fascism is a set of ideologies and practices that seeks to place the nation

8/12/2019 Fascism is a Set of Ideologies and Practices That Seeks to Place the Nation

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INTRODUCTION

Fascism stands for a doctrine. ideology or a set of principles underlying the

movement founded in Italy by Benito Mussolini (1883-1945)and his followers in

1919. For this purpose, he combined his fascie of workers, that is small groups

organized to bring about revolutionary changes in the political structure of Italy.

into the Famine. The word forci. from which the term fascism is derived, denotes

the bundle of rods bound with a red cord round an axe helve which was borne

before the Roman consuls by the Lectors (attendants of magistrates) as the symbol

of public power. The word Fascisd denoted the movement as well as the party

founded to achieve the goals of fascism. In fact. Italian fascism came to have some

well. defined goals, defined and declared by its leaderMussolini himself. It also

evolved or embraced certain principles: a variety of unrelated principles woven

into an incoherent whole. designed to meet political exigencies. That is why

fascism never developed intoa coherent political philosophy. Itonly developed into

a movement which achieved temporary success in Italy. It was partly adopted by

Adolf Hider (1889-1945)and the Nazis in Germany. Franco (1892-1975) and the

Falangists in Spain. and had a marginal following in Britain. France and other

European countries. Some writer, try to find ha paranoia in Asia, particularly in

Japan. and in some Latin American countries, particularly in Argentina. Of the

three mainstreams of political thoughtLiberalism. Marxism and kkalism

fascism is openly opposed to liberalism and Marxism. It is wedded to the idealist

theory. but only to its distorted form. Fascism embraced some theoretical

principles only to win the political support of some groups, especially to mobilize a

large number of frustrated elements in society. Since these heterogeneous groups

had no common interest. no common ideal and no common values, fascism could

never evoke a consistent political theory. It never became a part of the mainstream


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of polhical theory. The students of political theory look to fascism not for guidance

in sorting out theoretical issues, but for understanding 'political pathology': that is

to understand how an adventurous leader likeMussolini or a fanatic leader like

Ilida can play upon and exploit the sentimentsofdifferent categories of people

under abnormal circumstances, and mobilize them for achieving certain goals

which they would not approve of under normal mental and social conditions.

Sociologists and social psychologists have found rich material for study in the

abnormal conditions of society which gave rise to the emergence of fascism. In

politics, fascism is identified with a sick mental altitude which sets aside reason as

well as sound moral and social principles for the fulfilment of ambitions of narrow

groups. Fascist tendencies pose a danger to peace and freedom in the world. The

world facist is term of abuse in present day vocabulary.


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MEANING AND DEFINITIONS

Fascism like communism is a totalitarian ideology of communism was the girs

major twentieth century totalitarian revolt against the western way of life fascism

was the second. As opposed to communism it was an anti reflationary and winter

revolutionary form of totalitarianism.

The term fascism is derived from the word fescio which means a bundle of rods

symbolizing discipline, unity and strength.during the first world war it meant all

those who bound themselves together to live or die for the good of Italy. Fascism

according to Murio einaudi is used primarily to identify the political system by

which Italy was ruled from 1922 to 1945. In Europe Italy (1922) was the first to go

fasist followed by Germany (1933). In asia japan went fasist in the 1930 and in

South America, Argetina come under the fasist dictatorship of general person

1943.

J. S. Burnes in his book the universal aspects of fascism writes fascism may be

defined primarly as polital and social movement having as its object, the

establishment of a political and social order based upon the main of traditions that

have formed our European civierations, tradtions created by Rome, first by empire

and subsequently by catholoic church conversely fascism may be described as the

reputation of that individual mentality that found expression first in


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Fascism is a set of ideologies and practices that seeks to place the nation, defined

in exclusive biological, cultural, and / or historical terms, above all other sources of

loyalty, and to create a mobilized national community. Fascist hostility to

socialism and feminism, for they are seen as prioritizing class or gender rather than

nation. This is why fascism is a movement of the extreme right. Fascism is also a

movement of the radical right because the defeat of socialism and feminism and

the creation of the mobilized nation are held to depend upon the advent to power of

a new elite acting in the name of the people, headed by a charismatic leader, and

embodied in a mass, militarized party. Fascists are pushed towards conservatism

by common hatred of socialism and feminism, but are prepared to override

conservative interests - family, property, religious, the universities, the civil service

- where the interests of the nation are considered to require it. Fascist radicalism

also derives from a desire to assuage discontent by accepting specific demands of

the labour and women's movements, so long as these demands accord with the

national priority. Fascists seek to ensure the harmonization of workers' and

women's' interests with those of the nation by mobilizing them within special

sections of the party and / or within a corporate system. Access to these

organizations and to the benefits they confer upon members depends on the

individual's national, political, and / or racial characteristics. All aspects of fascist

policy are suffused with ultra nationalism.


