feudalism in malaysian society: a study in historical continuity

Feudalism in Malaysian society : A study in historical continuity / FEODALITE DANS LASOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUEAuthor(s): Syed Hussein AlatasReviewed work(s):Source: Civilisations, Vol. 18, No. 4 (1968), pp. 579-592Published by: Institut de Sociologie de l'Universit de BruxellesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41231157 .Accessed: 25/02/2013 11:04

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Feudalism in Malaysian society: A study in historical continuity

Syed Hussein Alatas

The aim of this paper is to discuss the historical continuity of attitudes and values from the feudal period to the present time. The recognition of this continuity is important for the purpose of understanding and explaining certain events in Malaysian society, particularly those pertaining to its political history. The history of Malaysia has been characterized by the absence of mass uprisings or any attempt thereto. What had happened was the frequent emergence of conflicts between hostile and contending groups of chiefs and princes, between each other or against European colonial powers. The mass of the people had never been involved as in the case of a civil war or a general uprising. The Malaysian records from the 14th century onwards had confirmed the above.

The continuity we are interested in is a cluster of phenomena for which the term psychological feudalism is here suggested to differentiate it from its previous political, economic and judicial order of which those phenomena were the constituent psychological elements. The term feudalism, as a historical, social, political and economic order is not easy to define. Historically speaking it has been a method of government characterized by the following traits : (a) The presence of a big gulf between the poor usually peasants and the rich usually noblemen and chiefs, in the economic, social, political and judicial field, (b) the political order was dominated by hereditary groups having at their disposals large estates, (c) the prevalence of the manorial system of economy wherein a large, self-sufficient estate was cultivated by the peasants for the master, often a royal personage who rewarded them with strips of land the fruits of which were in the main part retainable, (d) at the head of the manorial hierarchy was the feudal lord, immune from the supervision of higher authorities, yet possessing judicial, economic, fiscal and administrative rights, (e) the relation between the lord and his dependents was one of enfeoffment, the lord having the right of the unpaid labour and services of his dependents, (f) grants of land for cultivation was not to be withdrawn at will by the lord, (g) the warrior class dominated the feudal order, and (h) the feudal order lacked functional division and favoured decentralization of power and administration.

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The feudal societies of the Malays, the Chinese and the Indians contained all the above characteristics. There were also numerous differences between feudal societies. Without going into further details, suffice it to say that the institutional and judicial system of feudalism in Malaysia had gra- dually disappeared over since the beginning of modernization during the latter part of the 19th century. Despite this, however, the psychological traits remain. It is these traits that constitute psychological feudalism. In the context of psychological feudalism, the relationship between those in power and those dependent on them is characterised by personal attachment to the leader or man in authority rather than to the principles he stands for. The leader or the man in authority, whetter he is a bureaucrat, a political cele- brity, a teacher or a business boss, expects the subordinate to be loyal and faithful in a manner that sometimes comes into conflict with the norms and ethics of the work or profession. He is supposed to be loyal under almost all circumstances even if these circumstances violate the present values and philosophy of Malaysian society.

Before we isolate the historically continuous traits, it may be desirable to raise certain questions of approach and conceptualization. It has long been recognized by social scientists that we should not view the state of society as an overall equilibrium, an overall harmonious integration. In every society there are the elements of conflict and strain. There is the process of differentiation in the value system of the society. The dominant and subjugated classes do not share entirely a common value system. As Wertheim puts is,

" We should not primarily look for the inherent structure of a given society, but for the value systems adopted in different layers of society. We have, in the first place, to learn how members of different segments of society view society as a whole. The division of society might even be based upon a distinction according to the value systems accepted. Instead of searching exclusively for integrative expedients, we should with equal intellectual forces try to detect strains and conflicts in society, as possible agents in future change" (1). The initial step in tracing elements of continuity is to differentiate the attitudes and value systems prevalent in the different sections of society. We have also to make the distinction between theory and practice. The absence of the above considerations has caused a misleading interpretation of the Malay system of values and attitudes towards kingship and all that it entails such as loyalty and obedience to the ruler.

Scholars on Malay history and society are generally inclined to regard the Sejarah Melayu, a Malay text of probably the 16th century, as the oldest written source on Malay life and thought. Unfortunately until now the pre- dominant interests in the Sejarah Melayu have been literary and historical. A further enquiry cannot fail to reveal the conflict and protest elements in the Sejarah Melayu. The work was deliberately written on royal command

(1) W. F. Wertheim, Society as a composite of conflicting value system, p. 35, in his East-West Parallels, van Hoeve, the Hague, 1964.

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with the intention of recording and transmitting to future generations the account of the deeds and customs of the Malay rulers (2). The identity of the author is unknown but he appears to be a pious and cultured Muslim. His restraint towards passing a moral judgment on the cruel deeds of some of his royal characters would gain the approval of Ranke. Though no eulogist of Malay royalty, he did suggest the justice, humaneness and mobility of character of some of the Malay rulers. He was preoccupied with the history of Malacca.

