fogelin l. the place of veneration in early south asian buddhism

chapter 13

the place of vener ation in ear ly south asian

buddhism

lars fogelin

The Early Historic Period (6th century bce to the 3rd century ce ) in South Asia was a time of

profound social change. Across the subcontinent numerous rival kings competed for territo-

rial and hegemonic supremacy. New forms of crat production and new technologies spread

between rival states as crat speople began to organize themselves as guilds. Agricultural pro-

duction was intensii ed through the use of larger and more elaborate hydraulic facilities (e.g.

irrigation systems and reservoirs) as new areas were brought under cultivation. Large-scale,

formalized trade routes emerged, allowing trade goods, ideas of governance, and religious

ascetics to move between developing urban centres. Writing, though present in the subcon-

tinent from at least the 3rd millennium bce , became common and widespread for the i rst

time. Writing was used to record oral histories, religious tracts, government proclamations,

and the mundane records of land transactions and accounting. Within this dynamic urban

society new religions (such as Jainism and Buddhism) were rapidly introduced to challenge

the orthodoxy of Vedic Brahmanism. h is chapter examines how one of these new

religionsBuddhismemployed mortuary facilities to centre and orient religious practice.

Until the last 20 years, the study of ancient Buddhism was textually based, with archaeol-

ogy mostly serving to identify places and practices discussed within the Buddhist literature

( Coningham 2001 , Trautmann and Sinopoli 2002 ). More recently, archaeologists have begun

to see archaeological evidence as distinct and separate from textual evidence. Buddhist texts

were written by and for Buddhist monks. h is does not mean, however, that Buddhist textual

sources are primarily theological. Rather, these sources focus on issues of interest to Buddhist

monks, including theological matters but also more mundane issues of monastic life.

Archaeological evidence, on the other hand, is a palimpsest of the actions of Buddhist

monks, Buddhist nuns, Buddhist laity, and non-Buddhists of all sorts. As such, archaeologi-

cal and textual evidence address dif erent concerns. Dif erences between textual accounts

and archaeological remains are not contradictions in need of arbitration, but rather illumi-

nating disjunctions between Buddhist monks and laity, Buddhist theology and ritual, and

Buddhist texts and practice. h is chapter explores the disjuncture between archaeological

228 human experience across cultural contexts

and textual sources in regard to Buddhist views of death, post-death veneration, and

mortuary ritual.

At the centre of these disjunctions between text and practice lies the Buddhist stupa . A

stupa , in its most basic sense, is a mound of earth containing the cremated remains of an

individual ( see Fig. 13.1 ). In some textual accounts, upon his death in the early 5th century

bce , the Buddha was cremated and his remains placed within eight stupas . By the 3rd cen-

tury bce , the eight original stupas multiplied into thousands as stupas became the primary

places of ritual for Buddhist monks and laypeople. Unlike earlier stupas , many of these later

stupas were elaborate structures made of stone, brick, and stucco. Immediately surrounding

stupas were circumambulatory paths, clearly demarcated by high railings. Circumambulatory

CircumambulatoryPath

Anda

Chhatra

Harmika

Torana

Railings

Drum

fig. 13.1 h e mahastupa at Sanchi (top) and a schematic diagram of a typical pilgrimage stupa (bottom)

early south asian buddhism 229

paths were used by devotees to ritually walk around stupas as an act of worship. Beyond the

circumambulatory paths was a larger assembly area where more festive, communal forms of

ritual were performed ( Fogelin 2003 ). h ose stupas that enshrined the relics of the Buddha

( mahastupas ) became the focus of elaborate pilgrimages, central to the spiritual lives of the

Buddhist laity, and, despite textual prohibitions, the Buddhist clergy.