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GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF FASCISM

The development of Fascism chiefly took place during the period between the two

world wars (1919-39) in Italy and Germany. It also had some parallel in Japan so

that the three countriesGermany. Italy and Japaneventually formed the

'Berlin4lonte-Tokyo Axis' and were the chief enemies of the Allied Powers during

the Second World War (1939-45). In fact, the Second World War was fought to

defeat fascism. Fascism was strongly opposed to democracy (if not to capitalism)

as well as to communism. That is why the capitalists and the communists joined

together to defeat it.

William Ebenstein in his Todayk Isms (1980) observes: Stripped to its essentials,

fascism is the totalitarian organization of government and society by a single-pany

dictatorship, intensely nationalist. racist. militarist, and imperialist. In Europe. Italy

was the first to go fascist in 1922. and Germany followed in 1933. In Asia. Japan

became fascist in the 1930s, gradually evolving totalitarian institutions out of its

own native heritage.

Its chief variantsItalian Fascism and German National Socialism (Nazism)

arose under somewhat different circumstances but they had many parallels in

theory and practice. R.M. Maclver, in his Web olGovernment (1965), significantly

observes:

Both succeeded in enlisting diverse groups and classes to a programme of

expansionist aggression. finding common ground in the respective treatment meted

out to them in the Treaty of Versaillesthough one was chafing in defeat and the

other discontented with the rewards of victory.... In both instances a disoriented

smalMsourgeois group, in a time of social upheaval and economic trouble, found a


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leader who was master of the mass appeal. The preceding war had inculcated

habits of blind obedience to the command of the superior but the authority behind

the command had been discredited. Mcn were groping for a new myth of authority.

They were susceptible to the gospel of new demagogues.

It is significant that both Italy and Germany had lagged behind other countries of

Europe. e.g. France and Great Britain. in their way to national unification. Their

geographical position had prevented them from attaining the status of world

powers. Their societies were still in transition: the power was passing from a

reactionary aristocracy to the emerging bourgeoisie (the capitalist class), but a

strong working class was simultaneously rising and raising its claim to power.

Roth countries cherished a deep pride in their past cultural distinctions and felt

bitterness over less great countries rising to the status of world powers. ignoring

their claims. After the First World War(1914I8). many Italians strongly felt that

they had been cheated in the matter of distribution of the spoils of victory while the

Germans were indignant over the back-breaking war reparations imposed on them

by their victors. In short. both Italy and Germany were in the grip of crisis and

abnormal circumstances which were responsible for their similar development. To

know the development process of fascisk in detail, we need to look their historical

background.


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THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

the fascist movement began in the critical period following of the first world war

when chaotic conditions created formidable difficulties of any government. The

fasicist ideas are an interral part of the Italian german matrix. Both Italy and

Germany exhibited, in an exaggerated degree the characteristic feature


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benito mussolini started his career as a left wing journalist who later formed as a

political agitator


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JAPANESE FASCISM

In 1930 japan was as a first country to be a fascist state. The 1930s were the most

eventful and turbulent decade in Japanese history since the 1860s, Its early years

witnessed the assassination or fatal wounding of two prime ministers, the murder

of two other prominent public figures, the plotting of two abortive military coups,

and the ending of governments headed by party politicians. In foreign policy there

was a decisive rejection of international co-operation as the Japanese army

engineered the seizure of Manchuria and Japan withdrew from the League of

Nations. In 1936 radical discontent among young army officers burst forth

dramatically in the February 26th Incident, an attempted coup in which more

establishment leaders were killed. This marked the peak of violence, but when

Japan stumbled into war with China in 1937, the trend towards totalitarianism

quickened pace. Trade unions were suppressed, with an Industrial Association for

Service to Country taking their place, while in 1940 the political parties were

dissolved to make way for the Imperial Rule Assistance Association. As Japan

entered into alliance with Germany and Italy in 1940 and then slid towards warwith America and Britain, there were, unsurprisingly, no open voices of dissent.

Japanese fascism' is to examine the parallels and differences which existed

between Japan and Italy and Germany. Before doing so, however, the extent of

direct influence or imitation needs to be considered. In 1932 Yoshino Sakuzo, in an

article entitled 'Fascism in Japan', pointed to the 'feeling among the Japanese that if

democracy is not quite good enough for those who invented it, then Japan, who has

always slightly mistrusted it, has no particular reason for keeping it going'.

Although Germany and Italy had little direct influence on Japan, Japan's economic

and social situation in the early 1930s was rather closer to those of Italy and


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Germany than was Spain's or Rumania's or Hungary's. Not only had Japanese

industry far surpassed agriculture in value of output, but the post-war decade had

also been a period of dislocation and relative stagnation. Moreover, unemployment

rose to unprecedented heights between 1929 and 1932, and the peasantry were

reduced to desperation as agricultural prices plummeted. But although

dissatisfaction with government policies and political and economic institutions

was rife.

Even more than her economic and social situation, Japan's international position

had much in common with Italy's and Germany's. She too felt aggrieved at her

treatment at the Versailles peace conference (and at the Washington naval

limitation conference of 1921-22) and could consider herself a 'have-not' nation.