The incident relevant to our theme was the murder of Bendahara Seri Maharaja by order of Sultan Mahmud Shah. According to the S e jar ah Melayu, the Bendahara was murdered because of the intrigues and slander of Laksamana Khoja Husain. It was suggested to the Sultan that the Ben- dahara intended to usurp the throne. Without further investigation he ordered the Bendahara and his family to be put to death. The attitude of the Bendahara is of interest here. He accepted the command without a murmur. His retainers and his family were prevented by him from resisting. His son, Tun Hasan, was on the point of attacking the two messengers sent to the house for the execution with the royal kris. The Bendahara exclaim- ed. " What, Hasan, would you commit treason ? Would you spoil the name of your ancestors ? Never was there any disloyalty in Malay tradition

" (3). He further said, " If any of you resists, I shall take him to account in the Hereafter ".

As apparent from the above, the Bendahara accepted his fate and refused to condemn the misdeed of his sovereign even when he himself, his own life, was the object. The author of the S erajah Melayu gave a dispassionate account of the killing without a single comment. However, he did portray the innocence of the Bendahara (4). The problem which arises here is namely the attitude of the Bendahara. Was it the perfect expression of the Malay conception of loyalty to the rule ? Was he the embodiment of the Malay system of values ? Was the attitude of the Sultan likewise an expression of the Malay system of values ? What about the attitude of the Bendahara's son ? Was it not the expression of the Malay system of values to honour and defend one's father, to prevent injustice, to defend one's family against tyranny, and to condemn it at least in one's conscience ?

In another incident the opposite took place. Another Sultan by the name of Mahmud was killed at Kota Tinggi in August 1699. Mahmud was said

(2) For the Malay text see R.O. Winstedt, The Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu (Raffles MS. no. 18), JMBRAS, vol. XVI, part III, Singapore, 1938. The second English translation is by C. C. Brown, JMBRAS, vol. XXV, parts 2 and 3, Singapore, 1952. The translation contains some serious errors but it can be used to understand what happened. Though inaccurate in certain parts, the historical events are reliably portrayed by the translation.

(3) R. O. winstedt, op. at., p. 187. The translation is mine. (4) Josselin de Jong suggests that the Sejarab Melayu was written with a pervasive

bias in favour of the Bendahara family. See P. E. de Josselin de Jong, Who's Who in the Malay nnals, p. 1. JMBRAS, vol. XXXIV, part 2, Kuala Lumpur, 1961.

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to be a capricious and neurotic ruler. Hamilton who saw him in 1695, suggested that he was fond of the male sex. One day when the youthful Sultan Mahmud was asleep, someone brought a ripe jack-fruit. The wife of an influential captain (hulubalang) craved for a section of the fruit as she was then confining a child. When Mahmud noticed the damaged fruit, he was wild with anger and ordered the woman to ripped open. Her husband, Megat Seri Rama, resolved to avenge her death and thereupon conspired with some leading dignitaries to execute his plan. The Sultan was killed while he was carried on his way to the mosque (5). We may also ask here whether the attitude of Megat Seri Rama is an expression of the Malay system of values, the rejection of tyranny, of absolute despotism unbridled by moral scruples. Before executing his revenge he declared that he was going to commit treason. He offered to make the Dato Ben- dahara Sultan. The Dato Bendahara and some other influential persons approved Megat Seri Rama's design. The whole affair appeared to be an attempt to get rid of an unbearable and youthful tyrant (6).

It is apparent that the attitude of Megat Seri Rama is in sharp contrast to that of the Bendahara of Malacca. Both were Malays living in a similar cultural and political order. The social scientists have made the distinction between the system of values and the deviation therefrom. As far as the behaviour of rulers is concerned, the continuous domination of the powerful deviating from the collective norms, the system of values, has shaded the demarcation line between what is permissible and what is prohibited. Objectionable actions became acceptable through successive repetition by the powerful. Through the mechanism of conditioned reflex they were assimilated into the intellectual and emotional make up of the observer continuously exposed to such actions. The clearest instance is perhaps the perenially prevalent corruption in Asian countries. Though the systems of values in these countries prohibited corruption, it became accepted by many people as an unavoidable practice too deeprooted to combat (7).

A clear instance of the Malay system of values which opposed misrule and corrupt practices is the Undang Sungai Ujong, the Digest of Customary Law of Sungai Ujong. Its conception of right and wrong is basically identical with the commandments of the great world religions. The digest

(5) According to Raja Haji Ali of Riau who wrote in the 19th century, in his Tuhfat al-Nafis1, pp. 33-34, Malaysia Publication, Singapore, 1965, Megat Seri Rama was in turn killed by the Sultan who defended himself with his kris. The Batavian version of Sejarah Melayu declares that Megat Seri Rama lived 4 years in agony, with grass growing in the wound of his foot. See R.O. Winstedt, A History of Johore (1365-1895 A.D.), p. 50, JMBRAS, vol. X, part 3, Singapore, 1932. For some information on the different versions of the Sejarah Melayu scattered in different places, see R. Roolvink, The Variant Verrions of the Malay Annals, BKI, deel 123, afl. 3, the Hague, 1967. For complete reference see bibliography.

