant, F{2, 125) = 8.88, /7< .001, and accounted for 13% ofthe variance in depression (adjusted /? = .12). Collective self-esteem andfamily conflict were each found to be significant and unique predictors ofdepression.

disnission

The results of this study provide useful information on family and culturalpredictors of depression in a sample of Samoan American middle and highschool students in several urban public schools in low-income settings. Spe-cifically, we found that family conflict and collective self-esteem significantlypredict depression in the expected directions. This suggests that (a) higherlevels of family conflict are significantly associated with higher levels of depres-sion and (b) higher levels of collective self-esteem are significantly associatedwith lower levels of depression.

TABLE 2

Simultaneous

VariableFamily conflictCollective self-esteem

Regression for Variables

B1.6

-1.6

Predicting

SEB ß.58 .24*.49 -.27*

Depression

.13 .12

Noie. N=128." p < .01.

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These findings are consistent with previous research demonstrating theimportant and significant connection between family intergenerationalconñict and psychological symptoms (such as depression) in Asian immi-grant and Asian American samples (Cho & Bae, 2005; Lee & Liu, 2001) aswell as low-income White American, African American, Mexican American,Native American, Asian American, and multiracial youth (Eormoso et al.,2000). The current study also supports previous research that has shownthat higher collective self-esteem is related to lower levels of depression(Lam, 2007, 2008).Although many samples from previous research were from low-income,

diverse public high schools, they did not include any Pacific Islanders, whichspeaks to the importance of having a Samoan sample of low-income highschool students. Our study represents one of the first to examine depressionin this understudied, yet growing population in urban schools (Borrero etal., 2010; Stewart, 2005). Our research also illuminates the importance offamilial and cultural factors in students' mental health.

The results of our study reveal that family conflict is significantly associ-ated with depression. This finding extends previous research indicatingthat Samoan students often experience family problems when the pressuresof having an academic identity compete with family and cultural obliga-tions (Borrero et al., 2010). In Borrero et al.'s (2010) work, Samoan highschool students reported a lack of support from teachers and school stafffor important cultural activities and responsibilities. This lack of supportmay cause Samoan students to feel depressed because they feel alienatedby important social systems and feel stuck between their educational worldand their cultural world.

Similarly, our regression analyses determined that collective self-esteemnegatively predicted depression. When Samoan students have negativefeelings about their cultural worth, they feel more depressed. This findingmay also relate to Borrero et al.'s (2010) qualitative research on Samoanhigh school students that found the students did not feel their culturewas valued or appreciated in the school context, and they experiencedmany negative stereotypes about Samoans. Stereotypes describing Samoanstudents as "dumb," "unmotivated," and "nonacademic" contribute tofeelings of low cultural self-esteem among the students. Samoan studentsmay not feel they have control over these experiences with discriminationand may not have the coping strategies to deal with subsequent feelingsof depression. In addition, these students reported that they did not feeltheir culture was represented in any of the school curriculum, teachingstrategies, or school programs and activities. This cultural oversight in theschool context may further add to the students' feelings of low culturalworth and depression.

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LIMITATIONS

Our study's results should be considered in the contextof a few limitations.First, the sample included Samoan American students in seventh through12th grades from urban public schools in San Francisco, so generahzingthe findings to other ethnic minority youth (or Samoan Americans) whomay vary in terms of geographic location, ethnicity, school setting, andgrade level is cautioned. Our study is also limited by the self-report natureof the surveys, which may be subject to social desirability and inaccuratereporting of symptoms. We also did not include a measure of acculturation,which would have provided much more specific information on the impactof cultural adjustment and negotiations on family conflict and psychologi-cal concerns. Future studies should include an investigation of the role ofacculturation as well as comparisons across different marginalized studentgroups, grade levels, and school sites. Additional studies may also incor-porate more dependent variables that tap into other issues that affect theSamoan community, such as healthy eating, obesity, academic achievement,violence, and living in poverty.

The results from this study confirm that family conflict and collective self-esteem are both significant predictors of depression in a sample of middle andhigh school Samoan American students. Future research could focus on usingmixed-methods and multi-informant data to understand additional factorscontributing to Samoan American school mental health. In addition, thereare many factors, such as hope, optimism, and self-esteem, that may have animpact on the psychological well-being of ethnic minority, low-income youth(Vacek, Coyle, & Vera, 2010).

IMPLICATIONS FOR SCHOOL COUNSELING

The results of this study underscore how Samoan students' depression maybe influenced by family conflict as well as their feelings of cultural worth.Because schools may be places where students experience a disconnect be-tween their family and cultural lives (Borrero et al., 2010; Kumashiro, 2000;Nieto, 2002), school personnel (counselors, teachers, administrators, etc.)must acknowledge their responsibility to focus on both academic and socio-cultural outcomes to promote students' self-esteem. Furthermore, schoolsmust develop partnerships to create site- and community-based programsthat focus on students' mental health and the role that school climate has onstudents' depression (Hoganbruen et al., 2002). For example, school-basedprograms can consider ways to integrate Samoan cultural values such as unity,respect, and collectivism into their interventions, activities, curriculum, andpedagogical philosophy (e.g., Camangian, 2010). Moreover, counseling pro-grams may try to help students more effectively negotiate school, home, and

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community obligations as part of the learning and development process forstudents (Borrero & Yeh, 2010).

Addressing important cultural issues facing students is an obligation forschools as well as for communities (Irwin, Irwin, Miller, Somes, & Richey,2010). This goal requires active engagement by all constituencies—students,parents, teachers, counselors, school administrators (Swahn, Bossarte,West, & Topalli, 2010), and Samoan community members—to reduce thetriggers for family conflict and negative cultural self-esteem. Such a col-laboration with the Samoan community may help to identify priorities inthe development and implementation of school- and community-basedprevention and intervention programs for Samoan mental health and posi-tive social and academic development. This ecological and socioculturalapproach also fosters resilience and positive coping strategies in schools(Clauss-Ehlers, 2008; Clauss-Ehlers & Levi, 2002) as well as communityagencies and centers.

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