Concern about international status led to concern about internal conflict and

division, for one of the lessons of the First World War was the importance of

national solidarity. As early as 1917 Major Koiso Kuniaki produced a report

calling for the preparation, during peacetime, of a war economy, supported by

reform of the organisation of enterprise and finance, harmonisation of labour and

capital, and improvements in educational facilities and social policy. This approach

was shared by other officers and by the more radical civilian nationalists. When, in

the 1930s, Japan's foreign relations deteriorated, hostility towards vested interests

which seemed to impede national strengthening grew more intense and more

widespread. Japan like one turns to ideology, other similarities are immediately

obvious.

Nevertheless, 'military fascism' is a limiting expression which conveys only part of

the character of the 1930s. Though less precise, 'Japanese fascism' may be

preferable in that it draws attention to the similarities of anti-communism, anti-

liberalism, ambivalence towards capitalism, emphasis on national community, and


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aggressive and ambitious foreign policy, which Japan shared with Germany and

Italy. It is, as some have argued, true that these attributes are all to be found in the

Japanese nationalism of earlier decades, but they were never so dominant nor

pursued so intensely. Nor were Western ideas and values rejected as they were in

the 1930s.

A case then exists for 'Japanese fascism'. However, as with most labels, there is a

danger of its distorting historians' perspectives. It has, for example, tended to

obscure the fact that, in 1936-37, following Japan's economic recovery, political

parties and the zaibatsu began to reassert themselves against the army and the

bureaucracy, until the outbreak of the China Incident again created a war

atmosphere. Moreover, it also suggests that Japan was more totalitarian than was

actually the case, Who, for instance, would suspect that more candidates stood in

1942, in wartime, than in any of the pre-war elections? Because it is easy to cite

such divergences from the pattern suggested by European fascist experience,

'Japanese fascism' is likely to remain a disputed term.

As Vagts noted in 1937, Japan had the most political army in the world. It was the

army which produced the 1934 pamphlet which began with the Mussolini-style

declaration, 'War is the father of creation and the mother of culture'. From 1910 it

had attempted to spread its ideas among the population, especially in the villages,

through its reservists' and young men's organisations, and in the 1930s this paid

dividends. In so far as the army was the dynamic force which drove Japan towards

its New Order in East Asia, it is easy to understand why some Japanese historians

write of 'gun-fuashizumu' (military fascism).

Another parallel between Japan, Germany and Italy can be found in the discontent

of lower middle-class elements and the frustration and dissatisfaction of the young.


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The expansion of the zaibatsu the huge financial/industrial combines had

adversely affected many small enterprises, while in Tokyo the growth of

department stores cut the sales of ordinary retailers by over a third between 1922

and 1932. The resentment and frustration of small businessmen were reflected not

only in the increasing public criticism of zaibatsu, but also in the formation of new

political parties with such names as All-Japan Commerce and Industry Party, or

Association of Friends of Commerce and Industry. It seems likely that such

elements were also an important component of the hundreds of nationalist societies

which sprang up in the 1930s, together with primary school teachers, petty

officials, Buddhist and Shinto priests, and small landowners. The social problem

most commented on by contemporary newspapers, however, was that of the 'interi-

lumpen' (intelligentsia-lumpen-proletariat). The number of university and college

graduates had risen from 9,208 in 1925 to 22,959 in 1929, but their chances of

employment diminished. In 1931some students still turned to the left wing and

other went to right-wing. This is what fascism in Japan.


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Another parallel between Japan, Germany and Italy can be found in the discontent

of lower middle-class elements and the frustration and dissatisfaction of the young.

The expansion of the zaibatsu the huge financial/industrial combines had

adversely affected many small enterprises, while in Tokyo the growth of

department stores cut the sales of ordinary retailers by over a third between 1922

and 1932. The resentment and frustration of small businessmen were reflected not

only in the increasing public criticism of zaibatsu, but also in the formation of new

political parties with such names as All-Japan Commerce and Industry Party, or

Association of Friends of Commerce and Industry. It seems likely that such

elements were also an important component of the hundreds of nationalist societies

which sprang up in the 1930s, together with primary school teachers, petty

officials, Buddhist and Shinto priests, and small landowners. The social problem

most commented on by contemporary newspapers, however, was that of the 'interi-

lumpen' (intelligentsia-lumpen-proletariat). The number of university and college

graduates had risen from 9,208 in 1925 to 22,959 in 1929, but their chances of

employment diminished in the same period from 66.6 per cent to 50.2 per cent,

further slumping to 37 per cent in 1931. Although most radical students still turned

to the left, the number of right-wing


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German national socialism

in 1923 hittler was arrested after the unsuccessual beer hall dutsch and he wrote

mein kampf while in prison. after his release he reorganised


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FASCISM IN LATIN AMERICA

Recourse to dictatorship was frequent in Latin America, and some regimes

admired fascism and copied some of its features. Yet they never adopted all of

them, and actually resembled the Italian Nationalist Association more than

Mussolini's movement. Fascism rarely flourished in Latin America because levels

of political mobilization in the poor societies of Latin America were very low.