(6) Raja Haji Ali portrayed the event in this light. The undertaking gained popular support. The Dato Bendahara was acclaimed Sultan and life went on as usual.

(7) The point is elaborately treated in a forthcoming publication entitled The Sociology of Corruption, on the nature, function, causes and prevention of corruption, Donald Moore Press, Singapore.

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itself is Islamic in tone and principles. The king is exhorted to be fair, just, generous, patient, courageous and protective towards his subjects. He will be ruined if he is unjust to his subjects (8). From this and many other Malay texts, it is apparent that the Malays do not all share the same values and attitudes towards particular events and issues. This is not something peculiar to the Malays. It is a phenomenon which has long been recognized by sociologists and anthropologists.

We may here note some general observations on the problem of valuation, (a) The system of values are originally set by groups, (b) The standard of different groups reflect to a great extent their respective social structures, organizations, needs and functions, (c) Valuation as an act is not performed in psychological isolation and cannot be sufficiently explained in terms of subjective intentions, (d) A conflict in valuations usually emerged when different groups are co-ordinated or superimposed upon each other, (e) The relation between the different standards of valuation depends on their relation as social groups. If there is no communication between the groups then their standard will be separated, as in a society based on caste, (f) " In a static society, which has reached a certain balance, there will always be some classes of leading groups (elites) the standards of which will be silently accepted even by those groups which are subjugated and essentially frustrated by these valuations (9).

"

(g) When society becomes dynamic with rapid changes of stratification, involving the rise and fall of individuals in the social scale, only then the social prestige of the leading groups will be challenged, (h) Though social classes decisively condition the valuation process, it would be wrong to relate all values exclusively to their influence. The family, the neighbour- hood, the working team, the club, the playground, the secret society, all of them, have each its particular influence on valuation.

In terms of the above general observations, the dominant standard of Malay society from the 16th century to the turn of the 19th century, glancing from available records, was that of the warrior kingship. The values of bravery, absolute loyalty to the prince, skillfulness in combat, aggressiveness, and pillage were stressed. From the 15 th century, if not earlier, the history of the Malays was dotted by petty as well as more serious warfare between contending chiefs and princess, right up to the end of the 19th century. Within Malay society there developed two contradictory value systems, the one stressing co-operation, gotong-royong, usaha (labour), and conformity, the other stressing courage, power, initiative, individualism, adventure, absolute loyalty to the ruler, and pillage. The former value system was to be found among the agrarian subjugated section of Malay society. The latter value system was upheld by the rulers and their courts,

(8) R. Winstedt, P. E. de Josselin de Jong, A Digest of Customary Law from Sungai Ujong, JMBRAS, vol. XXVII, part 3, 1954. The translation is not always accurate.

(9) Karl Mannheim, A few concrete examples concerning the soctologtcal nature of human valuations, in Essays in Sociology and Social Psychology, p. 237, Routledge - Kegan Paul, London, 1953.

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their dependents and hirelings. The larger section of Malay society was dominated by the latter.

From the history of the Malays we obtain the picture that two value systems existed side by side, at some points in conflict with each other, at others not. By value systems here we mean those which actually influenced behaviour, not the ideal theoretical systems. An instance of the conflict in value systems was furnished by Maxwell. He said, " Forced labour is naturally hated by Malays and is evaded as much as possible. Travelling in the interior of Kedah I have seen the Malay peasant running from his fields into the jungle at the sight of the Raja's elephants, lest he should be called upon to form one of the train. In Perak the establishment of British influence has led to a general " strike " on the part of the peasantry against the system to which they formerly submitted peacefully. A Malay Raja in Perak, who in 1876 was able to supply me with the men of two or three villages in order to convey the baggage and stores of a detachment of troops from Blanja to Kinta, now finds it difficult to procure men to pole his own boat without paying them. Men required to perform work for the Government of the State, as at present constituted, are scrupulously paid, or provided faith ample rations" (10).

In the traditional feudal Malay society, the cultivator or tenant of the soil was expected to perform compulsory services in return for his right to cultivate the soil and live on it, in addition to the proportion of the yield claimed by the chief or ruler. There seems to be no codified definition of the nature and extent of the compulsory labour (kerah) which the superior can deimand. To quote Maxwell again,

" In a Malay state, the exaction of personal service from the ra'iyat is limited only by the powers of endurance of the latter. The superior authority is obliged, from self- interest, to stop short of the point at which oppression will compel the cultivator to abandon his land and emigrate. But within this limit, the cultivator may be required to give his labour in making roads, bridges, drains, and other works of public utility, to tend elephants, to pole boats, to carry letters and messages, to attend his Chief when travelling, to cultivate his Chiefs fields as well as his own, and to serve as a soldier when required. Local custom often regulates the kind of service exacted from the cultivator in a particular district. Thus in Perak one district used to supply the Raja with timber for building purposes, while rattans and other materials came from others; the people of one locality used to furnish the musicians for the Raja's band, while another had to provide nurses and attendants for his children" (11).