Early Buddhism as Shown in Texts

h e textual sources for the study of Buddhism are extensive and rich. h ey are not, however,

simple. h e existing sources come from multiple Buddhist sects, are written in several dif-

ferent languages, and date to widely divergent times. h ese problems are multiplied when

applying Buddhist textual sources to the study of early Buddhism. h e earliest extant

Buddhist texts date to the i rst few centuries ce . For the most part, these texts are not even

preserved in the heartland of Buddhism in the Gangetic Plain of South Asia, but in transla-

tions found in Sri Lanka, China, and Tibet. h ese texts claim to be transcriptions of earlier

texts and oral histories dating to the time of the Buddha, half a millennium earlier. While

these texts do contain accounts of earlier forms of Buddhism, these accounts are inter-

twined with later additions and modii cations. Taken together, this suggests that there is no

single Buddhist theology any more than there is any single Christian theology. Rather, there

are general commonalities that dif erent Buddhist traditions share to greater and lesser

degrees. What follows can only be described as an abstract of the most generic elements of

Buddhist thought.

As in most South Asian religions, early Buddhists believed in reincarnationthat at er

death an individual is reborn. h e quality of this rebirth was determined by the actions of the

individual in all of their previous lives ( karma ). Meritorious acts resulted in rebirth in a

higher status, while demerit led to rebirth in lower statuses. What distinguished Buddhism

from other South Asian religions was not the belief in reincarnation, merit, or karma, but

rather the specii c understandings of the human condition and methods employed to stop

the cycle of rebirth in which all people i nd themselves. h at said, when examining early

Buddhist ritual practice, it seems that the concepts of karma, merit, and reincarnation are

most central ( Schopen 1997 ). h us, the more scholastic elements that most clearly dei ne

Buddhism as dif erent from other South Asian religions are also those elements most periph-

eral to the ritual lives of most early Buddhists.

h e most common scholastic understanding of early Buddhist philosophy centres on the

four noble truths. h e i rst noble truth states that life is suf eringthat life is inherently sor-

rowful as it is i lled with disease, unhappiness, and death. h e second noble truth states that

suf ering is caused by desire. h at is, desirefor love, health, or material goods for

exampleleads to unfuli lled wants and needs. h e third noble truth states that the elimina-

tion of desire must necessarily lead to elimination of suf ering and life (the cycle of rebirth)

itself. h is state, without suf ering or rebirth, is called nirvana . h e fourth noble truth spells

out the practices that an individual must engage in to achieve nirvana . h ese practices vary

tremendously between dif erent Buddhist sects and over time, but most emphasize medita-

tion, learning from a master, and other benei cial acts such as vegetarianism, sexual absti-

nence, and the renunciation of property. As with the concept karma, these good practices


were not limited to Buddhists, but are similar in most respects to the practices of Jains,

Brahmins, and other contemporary South Asian religions.

Textual Accounts of Early Buddhist

Mortuary Ritual

Buddhist textual accounts of burial vary greatly in detail depending upon the status of the

person being interred. h e most elaborate descriptions centre on the treatment of the Buddha,

with progressively less detail concerning the burial of prominent monks, ordinary monks,

and the laity. However, throughout the varying textual accounts is a consistent ambivalence

concerning mortuary activities. h is ambivalence is rooted in the emphasis on nirvana and

corresponding dismissal of the mundane world ( samsara ) that pervades Buddhist literature.

h is ambivalence is, perhaps, most clearly illustrated in textual accounts of the Buddhas death

and eventual veneration. In one account, contained within the Mahaparinibbana-sutta

(Davids and Davids 1910), the Buddha is asked by one of his principal disciples, Ananda, what

should be done with the Buddhas body at er death. h e Buddha responded,

Hinder not yourselves, Ananda, by honoring the remains of the Tathagata [Buddha]. Be

zealous, I beseech you, Ananda, in your own behalf! Devote yourselves to your own good!

Be earnest, be zealous, be intent on your own good! h ere are wise men, Ananda, among

the nobles, among the Brahmins, among the heads of houses, who are i rm believers in the

Tathagata, and they will do due honor to the remains of the Tathagata. (Davids and Davids

1910: 154)

Subsequent passages state that the nobles should cremate the Buddhas body and place the

ashes within a stupa where those [W]ho will take a garland or perfume or paint there, or will

salute, or will cause their mind to be tranquil, that will be for their benei t and ease for a long

time. (Davids and Davids 1910: 156)

Traditionally, this account has been interpreted as contrasting the proper behaviour of the

Buddhist clergy and laity toward the Buddhas remains ( Oldenberg 1882 , Coomaraswamy

1927 , Lamotte 1988 ; but see Schopen 1997 : 99113 for an alternative interpretation). h e

clergy, with their greater knowledge and sophistication should abstain from venerating the

Buddha, but rather focus on their own personal achievement of nirvana through religious

instruction and meditation. h e laity, with their lesser understanding of Buddhism, could

obtain merit through ritual directed towards the Buddhas relics interred within stupas .