Neither had Latin America experienced anything like the Great War and its

consequent brutalization and militarization of politics. Latin American

governments, moreover, could with army backing easily suppress any kind of

popular opposition, fascist included. In any case, there was no left to speak of. The

very familiarity of dictatorship meant that a potential Mussolini would have

struggled to distinguish himself from the run-of-the-mill macho military ruler and

acquire the aura of a saviour. Brazil was something of an exception. Gendio

Varga's overthrow of the oligarchic 'Old Republic' in 1930 occurred at a time of

crisis caused by the collapse of prices for coffee. Brazil's main source of income

The ensuing economic and social dislocation ushered in a period of polarization

between communists and the fascistic Integralists The latter. with at least 200.000

members. rejected traditional Brazilian liberalism in favour of nationalism.

antisemitism. and anticornmimism. They sought to weld the country's diverse

ohnicities into a Brazilian race defined in historical and cultural terms. They

wanted to replace a system based on patronage with one of loyalty to nation and

regime. They anticipated the dream of the mobilized nation In the usual fascist

rituals, salutes, and shirts (green in this case). I.ike fascists in Romania and

Hungary. the Integralists came into conflict with an increasingly dictatorial regime.

In 1937 Varga established a frankly authoritarian 'New State. in alliance with the

coffee-planter disc and urban middle classes. The Imegralins were dissolved They


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had been unable to establish a party broad enough to compete with Varga's

manipulation of patronage Neither were they able to match the Eastern European

fascists' appeal to the rural poor, who remained in thrall to ',hinters. The one Latin

Amnican regime that has sometimes been coons:Rad fascist is the Peron

dictatorship in Argentina. The counuy was more advanced than most Latin

American states, and had a long tradition of radical rightism, which owed

something to the conservative Catholic nationalism of Prance and Spain. Juan

Domingo Pato began as labour minister in the military regime of General Jose

Utibumanother of the dictatorships that admired Mussolini and Hideo In 1943,

in a bid to provide the Uribum regime, which didn't have the unanimous support of

the wealthy, with popular support. Peri* turned to the trade unions. He negotiated a

deal, according to which the government implemented trade union demands

concerning welfare and income redistribution, while the unions backed Perdn's bid

foe international pro-eminence This combination of nationalism and socialism,

together with Pekin's admiration for Mussolini. and the attempt to organize a single

party. has led many to view this unusual regime as fascist Yet the fact that Peron

had not come to power at the head ofa mass pasty meant that one finds none of the

attempted undermining of the existing slate structures that was so characteristic of

fascism. The Perdnist regime also left room for opposition it was neither

totalitarian nor fascist.


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THEMES OF FASCISM

1. Powerful and continuing expressions of nationali sm

From the prominent displays of flags and bunting to the ubiquitous lapel pins, the

fervor to show patriotic nationalism, both on the part of the regime itself and of

citizens caught up in its frenzy, was always obvious. Catchy slogans, pride in the

military, and demands for unity were common themes in expressing this

nationalism. It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that often

bordered on xenophobia.

2. Disdain for the importance of human r ights

The regimes themselves viewed human rights as of little value and a hindrance to

realizing the objectives of the ruling elite. Through clever use of propaganda, the

population was brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing,

even demonizing, those being targeted. When abuse was egregious, the tactic was

to use secrecy, denial, and disinformation.

3. I denti f ication of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause

The most significant common thread among these regimes was the use of

scapegoating as a means to divert the peoples attention from other problems, to

shift blame for failures, and to channel frustration in controlled directions. The

methods of choicerelentless propaganda and disinformationwere usually

effective. Often the regimes would incite spontaneous acts against the target

scapegoats, usually communists, socialists, liberals, Jews, ethnic and racial

minorities, traditional national enemies, members of other religions, secularists,


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homosexuals, and terrorists. Active opponents of these regimes were inevitably

labeled as terrorists and dealt with accordingly.

4. The supremacy of the mi li tary/avid mi li tari sm

Ruling elites always identified closely with the military and the industrial

infrastructure that supported it. A disproportionate share of national resources was

allocated to the military, even when domestic needs were acute. The military was

seen as an expression of nationalism, and was used whenever possible to assert

national goals, intimidate other nations, and increase the power and prestige of the

ruling elite.

5. Rampant sexi sm

Beyond the simple fact that the political elite and the national culture were male-

dominated, these regimes inevitably viewed women as second-class citizens. They

were adamantly anti-abortion and also homophobic. These attitudes were usually

codified in Draconian laws that enjoyed strong support by the orthodox religion of

the country, thus lending the regime cover for its abuses.

6. A controll ed mass media

Under some of the regimes, the mass media were under strict direct control and

could be relied upon never to stray from the party line. Other regimes exercised

more subtle power to ensure media orthodoxy. Methods included the control of

licensing and access to resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, and

implied threats. The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible

with the power elite. The result was usually success in keeping the general public

unaware of the regimes excesses.