The Malay peasant who ran away from his fields into the jungle to avoid the Raja's party, acted in conformity with his value system. The manner of avoidance, escape rather than defiance, was the institutionally

(10) W. R Maxwell, The Law and Customs of the Malays with Reference to the Tenure of Land, p. 113, JSBRAS, No. 13, 1884.

(11) Op. cit., pp. 108-109.

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established mode to cope with such a situation. We shall consider this as one of the continuities. However let us now describe some of these continuities. The first we can discuss is the lack of a clear and consciously upheld distinction between what is private and what is official. In its modern form, it assumes the fusion between the interest of the individual and that of the state. The group in power ignores the distinction between private and official, as in traditional feudal society where such a distinction was often not drawn. The illustrations used here should not be confused with malpractices or criminal behaviour. They were considered proper and legal by the participants. The following is one instance from the State of Pahang in 1965.

" Members travelling on Legislative Assembly business are entitled to mileage allowances. It has been the practice for members of the Legislative Assembly to make travelling claims among other things, in respect of attendance at political meetings, civics courses, opening of mosque and public buildings, funeral of Assemblyman, Bulan Bahasa meetings, Koran Readings and election work. Recently, the Attorney- General has expressed the opinion that Legislative Assembly business must be restricted to mean only business directly connected with meetings of the Assembly or a Committee thereof or with business specifically instructed by the Assembly or a Committee thereof to be taken by a member. The attention of the State Government has been drawn to this legal opinion

" (12). Another instance of the lack of distinction between private and official

business concerns the use of telephones. In the State of Trengganu in 1963, the telephone account of the State Secretariat amounted to $ 12,918.16. This is more than $ 1,000 per month. The charges included telephone calls made from government quarters on official telephones. "Proper records of the trunk calls do not appear to have been kept and it is noteworthy that no collection was made for any private trunk call.

" (13) Similarly in Kota Bahru, the State of Kelantan, charges for private calls from certain officers at Police Contingent Headquarters had not been collected for up to four years. The amount outstanding in 1961 was $ 1,544 of which $ 861 was then still uncollected (14). The above instances are two of the numerous examples in the different sectors of administrative activity. This phenomenon is to be distinguished from criminal practices. Those who made use of government facilities for private ends often felt that they were entitled to do so. In the feudal period the distinction between the two was often hazy.

Perhaps the most significant continuity of attitude is to be found in the relationship between the political leader and his followers, or between the subordinate official and his superior. In the Malay feudal society, the most

(12) Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of Pahang for the Year 1965, p. 5, Govt. Printing Department, Kuala Lumpur, 1967. (Abbreviation RAGAS Panane.)

(13) RAGAS Trengganu for the year 1963, p. 3, Govt. Printing Dept, Kuala Lumpur, 1964.

(14) RAGAFM 1961, p. 29, Govt. Printing Dept., Kuala Lumpur, 1962.

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serious disturbance in the relationship between a subordinate and his superior was a challenge or a defiance. A challenge or defiance might lead to an outbreak of hostility or it might not. Even if the challenge or defiance occurred outside the struggle for political power, it could lead to serious con- sequences. A subordinate might challenge the soundness of his superior's decision, or a follower might reject the leader's views. The adoption of such an attitude would be met with determined resistance. One instance a few years ago was the expulsion of a party member by the central leadership without any reason given because the member concerned challenged the leadership for not agreeing with his candidacy for a particular consti- tuency. The state division of the party (UMNO) had nominated him as a candidate for the general election.

On the other hand party members who negatively affected the image of the party by their behaviour were earnestly protected. The best instance of this sort is the case of the previous Minister of Education. He sued for libel an opposition Member of Parliament who made the allegation that he, the Minister, was involved in corruption. The Minister lost the case and resigned. The Cabinet submitted for his legal fees 88,323 Malaysian dollars. There were severe criticisms against this by the Opposition members. They claimed that public fund should not be spent on a Minister who went to court on his own initiative and thereafter failed to vindicate his name. They deplored the Cabinet's statement that the Minister was innocent before the judge pronounced his decision (15). This case illustrates the continuity with the feudal past. In the feudal society the subordinate could rely on the assistance of his master even though he was wrong. As a matter of fact royal protection had been granted to criminal and murderers as evidenced by the practice concerning slavery and servitude. If a person was guilty of a serious crime, one way to avoid punishment was to run to the ruler and declared himself as his slave. Thereafter no one would dare to touch him (16).