Buddhist textual sources provide far less detail on the mortuary treatment of Buddhist

monks. It appears that the most prominent monks (like Ananda discussed above) were given

similar treatment as the Buddha. h ey were buried in stupas . h ough the stupas of promi-

nent monks were ot en smaller than stupas of the Buddha ( mahastupas ) and ot en omitted

circumambulatory paths, they were still large structures similar in most respects to the

Buddhas stupas . h e same cannot be said of the treatment of ordinary monksthose monks

who did not warrant post-death veneration.

Textual descriptions of the funerals of ordinary monks do not occur in the same accounts as

those of the Buddha or prominent monks. Rather, these funerals are typically addressed in


texts that provide rules and procedures for monastic life ( vinayas ). One account ( Schopen

1995 ) reports that at the death of one monk the community dumped his body in a ditch outside

the monastery. When the deceased monks relatives found the body, they complained to the

Buddha. In response, the Buddha decreed that the monk should receive a proper cremation. In

another account within the Mulasarvastivada-vinaya ( Schopen 1997 : 20437), at er the death

of a monk the other members of the monastery go to his cell to redistribute his belongings. In

the cell they i nd the dead monks ghost, who refuses to part with his belongings until he

receives a proper funeral. h is funeral is then described in the text as including several ele-

ments: the removal of the body to the cremation ground, the washing of the body, the recitation

of Buddhist scripture over the body, and the i nal cremation of the body. All participants were

then required to ritually wash themselves and their clothes before returning to the monastery.

While this passage does provide a detailed account of a monastic funeral, it is important to

note that this description is not the central point of the account. Rather, the account con-

cludes by stating that only those who participate in a proper funeral are entitled to a share of

the deceased monks belongings. h at is, by this account the impetus for a proper funeral is

not religious, per se, but rather pecuniary ( Schopen 1997 : 20437). As in the description of

the Buddhas funeral, there appears to be a general lack of interest in the af airs of the body.

Following Buddhist theology, these texts imply that Buddhist monks only have funerals

because (1) the communities in which they lived demanded them, and (2) they were required

as a means to identify those who had a right to inheritance. As in the account of the Buddhas

mortuary treatment it appears that monastic interest in mortuary practices had little to do

with nirvana , but rather with mundane practical concerns.

If accounts of monastic funerals are limited, discussions of lay funerals are almost non-

existent in the Buddhist literature. In some Sri Lankan and Chinese vinayas ( Schopen 1995 :

1056), participation in lay funerals is listed as one of the few reasons monks may leave a

monastery during the normally restrictive rainy season retreat. Buddhist monks participated

in lay funerals, but no details are provided of the funerals themselves.

Overall, the picture of Buddhist mortuary behaviour that can be gleaned from texts is

ambivalent. h e deceased were given funerals grudgingly or, in the case of the Buddha, given

to the laity for funeral rights and subsequent veneration. Funerals were a necessary chore, a

distraction from the real focus of their actions, meditation and learning. If it were not for the

additional information provided by Buddhist inscriptions and archaeological studies, this

would be the end of it. However, archaeological and epigraphic sources provide a radically

dif erent view of the nature of Buddhist mortuary behavior.