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7. Obsession wi th national secur ity

Inevitably, a national security apparatus was under direct control of the ruling

elite. It was usually an instrument of oppression, operating in secret and beyond

any constraints. Its actions were justified under the rubric of protecting national

security, and questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or even

treasonous.

8. Religion and rul ing eli te tied together

Unlike communist regimes, the fascist and protofascist regimes were never

proclaimed as godless by their opponents. In fact, most of the regimes attached

themselves to the predominant religion of the country and chose to portray

themselves as militant defenders of that religion. The fact that the ruling elite s

behavior was incompatible with the precepts of the religion was generally swept

under the rug. Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites were defenders

of the faith and opponents of the godless. A perception was manufactured that

opposing the power elite was tantamount to an attack on religion.

9. Power of corporations protected

Although the personal life of ordinary citizens was under strict control, the ability

of large corporations to operate in relative freedom was not compromised. The

ruling elite saw the corporate structure as a way to not only ensure military

production (in developed states), but also as an additional means of social control.Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to ensure

a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of have-not

citizens.


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10. Power of labor suppressed or eliminated

Since organized labor was seen as the one power center that could challenge the

political hegemony of the ruling elite and its corporate allies, it was inevitably

crushed or made powerless. The poor formed an underclass, viewed with suspicion

or outright contempt. Under some regimes, being poor was considered akin to a

vice.

11. Disdain and suppression of in tel lectuals and the arts

Intellectuals and the inherent freedom of ideas and expression associated with them

were anathema to these regimes. Intellectual and academic freedom were

considered subversive to national security and the patriotic ideal. Universities were

tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. Unorthodox

ideas or expressions of dissent were strongly attacked, silenced, or crushed. To

these regimes, art and literature should serve the national interest or they had no

right to exist.

12. Obsession with cr ime and punishment

Most of these regimes maintained Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge

prison populations. The police were often glorified and had almost unchecked

power, leading to rampant abuse. Normal and political crime were often merged

into trumped-up criminal charges and sometimes used against political opponents

of the regime. Fear, and hatred, of criminals or traitors was often promoted

among the population as an excuse for more police power.


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13. Rampant cronyism and corr uption

Those in business circles and close to the power elite often used their position to

enrich themselves. This corruption worked both ways; the power elite would

receive financial gifts and property from the economic elite, who in turn would

gain the benefit of government favoritism. Members of the power elite were in a

position to obtain vast wealth from other sources as well: for example, by stealing

national resources. With the national security apparatus under control and the

media muzzled, this corruption was largely unconstrained and not well understood

by the general population.

14. Fraudulent elections

Elections in the form of plebiscites or public opinion polls were usually bogus.

When actual elections with candidates were held, they would usually be perverted

by the power elite to get the desired result. Common methods included maintaining

control of the election machinery, intimidating and disenfranchising opposition

voters, destroying or disallowing legal votes, and, as a last resort, turning to a

judiciary beholden to the power elite.


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THE PROBLEM OF FASCISM

The time1930s, when it was widely assumed that there were only two viable

ideological positions: communism or fascism. Liberalism of the old school was

considered to be a failure, and not even worth considering. In the name of

anticommunism, and lacking a full faith in the workings of freedom, many weak-

willed old liberals turned to fascism as a viable alternative.

This was not a choice outside the mainstream: Professor Mussolinis writings

appeared in scholarly venues in English and were the subject of glowing articles in

the New York Times and other publications. In US politics, many intellectuals andjournalists had already bought into the view that society needed to be planned by a

strong man, and FDR took up the role.

In the early 1930s, it was not obvious to everyone that Hitler was an intolerable

evil rather than a belligerent presence that needed to be restrained and perhaps

even flattered for his interest in national planning. Thus it was John Maynard

Keynes himself who wrote the introduction to the 1935 German edition of his

treatise, and suggested that the total state that the National Socialists were then

building was perfectly suited for the implementation of his investment schemes.

Not all people have the same degree of opportunity cost since all people have

different ideologies and different things to loose (a suicidal person with nothing

has less to loose in a crime than a life loving rich person)

Opportunity cost and benefit are more complex than just a decision on a single

issue. Sometimes, even with that principal guiding one's self, a person doesn't

always make the best decisions. An example would be a lazy person: the lazy

person may see more of a value in being rich than lazy but stays lazy since they


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perceive that each action that leads to being rich has a higher cost than each

alternative decision which keeps them lazy. Also they may see it as the chance of

being successful is uncertain same with the benefits but the benefits of being lazy

are seen and knows. The last reason may be that the person knows less about

success and therefore avoids that which they don't understand. Because of such

things as this, fascist see that opportunity cost and benefit, although effective in

low level decisions (sit or get up), can't possibly be the best system for higher up

decisions(be lazy or get rich) because of the more powerful lower level decisions

that have little to do, with regard to objectives, with the higher level decisions.