The important conditions to obtain protection from feudal rulers and chiefs were unflinching loyalty and subservience towards the master. In return for these protection was granted irrespective of the nature and degree of the crime. The modern version of this relationship is found in the political party. As long as the individual is loyal and subservient to the leader, he can rely on his protection in the hour of need. His misdemeanour and excesses may be tolerated, but never a challenge or defiance to the leader. This idea of challenge is often inclusive of mere disagreement on issues which do not enter into a power struggle for leadership. The leader managed his party as though it is a manorial unit with him as head of the manor. In his set up, status seniority and age prevails over youth and initia.tive. He keeps his party colleagues around him as though they

(15) For the debate on this see Parliamentary Debates, Vols. Il, nos. 18, 19, 1965, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur 1967.

(16) For further details see Aminuddin bin Baki, The Institution of Debt Slavery in Perak, Penin jau Sejarah, Vol. 1, Kuala Lumpur, July, 1966.

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were manorial attendants who by sheer devotion and proximity to him remain in their positions. In the party structure and the Cabinet hierarchy there is very little mobility. This again reflects the manorial outlook and condition.

Another continuity which can easily be identified is the tendency to spend on festivals, ceremonies, entertainments, and recreational projects, beyond what can be rationally justified within the context of the situation. The feudal value of pomp and grandeur prevails upon the intention to save and economize. We may note some instances here. In March 1966, the Prime Minister requested an additional sum of $ 203,323 on $ 200,000 for the purchase of stars, badges, ribbons, and so forth, for 2 new orders of chivalry which the government introduced then. Thus the sum required totalled $ 403,323 (17). In 1964 the State of Trengganu purchased $ 43,300 worth of medals (18). The State of Kedah purchased $ 75,246.09 's worth of medals (117) in the same year (19). In February 1968, 109 persons received the decorations of Kedah (20). Trengganu conferred 92 decorations in the same year (21). Perlis, the smallest state of Malaysia, honoured 45 persons in 1968 (22). The Yang di-Pertuan Agong, as Head of the Federal State decorated 555 persons this year on the occasion of his birthday. Selangor conferred 45 honours in 1967 (23).

It may safely be estimated that more than 1,000 persons receive decorations each year throughout Malaysia. In the last 10 years since Merdeka, Malaysia must have spent millions in medals and ribbons. Judging from the price of the Kedah purchase, $ 75,246.09 for 117 stars and medals, the average cost is about 655. If we consider 1,000 pieces at $ 300 each (average) for the whole of Malaysia, it will come to about $ 300,000 (0.3 million) a year. In addition to recurrent expenditure as buying medals stars and ribbons, there is the ceremonial send off and welcome for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. On 20th and 21st September 1965, the Malaysian government spent $ 28,000 on the ceremonial send-off for the Raja of Perlis, and the welcome of the Sultan of Trengganu as Yang di- Pertuan Agong (24). The state visits of the Prime Minister of Korea in September 1965 and the Prime Minister of South Vietnam cost $ 30,000 and $ 19,000 respectively. Each visit lasted about 3 days (25).

The Auditor-General's report of 1964 included a total expenditure of $ 1,038,711 for the purchase of cutlery, crockery and glass for Parliament

(17) Cmd. 8 of 1966, p. 11, March 14, 1966, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lum- pur. See bibliography.

(18) RAGAS Trengganu 1964, p. 3. (19) RAGAS Kedah 1964, p. 4. (20) Warta Kerajaan Negri Kedah, Jil. II, no. 4, 1968. (21) Warta Keraiaan Negert Trengganu, Til. 21, no. 13, 1968. (22) Warta Keraiaan Negeri Perlis, Til. 11, No. 11, 1968. (23) Warta Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, Jil. 20, no. 6, 1967. (24) Cmd. 8 of 1966, Dewan Rakyat, Malaysia, 14 March 1966. {1) Loc. en.

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House, overseas missions and some government houses. They were probably for 2,000 place-settings for Parliament, overseas missions and for Parliament House Canteen. The report did not mention the total. It said, "In October 1963, the Treasury approved the ordering of 500 place- settings of cutlery, crockery and glass for Parliament House and of supplies for six Federal Government Houses up to a limit of $ 406,400, subject to quotations being submitted in the first instance. However, orders were apparently placed without prior reference to the Treasury, and the quantities ordered exceeded those approved by 400 place-settings for Parliament, 100 places of cutlery and 200 crockery for Parliament House Canteen and 600 places for Overseas Missions. The Treasury limit was exceeded by $ 632,311 and the stores-purchasing regulations were varied without prior Treasury approval. I have not yet received the Treasury's comments on this matter or been informed how previous equipment in Overseas Missions will be utilised. Funds were voted to pay the whole order under three heads of expenditure in the First Supplementary Estimates 1965 " (26). It appears that one place-setting may cost more than $ 500.

Another item of expenditure worth noting is the construction of the Sungai Way Golf Course in the outskirt of Kuala Lumpur. The cost was estimated at $ 4.1 million (27). Smaller golf courses are constructed in the states. This has now become a fashion. The state of Pahang might have spent $ 100,000 to extend the Kuantan Golf Course (28). In 1963 the State of Malacca spent $ 396,325.84 for the construction of a golf course (29). There are numerous other expenditures on entertainments, banquets, festivals, state visits, and golf courses which need not be recounted here. Suffice it to say that the mood and desire to spend on such objects have been continuous with the feudal past where the ruling power put a high premium on luxury, entertainment and recreation. There is an apparent contradiction in the professed aims of the government and its propensity to spend in projects which it considers as non-essential (30).