Archaeology of Early Buddhist

Mortuary Ritual

Relying upon the insights provided by Buddhist literature, it would be expected that Buddhist

stupas would have been frequented by the laity and avoided by the Buddhist clergy. Some

members of the clergy would have engaged with the Buddhist laity at stupas out of a sense of

obligation or duty, but otherwise most Buddhist monks would forgo stupa veneration. h us,

we would expect to i nd stupas at large pilgrimage sites frequented by the laity, but absent at


Buddhist monasteries in which monks lived in seclusion. h is expectation, derived from the

Buddhist literature, is directly contradicted by archaeological (material) evidence. In the last

200 years, numerous early Buddhist monasteries have been found, excavated, and studied

( see Fig. 13.2 ). Within these monastic complexes stupas are not only present, but ubiquitous

from the earliest periods for which there is any archaeological evidence.

fig. 13.2 Early Buddhist archaeological sites in South Asia


h e extant stupas available for archaeological study fall into two general types. h e i rst are

the large pilgrimage stupas described above. Archaeological investigations have been con-

ducted at many of these sites, most notably at Sanchi ( Cunningham 1854 [1997], Marshall and

Foucher 1983 , Mitra 1965 ; Shaw 1999 , 2000 ; Shaw and Sutclif e 2001 ), Bharhut (Cunningham

1876 [1962], Barua 1979 ), Amaravati ( Sewell 1880 [1973], Burgess 1882 [1972], Burgess and

Bhler 1887 [1970], Barrett 1954 , Ramachandra Rao 2002 ), and the Dharmarajika stupa at

Taxila ( Marshall 1951 [1975], Sarkar 1966 ). While it assumed that some of these stupas date to

the period immediately following the death of the Buddha in the 5th century bce , archaeologi-

cally there is no evidence for their presence before the rise of the Mauryan Empire in North

India in the late 4th century bce . h e specii c form of the Mauryan period stupas remains con-

jectural, as all were signii cantly modii ed in subsequent centuries. h e second type of stupa

was located within Buddhist monastic complexes. h e earliest of these date to the 2nd century

bce . Of the extant early monastic stupa complexes, most are located in western India, carved

directly into clif faces ( Fergusson and Burgess 1880 [1988], Dehejia 1972 , Nagaraju 1981 ). h is

method of construction is the primary reason for their preservation. h ere are, however, a

small number of early, free-standing monastic complexes found throughout South Asia that

also date to the 2nd century bce . Among the best studied are h otlakonda ( Sastry et al. 1992 ,

Fogelin 2006 ) and Bavikonda ( Prasad 1993 , 1994 ) on the east coast of the peninsula.

While the earliest monastic stupas date only to the 2nd century bce , they appear to be

modelled on earlier wooden prototypes that have not been preserved for archaeological

study ( Brown 1956 ). At Bhaja and Kondane (Mitra 1971), for example, some architectural ele-

ments were carved to resemble wooden elements, complete with faux wooden joints and

lintels. h is suggests that monastic stupas precede the earliest archaeological evidence, but it

is uncertain how long they were constructed before the 2nd century bce . Whatever the case,

by the 1st century bce the form and style of Buddhist monasteries, whether rock-cut or free-

standing, had become more-or-less regularized across the subcontinent (see Fig. 13.3 ). Stupas

were placed within worship halls ( chaityas ), while the Buddhist clergy lived in nearby

monastic dormitories ( viharas ; see Coningham 2001 for a critique of these terms). Viharas

were generally square structures with cells arrayed around the periphery. Chaityas took the

form of an apsidal hall, with stupas placed on the far end opposite the entrance.

While taking a dif erent form than the large open-air pilgrimage stupas , monastic stupas

within chaitya halls shared many of the same ritual elements. At least initially, monastic stu-

pas contained relics. Circling the chaitya hall was a pathway demarcated with columns that

was used for circumambulating the stupa . In essence, then, monastic stupas shared almost

all the ritual elements of large pilgrimage sites: a stupa containing relic, an assembly area for

group worship, and a circumambulatory path used for more individual forms of meditative

ritual. When viewed in terms of the textual proscriptions against the monastic veneration of

the Buddha, the i rst point of disjuncture emerges between archaeological and textual

accounts of early Buddhism. h ese disjunctures are even more pronounced when examining

the archaeological and epigraphic evidence for the mortuary treatment of ordinary monks

and the Buddhist laity.

Surrounding many large pilgrimage stupas in South Asia are dense clusters of smaller votive

stupas . h ese stupas range in size and elaboration, but share the two most basic elements of

any stupa : a shape recalling the original mound of earth the Buddha was buried in, and the

cremated remains of an individual. h e dif erence between votive stupas and mahastupas is

that those interred within them were not intended to be venerated, but rather that their place-

ment around a mahastupa was itself an act of veneration of another ( Schopen 1997 : 11447).