Not everyone is intelligent enough to see the opportunity cost and benefit of their

actions and/or people may not process the outcomes of actions before doing them.

An example: a person that doesn't understand the need for oxygen may

accidentally kill someone else through suffocation or a person may make a snap

decision which leads to the death of another person since the decision was made

without adequate reasoning.

As regards foreign policy, what began as expedience has turned, over time, into a

full-blown program. Militarism, of course, is an old standby, useful for example

during the Cold War to keep the masses distracted from noticing what was

happening to their liberty. What makes it different today is how it is united to an

overarching ideology, a distinctly right-wing form of central planning, which takes

careful thought to understand.

The ideology of the regime is nationalist and culturally conservative. It is

consistently antileftist in the sense that it rejects egalitarianism, cultural toleration,

free speech, and overt appeals to socialist envy. It is religious and Christian in

rhetoric. It makes an appeal for family, country, patriotism, and traditional


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American values. It is ostensibly pro-business. It is anti-intellectual. It backs

middle-class welfare to the hilt.

Behind the rhetoric you find the iron fist of the state, forcing conformism and

regimentation. We have a kind of cult of personality too, in which the public is led

to believe through hints and nudges that the leader has a direct line to God.

The confluence of these ideological factors and their success in appealing to the

middle class can only prompt us to look at history to find its predecessors. Where

do we find central planning, warmongering, and justifications for cracking skulls

on a global scale? The 20th century offers many examples of dictatorial antileftregimes. It is not a stretch to call these fascist.

Just as socialism is different in every country, so too is fascism. We dont see the

appeal to racial solidarity of the Nazis at work here. The Italian and Spanish cases

of interwar right-wing dictatorship come to mind, but there are differences there

too. In the case of Chile or pre-Castro Cuba, you had business working with

government to monopolize the economy.

So while our case borrows from all of these, it is its own unique variety of fascism:

evangelical Christianity and a global crusade, with anti-leftist but pro-statist

policies that show complete contempt for individual liberty at home and abroad.

How did conservative intellectuals and activists go from hating big government in

the 1990s to loving it and celebrating it today? There is a bad seed in the ideologyof American conservatism that spawns power worship. If you can get a group of

people to sing the murderousBattle Hymn of the Republicin their churches, and to take

a position on foreign affairs that is Mark Twains "War Prayer" come to life, the

rest is just a mop-up operation.


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There is no sure blueprint for success other than for libertarians to do what each

individually does best, whether that means teaching students, organizing antiwar or

antitax rallies, writing large books on technical economic topics, or tirelessly

managing a compelling blog. Resistance is not futile but the most constructive and

noble stance of all.


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PERFORMANCE OF FASCISM

With Darren Aronofsky's Oscar-nominated ballet thriller, "Black Swan," lasering

in on rail-thin physical perfection (as well as molting hangnails, shattering toenails

and lesbian lovemaking), coupled with the firestorm created by New York Times

dance critic Alastair Macaulay's sniping that ballerina Jenifer Ringer looked as if

she'd "eaten one sugar plum too many" in a recent "Nutcracker" performance, the

notion of body fascism placing a value on one's physical appearance is

flaming on today's cultural radar.

With Darren Aronofsky's Oscar-nominated ballet thriller, "Black Swan," lasering

in on rail-thin physical perfection (as well as molting hangnails, shattering toenails

and lesbian lovemaking), coupled with the firestorm created by New York Times

dance critic Alastair Macaulay's sniping that ballerina Jenifer Ringer looked as if

she'd "eaten one sugar plum too many" in a recent "Nutcracker" performance, the

notion of body fascism placing a value on one's physical appearance is

flaming on today's cultural radar.

Times have changed since 1948, when Moira Shearer, in the balletic masterpiece

"The Red Shoes," was tormented by having to choose between her art and her

lover and not obsessed with purging her foie gras to create a sleek line.

Weighing in on the discussion, then, the following questions come to mind: Is it

the critic's job to judge the body or the performance? Are they inextricablyintertwined? When does the aesthetic pronouncement become personal? As the

Guardian's Judith Mackrell recently wrote, "To some extent dance critics are all

body fascists." And Macaulay, sticking to his ink-stained guns in his rebuttal,


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posited that ballet is the one art that makes dancers' bodies "subject to the most

intense scrutiny."

Granted, how that body is viewed has decidedly changed over the years, though the

packing on of pounds and other fleshly flaws have played a recurring role for

several centuries. In the 19th century, Marie Taglioni, branded a hunchback by

fellow students, endured dictatorial training by her father, Filippo, to become the

period's quintessential Romantic dancer. In so doing, Marie transcended the

corporeal to embody grace and beauty in "La Sylphide," choreographed expressly

for her by her taskmaster father.

The early 1900s saw the rise of the frail but elegant-looking Anna Pavlova, who

though not a supreme technician was a sublime artist. Thus the reigning classical

ideal took root, culminating in the Balanchine ballerina, a code for the achingly

thin but racehorse-strong dancer populating George Balanchine's New York City

Ballet beginning in the 1950s.