It is not the intention here to construct a typology of continuities or analyse deeper the effect and significance of certain continuities (31). For

(26) Report of the Auditor-General, Malaysia, on the Accounts of the Federal Go- vernment for the Year ended 31st December 1964, pp. 47-48, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1966.

(27) Dewan Rakvat. 23 Tanuarv 1968. Government Printine Office. Kuala Lumour. (28) RAGAS Pahang 1963, p. 5. (29) RAGAS Malacca 1963, p. 6. (30) The Government on its part will do everything it can to economise, we

will have to continue to cut out the frills, we will have to keep on reducing non- essential expenditure, if not eliminate it altogether, and last but by no means least, we must continue to cut out waste, as it is also clear that taxation exercises of the magnitude proposed in this Budget cannot be imposed every year. " p. 67, Tan Siew Sin, The Minister of Finance, The 1967 Budget, Federal Department of Information, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.

(31) A study of a more elaborate nature has been made with reference to the grading of occupational prestige amongst the Malays in Malaysia, See Syed Hussein Alatas, The Grading of Occupational Prestige amongst the Malays in Malaysia, JMBRAS, vol. XLI, Part 1, July 1968.

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this purpose it would be best to select a single topic and treat it in both its synchronie and diachronic dimensions. It is also necessary here to correct any possible one sided impression of the Malaysian development owing to the fact that only the elements of psychological feudalism have been pro- minently emphasized. This emphasis is necessary to show its existence rather than the degree of its dominance in the Malaysian scene. The degree of influence exerted by psychological feudalism has yet to be studied. No suggestion at the moment can be reliable or is worth offering on the influence of psychological feudalism in Malaysia.

The presence of historical continuities identified as psychological feudalism cannot be denied. Their overt manifestations are obvious. It would require an enormous amount of time to gather disconnected and scattered facts here and there to illustrate the continuities in the different sectors of social life. Recently Inche Tahar bin Haji Kamin,, 70 years of age, a witch- doctor (bomoh) was flown from West Malaysia to East Malaysia on the occasion of the state visit of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, the King to East Malaysia. His assignment was to stop the rains from falling which he was believed to have accomplished in a royal wedding some time ago in the capital. In Sabah he was believed to have succeeded in preventing rain for more than 3 days, the period of the state visit (32). In the various sectors of social life we find continuities from the feudal period in the realms of beliefs, attitudes and reaction patterns in crisis situations (33).

(32) Berita Hartan, 24 July 1968. The cost of this state visit to Sabah is $ 938,000. The Sabah government is buying a new yacht for such occasion in future which will cost $ 1,500,000. Straits Times, 30 July 1968.

(33) Concerning the influence of traditional thought on present economic behaviour amongst the Malays, see Syed Hussein Alatas, Collective Representations and Economic Development, Kai i an Ekonomi Malaysia, vol. 2, no. 1, Kuala Lumpur, 1965.

(*) All currency noted is in Malaysian $. 3 Malaysian $ is approximately 1 US $.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. RJ. Wilkinson, Papers on Malay Subjects, Government Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1908. 2. W.E. Maxwell, The History of Perak from Native Sources, JSBRAS, no. 9,

June, 1882. 3. W.E. Maxwell, The Law and Customs of the Malays with Reference to the

Tenure of Land, JSBRAS, no. 13, June 1964. 4. C.C. Brown, (tr.), Sejarah Melayu, JMBRAS, vol. XXV, parts 2 and 3, October,

1952. 5. R. Windstedt, P.E. de Josselin de Jong, A Digest of Customary Law from Sungai

Ujong, JMBRAS, vol. XXVII, part 3, July, 1954. 6. RJ. Wilkinson, Malay Customs and Beliefs, vol. XXX, part 4, Nov. 1957. 7. R.O. Windstedt, The Kedah Annals, JMBRAS, vol. XVI, part 2, December 1938. 8. R.O. Windstedt, (ed), The Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu, JMBRAS, vol. XVI,

part 3, December 1938. 9. P.E. de Josselin de Jong, Who's Who in the Malay Annals, JMBRAS, vol. XXXIV,

part 2, 1961.

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10. R.O. Windstedt, P.E. de Jo.iselin de Jong, (eds., and trs.), The Maritime Laws of Malacca, JMBRAS, vol. XXIX, part 3, August 1956.

11. W.F. Wertheim, Society as a composite of conflicting value systems, in W.F. Wertheim, East-West Parallels, van Hoeve, The Hague, 1964.

12. R. Roolvink, The Variant Versions of the Malay Annals, Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land, en Volkenkunde, deel, 123, Nijhoff, the Hague, 1967.