While votive stupas are common at stupa complexes throughout South Asia, little schol-

arly attention was paid to them until recently. In fact, at Bodh-Gaya, votive stupas were even

cleared from the courtyard surrounding the mahastupa as part of Cunninghams excava-

tions in the 19th century ( Cunningham 1892 [1998]). Despite this, ample archaeological

traces of votive stupas remain at numerous monastic and pilgrimage complexes, including

Ratnagiri ( Mitra 1981 ), Bhaja (Mitra 1971), Sankaram ( Rea 1907 1908: 110, Mitra 1971), and

h otlakonda ( Sastry et al. 1992 , Fogelin 2006 ). At h otlakonda votive stupas were arrayed

in a complex hierarchy based on the proximity and visibility of the main stupa at the monas-

tery (see Fig. 13.4 ). h e most elaborate votive stupas were immediately adjacent to the cen-

tral stupa , with progressively less elaborate votive stupas located further away. h e least

elaborate votive stupas were simple cairns of unmodii ed stones located on hilltops sur-

rounding the monastery. By itself, the archaeological evidence of votive stupas suggests that,

contrary to the indif erence in Buddhist textual sources, Buddhists were heavily invested in

mortuary ritual. A fuller understanding of early Buddhist mortuary beliefs, however, comes

only by adding the insights gained from an analysis of early Buddhist inscriptions.

Early Buddhist Inscriptions

Traditionally, the study of early Buddhism focused on the analysis of Buddhist texts. More

recently, several Buddhist scholars have begun to focus more on the study of inscriptions

( Schopen 1997 , 2004 , Trainor 1997 ). h ese inscriptions are found throughout early Buddhist

AssemblyArea

Entrance

Stupa

Circ

umambulatory Path

fig. 13.3 h e main chaitya at Karla (let ) and a schematic diagram of a typical monastic chaitya hall (right)


complexes and provide a third line of evidence concerning mortuary practices of early

Buddhists. As stated by Schopen ( 1997 : 30), these inscriptions have at least two major advan-

tages over the analysis of Buddhist texts.

First, much of [the inscriptional material] predates what we can dei nitely know from liter-

ary sources. Second, and perhaps of greater importance, this material tells us not what some

literate, educated Indian Buddhist wrote, but what a fairly large number of practicing

Buddhists actually did. ( Schopen 1997 : 30)

h ese advantages of the inscriptional material are balanced by one major disadvantage

most of these early inscriptions are short messages recording donations to monasteries or

stupa complexes. Most ot en these inscriptions record little more than the name of the donor,

and perhaps the hometown or occupation of the individual. Despite this, much can be

learned of early Buddhism from these donation inscriptions.

One of the more startling revelations about early Buddhism derived from an analysis of

donation inscriptions is that substantial proportions record the donations of Buddhist

monks and nuns. Despite the prohibition against the accumulations of personal wealth

attested to in some textual traditions, donation inscriptions unequivocally demonstrate that

Buddhist monks and nuns had access to wealth and at times this wealth was signii cant. h is

disjuncture with texts is interesting on two fronts. First, it helps to explain the importance of

the textual account discussed earlier in regard to the inheritance of a deceased monks prop-

erty. Simply put, participation in a monastic funeral could be very lucrative. Second, many of

fig. 13.4 h e varieties of mortuary features found near h otlakonda monastery Notes : Clockwise from upper let : the main stupa at h otlakonda, a large votive stupa at h otlakonda,

a cairn, and a small stone votive stupa at h otlakonda (scale 1 metre).


the donation inscriptions listing monks are found in the large pilgrimage stupas rather than

in the monasteries. For example, at Sanchi about one-third of the donation inscriptions list

monks or nuns as donors ( Fogelin 2003 ). h is, in turn, suggests that monks were not as iso-

lated from the laity as the textual accounts would suggest.

Buddhist inscriptions also provide insight into the role of votive stupas . In many cases,

short inscriptions recording the name and occupation of the deceased are carved into votive

stupas as well. As with donation inscriptions, it appears that votive stupas contain the cre-

mated remains of people from many occupations, including Buddhist monks and nuns. h at

is, the Buddhist clergy were interred within votive stupas at both Buddhist monasteries and

surrounding mahastupas of the Buddha.