Curiously, City Ballet is also home to Ringer, who earlier had suffered from an

eating disorder and more recently had had a baby, compounding the sting of

Macaulay's words. Appearing on the "Today" show last month to discuss the issue,

Ringer was asked whether her body should be written about. She replied that as a

dancer, her body was part of her art form and was therefore subject to criticism,

adding, "At the same time, I am not overweight, [but] I do have a more womanly

body type than the stereotypical ballerina."

To reject or revere the uber-skinny balletic paradigm remains a personal choice;

Russian troupes, including the Eifman Ballet of St. Petersburg and the Perm Ballet,


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with their coteries of "heroin chic" dancers, cause both wagging tongues and

groupie swoonings.

And while body fascism has long ruled modeling French model Isabelle Caro,

who had suffered from anorexia since age 13, died in November at age 28 in a

Paris hospitalthe opera world has recently jumped on the body bandwagon too.

In 2004, soprano Deborah Voigt was famously fired from a Covent Garden

production of "Ariadne Auf Naxos" because the director claimed she was "too fat

to wear a sleek black cocktail dress," prompting Voigt to undergo gastric bypass

surgery that year.

One wonders whether Isadora Duncan would have reacted similarly. The iconic

grandmother of modern dance had her admirers even when she was in her 40s and

some 25 pounds overweight. In 1921six years before Duncan died at age 50

a 17-year-old Frederick Ashton was transfixed by a performance she gave

despite what he called her "blowsy" appearance. Years later, it inspired the

choreographer to create "Five Brahms Waltzes in the Manner of Isadora Duncan."

By ushering in the modern dance era and changing the nature of ballet in the

process, Duncan helped revolutionize how the moving body was perceived, even if

she didn't alter the perception of how dancers' bodies should look.

These days, gender also accounts for a certain amount of body fascism, with men

getting off easier and some even making use of their imperfections: The erstwhile

bad boy of dance, a plump Mark Morris, didn't raise eyebrows as a performer

because his world-class moves and choreography trumped his girth; Lawrence

Goldhuber is a 350-pound dancer-choreographer whose size, according to one New

York Times review, is "of almost no account." Then there is Ringer's Cavalier,


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Jared Angle. While Macaulay wrote that Angle seemed "to have been sampling

half the Sweet realm," the ensuing chorus of disapprovals was not directed at that

slight.

Because "fat," as Macaulay also wrote as part of his rebuttal, "is not so much a

feminist issue as a sexist one."

Finally, with the mirror and the scale both feeding the inherent narcissism of

dance, appearances are often the reason for landing a gig. Thus the anthemic

lament "Dance: Ten; Looks: Three" from "A Chorus Line."


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ACHIEVEMENT OF FASCISM

TO pass an impartial judgment on the results obtained by two years and a half of

Fascist government in Italy is not an easy matter. The difficulties that beset an

Italian in such an effort are quite apparent; but even the foreigner is hardly better

off. Fascism has awakened great interest beyond the confines of Italy, winning

popularity in certain circles, arousing animosity in others. Almost everywhere

various political connotations are attached to the word "Fascism" which provoke

now admiration and now hostility, now emulation and now mistrust, but which

inevitably leave little room for cool appraisal. Perhaps we may best clear the

ground of preconceptions, if we avoid regarding Fascism as a new dispensation, as

the beginning of a new era in our modern civilization (so it is represented by its

best accredited leaders), and take it simply for what it is, as the most recent phase

of the struggle to achieve Italian unity -- as an Italian and not as an universal

movement.

Fascism, as is well known, sprang from a reaction against the threat of Bolshevism,

and from an uprising of national sentiment against the humiliation of prolonged

policies of weakness in domestic as well as in foreign affairs. It was, in its

beginnings, only the impulsive manifestation of a need for strengthening the power

of the state in the face of social and political disintegration. The same need was felt

in other countries after the war, but in Italy much more strongly than elsewhere.

The realization of national unity is a very recent episode in Italian history: it was

scarcely more than half a century ago that the House of Savoy gathered the

dismembered provinces of Italy under one sceptre. Various forces tending toward

disunion still remained strong in the country, all the more since the Italian war,

which was declared without enthusiasm and proved fruitful of sacrifices, left many


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Italians with more reason for disappointment and bitterness than for satisfaction.

The demand for "strong" policies, both domestic and foreign, was most articulate

in the higher bourgeoisie (manufacturers, land owners, and civil servants) and

especially among the more conservative portions of the middle classes.

Fascism was born of the union between the conservative elements mentioned

above and these popular revolutionary forces, a partnership to which the former

contributed something more than their financial resources: at the critical moment

of the "March on Rome," they paralyzed any inclinations toward spasmodic

repression that the government may have nourished. It was with the complicity and

in the pay of the conservative bourgeoisiethat the Fascists made their conquest of

power at a time when the country at large, weary of communist nagging and eager

for peace and a chance to work, was slowly regaining its balance. The Fascists

bore the brunt of the struggle and naturally intended to pocket the profits. It is just

here that the personality of Mussolini begins to count.