13. A.H. Hill, (ed., tr.), Hikayat Raja-Raja Vasai, JMBRAS, vol. XXXIII, part 2, June I960. (Malay text and English translation.)

14. A.M. will (ed., tr.) l he ttikayat Abetunan, jmka, voi. jllviii, part :>, June, 1955. (English translation.)

15. R.O. Windstedt, A History of Classical Malay Literature, JMBRAS, vol. XXXI, Part 3, June, 1958.

16. Raja Haji Ali Riau, Tuhfat al-Nafis, Malaysia Publications, Singapura, 1965. 17. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, L.A. Manyon, (tr.), Routledge-Kegan Paul, London,

1961. 18. F.L. Ganshof, Feudalism, P. Grievson, (tr.), Longmans, Green, London, 1952. 19. R. Coulborn, (ed.), Feudalism in History, Archon Books, Hamden, Connecticut,

1965. 20. Karl Mannheim, A few concrete examples concerning the sociological nature of

human valuations, in Karl Mannheim, Essays in Sociology and Social Psychology, Routledge-Kegan Paul, London, 1953.

21. Dewan Rakyat, Cmd. 8 of 1966, Malaysia, Treasury Memorandum on the 3rd Supplementary Estimates of Expenditure for 1965 of the Government of Ma- laysia, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur.

22. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Kedah, Jil. 11, 21 February 1968, no. 4, Government Printing Office, Alor Star.

23. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, Jil. 20, 23 March, 1967, no. 6, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur.

24. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Trengganu, Jil. 21, 26 June 1968, no. 13, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Trengganu.

25. Warta Kerajaan Negeri Perlis, Jil. 11, 30 May 1968, no. 11, Govt. Printing Office, Alor Star.

26. Warta Kerajaan Malaysia, Jil. 12, 5 June 1968, no. 12, Tambahan 1, Govt. Printing Office. Kuala Lumour.

27. Tan Siew Sin, The 1967 Budget, Federal Department of Information, Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.

28. Tan Siew Sin, The 1968 Budget, Federal Department of Information, Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1968.

29. Aminuddin bin Baki, The Institution of Debt Slavery in Perak, Peninjau Sejarah, vol. 1, Kuala Lumpur, July 1966.

30. Parliamentary Debates, vol. II, nos. 18, 19, 1965, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.

31. Dewan Rakyat, 23 January 1968, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1968.

32. Report of the Auditor-General, Malaysia, on the Accounts of the Federal Govern- ment for the Year ended 31st December, 1964, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1966.

33. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the Federation of Malaya for the Year ended 31st December 1964, Government Printing Office, Kuala Lum- pur, 1962.

590



34. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of Pahang for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1965.

35. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of Trengganu for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1964.

36. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of Trengganu for the Year 1964, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1966.

37. Report of the Auditor-General for the Accounts of the State of Malacca for the Year 1963, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1964.

38. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of Kedah for the Year 1964, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1965.

39. Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of Pahang for the Year 1965, Govt. Printing Office, Kuala Lumpur, 1967.

40. Syed Hussein Alatas, Collective Representations and Economic Development, Kajian Ekonomi Malaysia, vol. 2, no. 1, June, 1965.

41. Syed Hussein Alatas, The Grading of Occupational Prestige Amongst the Malays in Malaysia, International Conference on Comparative Social Research, New Delhi, March 27 - April 1, 1967. Published in JMBRAS, vol. XLI, part 1, July 1968.

42. Syed Hussein Alatas, Reconstruction of Malaysian History, Revue du Sud-Est Asiatique, no. 3, 1962, Bruxelles.

43. Syed Hussein Alatas, The Weber Thesis and South East Asia, Archives de Socio- logie des Religions, no. 15, Paris 1963.

44. Berita Harian, 24 July 1968, Kuala Lumpur. 45. Straits Ttmes, 30 July 1968, Kuala Lumpur.

ABBREVIATIONS

JSBRAS - Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. JMBRAS - Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. RAGAS - Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the State of

for the year RAGFM - Report of the Auditor-General on the Accounts of the Federation of

Malaya for the Year (See bibliography nos. 32-39.)

FEODALITE DANS LA SOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUE

(Rsum) (communication prsente la Confrence Internationale d'Histoire asiatique,

Kuala Lumpur, aot 1968)

Pour comprendre et expliquer certains vnements qui ont marqu la socit malaise, particulirement certains faits de son histoire politique, il faut admettre la persistance dans cette socit de comportements et de valeurs remontant la priode fodale et encore vivaces de nos jours.

Il s'agit plus prcisment d'un ensemble de phnomnes que l'on pourrait qualifier de fodalit psychologique , pour les distinguer de ceux qui se rapportent aux domaines politique, conomique et judiciaire. Dfinir

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SYED HUSSEIN ALATAS

le terme de fodalit n'est pas chose aise. Historiquement, la fodalit est en fait une mthode de gouvernement caractrise par un certain nombre de traits que l'on retrouve dans les socits malaise, chinoise et indienne : cart considrable entre riches et pauvres, prdominance politique de groupes hrditaires, conomie de type seigneurial entranant la dpendance des paysans envers le puissant possesseur foncier, suprmatie de la classe des guerriers, dcentralisation du pouvoir et de l'administration.