Taken together, the evidence from donation inscriptions and votive stupa inscriptions

suggests that Buddhist monks and nuns were actively engaged in stupa veneration, both

within their own monasteries and in the large pilgrimage stupas frequented by the laity.

Schopen ( Schopen 1997 : 11447) has referred to the placement of votive stupas adjacent to

mahastupas as burial ad sanctos . Just as proximity to the Buddha during circumambulation

was meritorious, burial adjacent to the Buddha was similarly meritorious. In fact, burial

would be one step better. Circumambulation had a dei nable end point, where burial adja-

cent to a stupa could potentially allow for the accumulation or merit perpetually.

Inscriptions also provide an explanation for the particular conceptions that early

Buddhists brought to circumambulation and burial ad sanctos . On one relic casket found

within Shinkota 2nd century bce mahastupa in modern Pakistanan inscription

reads . . . [on] the 14th day of the month Karttika, the relic of the Blessed One Sakyamuni

which is endowed with life was established ( Majumdar 1937 , Lamotte 1988 , Schopen 1997 :

126). Similar inscriptions demonstrate that the relics of the Buddha enshrined within

mahastupas throughout South Asia were considered functionally equivalent with the

living Buddha ( Schopen 1997 :131; see also Trainor 1997 , Strong 2004 ).

Understanding Disjunctures

in Early Buddhism

When comparing textual, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence of early Buddhist mortuary

ritual, several disjunctions are immediately apparent. Most obviously, the textual prohibitions

and ambivalence of Buddhist monks and nuns towards stupa veneration is almost directly con-

tradicted by the ubiquity of stupas within early monastic complexes and the presence of clerical

votive stupas surrounding mahastupas . Buddhist monks and nuns were fully involved in stupa

veneration, whatever Buddhist textual sources may claim. More subtly, the conception of relics

as the continuing living presence of the Buddha stands in contrast to the idea that nirvana repre-

sents the complete cessation of life and ties to the mundane world. Similarly, burial ad sanctos

demands that some trace of the individual remains within the ashes interred within votive stu-

pas . Burial near a mahastupa could not be considered perpetual veneration unless both the per-

son being venerated and the person doing the veneration were present, at least to some degree.

One common way to explain the disjunctures between text, archaeology, and epigraphy is

to privilege one line of evidence and disregard others as unreliable. In my mind, the i rst

mistake of these one-dimensional perspectives is that each line of evidence relates to


dif erent, though interlocking, aspects of early Buddhism. h e second mistake is to view

early Buddhism as a single, unii ed, or coherent body of thought. When considering texts

and epigraphy, it must always be remembered that only a small percentage of early Buddhists

were literate. It is likely that many of those who were memorialized in donation inscriptions

could not read them. Similarly, of those monks and nuns who were literate, the authors of the

authoritative texts that survive to the present day were an elite few. When evaluating Buddhist

inscriptions or texts, the goals of the authors must always be taken into account.

At the heart of all these disjunctures it seems that the Buddhist clergy were far more inter-

ested in karma, merit, inheritance, and other mundane issues than is depicted in the monas-

tic literaturethat is, most Buddhist monks and nuns were more like the laity than the texts

report. h ere are two explanations for this. h e i rst is chronological. As discussed earlier,

the existing Buddhist texts post-date early Buddhism by several hundred years. It is possi-

ble, then, that these texts accurately rel ect the practices of monastic Buddhism at the time

of their composition. Later Buddhist clergy were more divorced from the daily concerns of

lay Buddhists than earlier ones. h ere does seem to be some truth in this explanation, but to

completely disregard the potential of later Buddhist texts to illuminate early Buddhism

seems overly restrictive. h e second explanation of the disjunctures focuses more upon the

broader social world in which early Buddhism existed.