The history of Fascism since the "March on Rome" revolves around the deft

maneuvers of the Fascist chieftain to drive with his one whip the two horses

hitched to his chariot. Mussolini must be credited with one virtue: a sincere intent,

on attaining power, to apply the strength of Fascism to the restablishment of the

principle of order and authority without doing further violence to constitutional

procedure. His policy was to restore the prestige of the state in the name of a party

representing the majority of the country. This moderation gained him for some

time the benevolent neutrality of a portion of public opinion. As late as May, 1923,

the liberal leader, Amendola, declared that he was reserving decision as to Fascism

and was willing to judge the latter by its works.


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That Italian finance has been placed on a sound basis cannot be denied, and this

happy outcome has been realized by a most fortunate coperation of the

Nationalists with the Duce. The case of France bears witness to the difficulty

which a parliamentary system, at the mercy of political cliques and political

influences, encounters in balancing a national budget in time of crisis. Mussolini's

Parliament, on the other hand, had a healthy respect and a wholesome fear of him,

and he found the task much easier. He cannot be refused the credit of having

resisted pressure from his lower class partisans who were only too ready to pillage

the state; and he has found means, even against his own troops, to support his

Ministers in their difficult labors which, to judge by official reports, would seem

now to be drawing to a close. In 1925 state income was about 475,000,000 lire

greater than state expenditure. Not only has monetary inflation been reduced by

1,000,000,000 lire, but the fiduciary paper now in circulation -- 20,700,000,000

lire -- does not seem excessive for a country of 42,000,000 people. In these

circumstances, the sum of $850,000,000 that Italy has undertaken to pay toward

the settlement of her war debts Italian experts themselves do not regard as

overburdensome provided the economic situation continues favorable.

To cite only one example, we may suspect that present-day Italian attitudes are not

strengthening the desire for independence in Austria, that, in fact, they are forcing

Austria and Germany closer together.

A war-torn Europe, repentant for past mistakes, is now blindly groping through the

haze of uncertain economic formulas to find a way to unity as the solution of her

material problems. Germany has been giving most tangible demonstrations of good

will. The Franco-German menace has all but vanished. But the imperialistic aims

of Italy, and her adventurous policies in the Near East, make her, whatever her


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statesmen may say to the contrary, exactly what Russia is in the Far East: a source

of instability and disquietude.


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CONCLUSION

Some liberal writer prompted by their equal fro fascism and communism

have sought to club the two as totalitarian dictatorship. For instance R. M.

Maciver (The web of government 1965) and Alan Ball (modern politics and

government 1988) have adopted this classification. This is not only unfair

but misguiding. Fascism tends to suppress the masses to secure that interest

of a tiny class in all sphere of social, economical and political. On the

contrary communism even when it uses coercion seeds to distribute

benefits to secure the maximum satisfaction of the masses. G. A. Armon and

G. B. Powell in the noted work comparative politics. A development

approach (1966) have aptly made the distinction.

Totalitarian systems suppress demands coming from their societies and are

unresponsive to demands coming from the international environment. At the

same time they regulate and control behaviors in their societies and seek to

draw maximum resources from their populations. Communist totalitarianism

differs from fascist to totalitarianism in having a strong distributive

capability as well.

Fascism besides its retrograde class character symbolizes a seek mental and

political attitude. It fosters anti human and anti progressive forces. It seeks to

curb liberty and equality and to distort justice. In shot it is a philosophy of

the lunatic fringe, champions of terror and violence who advocate

superiority of one race, section, religion, language or culture relegating the

rest of mankind to slavery.


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BIBLOIGRAPHY

1. Laqueur, Walter. Fascism. Berkley, CA. University of California Press,1976.

2. Halperin, Samuel William. Mussolini and Italian Fascism. Princeton, NJ. VanNorstrad.

3. Reich, Wilhelm. The Mass Psychology of Fascism. New York, NY. Farrar,Strauss & Giroux, 1970.

4. Wilkinson, Ellen Cicely. Conze, Edward. Why Fascism. New York, AMSPress. 1973.

5. Gregor, A. James. Interpretation of Fascism. Morristown, NJ. GeneralLearning Press, 1974.

6. Eisenberg, Dennis. The Re-emergence of Fascism. South Brunswick NJ,AS. Barens, 1968, 1967.

7. Cohen, Carl. Communism, Fascism, and Democracy, the TheoreticalFoundations. New York, Random House, 1972.

8. Tanin, O. Ioquan E. Militarism and Fascism in Japan Westport, Conn.

Greenwood Press, 1973.

9. Woolf, S. J. Fascism in Europe. Methuen, London & New York. New York,NY. 1968.

10. King, Dennis. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism.Doubleday, New York NY. 1989.

fascism is a set of ideologies and practices that seeks to place the nation

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