Si la fodalit dans Tordre institutionnel et judiciaire a peu peu disparu au cours de la fin du XIX> sicle, c'est--dire durant la priode de moder- nisation du pays, ses caractres psychologiques se sont par contre maintenus. Le trait dominant de cette fodalit psychologique apparat dans la relation fondamentale qui unit les hommes au pouvoir et ceux qui leur sont subordonns ou dpendants. C'est un attachement personnel qui lie ceux-ci au chef, bien plus que le respect des principes qu'il reprsente. Et cet attachement se manifeste en toutes circonstances, mme au dtriment des valeurs et des ides philosophiques sur lesquelles repose la socit malaise.

Cependant, pour juger de l'tat d'une socit, il importe de dceler les diffrences, voire les oppositions, pouvant exister au sein de cette socit mme en ce qui concerne les systmes de valeurs. Ainsi, pour dcouvrir les lments de continuit, il faut d'abord observer les divergences de comportement et d'apprciation des valeurs telles qu'elles se manifestent dans les diverses couches de la socit. C'est en ngligeant ces considrations que Ton a t amen interprter malencontreusement certaines attitudes proprement malaises l'gard de la royaut et plus gnralement de la soumission envers l'autorit du chef.

L'examen de plusieurs faits historiques, dont le plus ancien a t enre- gistr au XVIe sicle, conduit des observations gnrales sur l'apprciation des valeurs essentielles. On voit se dvelopper dans la socit malaise deux systmes de valeurs contradictoires, soit d'une part celui qui engage la coopration et l'acceptation conformiste, et d'autre part, celui qui met l'accent sur le courage individuel, sur la puissance, sur l'esprit d'aventure. Ainsi, travers l'histoire de la Malaisie coexistent deux systmes de valeurs qui, dans certaines circonstances, pourront entrer en conflit. C'est en fonction de cette dualit de comportement qu'il faut juger bien des faits survenus dans l'adaptation de la socit malaise aux conditions de son dveloppement moderne.

En dfinitive, la persistance d'une fodalit psychologique est incontestable. Elle se manifeste notamment dans une demi-confusion de ce qui est propre l'individu et de ce qui appartient l'autorit. Elle apparat aussi, et de faon caractrise, dans les relations qui unissent le chef politique et sa clientle. Enfin, on la retrouve dans cette propension aux dpenses excessives, engages l'occasion de festivits, de crmonies et de manifestations publi- ques, telles que la distribution de distinctions honorifiques. Mais il faudrait une longue et patiente tude pour mesurer le degr rel d'influence de cette fodalit psychologique sur l'ensemble de la socit malaise.

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Article Contentsp. 579p. 580p. 581p. 582p. 583p. 584p. 585p. 586p. 587p. 588p. 589p. 590p. 591p. 592

Issue Table of ContentsCivilisations, Vol. 18, No. 4 (1968), pp. I-II, 499-658Front MatterCommune et Socit rurale en Algrie: Administration locale et degr de participation au dveloppement dans l'Aurs / LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND PARTICIPATION IN DEVELOPMENT IN THE AURES DEPARTMENT OF ALGERIA [pp. 501-543]Traditionalism and the development of human resources / TRADITIONALISME ET ACCROISSEMENT DES RESSOURCES HUMAINES [pp. 544-552]Les relations de clientle comme agent de contestation : le cas du Rwanda / CLIENT RELATIONS AS AN AGENT OF CONTESTATION : THE CASE OF RWANDA [pp. 553-578]Feudalism in Malaysian society : A study in historical continuity / FEODALITE DANS LA SOCIETE MALAISE : ETUDE DE SA PERSISTANCE HISTORIQUE [pp. 579-592]DOCUMENTSNote sur l'histoire de la thse belge [pp. 593-602]Rponse l'tude du Comte de Briey sur La fin du Congo belge [pp. 603-619]

IDEAS AND FACTS / LES IDES ET LES FAITSNew developments in French-speaking Africa [pp. 620-629]Anciens et futurs Etats du Commonwealth Britannique [pp. 630-635]La "rservation d'emplois" (reservation of work) et les "conventions de productivit" (productivity bargaining) en Afrique du Sud [pp. 636-642]Perspectives de vie et explosion dmographique en Amrique Latine: Centre Latino-Amricain de Recherches en Sciences Sociales, Rio-de-Janeiro [pp. 643-649]

Bibliographie - BibliographyReview: untitled [pp. 650-651]Review: untitled [pp. 652-652]Review: untitled [pp. 652-655]Review: untitled [pp. 655-656]Review: untitled [pp. 656-656]Review: untitled [pp. 656-658]

Livres reus - Books received [pp. 658-658]

feudalism in malaysian society: a study in historical continuity

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