Early Buddhists did not live in isolation, but rather within a dynamic world of competing

religious, political, and economic factions. h e elite few who composed Buddhist texts were

in dialogue with other members of the religious, political, and economic elite. Buddhist texts

constituted a venue where the scholarly few could explain the dif erences between compet-

ing religious sects. In contrast, ordinary monks, nuns, and the Buddhist laity were simply

seeking to fuli l their spiritual needs in familiar ways. As such, their ritual actions were

guided by dif erent concerns than those driving the composition of Buddhist texts. In a

sense, the dif erences described here resemble the dif erences between modern protestant

sects of Christianity. While signii cant doctrinal dif erences exist between protestant sects

(e.g. on the ordination of women and homosexuals), the actual practices of Sunday morning

worship services are ot en almost indistinguishable.

It should not be surprising that Buddhist mortuary rituals as described in Buddhist texts

do not articulate perfectly with Buddhist mortuary practices. In fact, it would be surprising

if they did. h e relationship between religious theology and ritual practice is always infused

with disjuncture and contradiction. h ese disjunctures betray underlying dif erences in the

outlook and interests of religious factions. h e interests of the religious elite do not always

align with their followers, or even ordinary religious oi cials. h at does not mean that the

actions of the religious elite are uninteresting or unimportant. h e study of early religion

should avoid simple dichotomies of thought and action, of religion and ritual. Disjunctures

are not problems to be decided upon, but rather interesting patterns that beg explanation.

Acknowledgements

I thank the editors for their oversight of this volume and for their guidance. I also thank Alice

Ritscherle for her comments and suggestions on earlier drat s. Finally, I thank the many peo-

ple I have worked with in India over the years for their time and support as I have conducted

my research.


Suggested Further Reading

Allchin, R. (ed.) 1995. h e Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: h e Emergence of Cities

and States . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

h is is an excellent introduction to the archaeology of the Early Historic Period in South Asia.

Coningham, R. 2001. h e Archaeology of Buddhism. In: T. Insoll (ed.) Archaeology and World

Religion . London: Routledge: 6195.

h is article is a brief introduction to the archaeology of Buddhism.

Fergusson, J. and Burgess, J. 1880 [1988]. h e Cave Temples of India . New Delhi: Munshiram

Manoharlal.

A classic piece of colonial British scholarship, this work provides much of the primary informa-

tion on the rock-cut Buddhist monasteries of Western India.

Fogelin, L. 2006. Archaeology of Early Buddhism . Lanham, Md.: AltaMira Press.

h is book examines one early Buddhist monastery (h otlakonda) in detail. It includes a lengthy

introduction covering early Buddhism, archaeological theory, and South Asian history.

Lamotte, E. 1988. History of Indian Buddhism from the Origins to the Saka Era . Louvain-la-

Nueve: Institute Orientaliste, Universit de Louvain.

h is is an authoritative and exhaustive history of Buddhism in South Asia.

Lopez, D. S. 2001. h e Story of Buddhism: A Concise Guide to its History and Teachings . San

Francisco: Harper San Francisco.

h is is a basic scholarly introduction to Buddhism, including discussions of Buddhas biogra-

phy, the history of Buddhism, and Buddhist thought.

Mitra, D. 1971. Buddhist Monuments . Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad.

h is reference book contains photos and description of most of the major Buddhist monuments

in India.

Ray, H. P. 1986. Monastery and Guild: Commerce under the Satavahanas . Delhi: Oxford

University Press.

h is work examines the relationships between monasteries and the larger political and eco-

nomic contexts in which they existed.

Schopen, G. 1997. Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology,

Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India . Honolulu: University of Hawaii

Press.

2004. Buddhist Monks and Business Matters: Still More Papers on Monastic Buddhism in

India . Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

h ese two books collect many of the essays of Gregory Schopen. h ey provide an important

summary of some recent scholarly trends in the study of early Buddhism.

Strong, J. 2004. Relics of the Buddha . Princeton: Princeton University Press.

h is work is an important analysis of the role and nature of relics in early Buddhism.

h apar, R. 2002. Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300 . Berkeley, Calif.: University of

California Press.

h is book is among the best general histories of early South Asia.

Additional References

Barrett, D. E. 1954. Sculptures from Amaravati in the British Museum . London: Trustees of the

British Museum.


Barua, B. 1979. Barhut: Parts 1, 2, and 3 . Varanasi: Indological Book House.

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