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FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 1
Framing and Labeling Effects in Preferences for Borrowing for College:
An Experimental Analysis
Brent J. Evans
Angela Boatman
Adela Soliz
Peabody College, Vanderbilt University
230 Appleton Place, PMB 414, Nashville, TN 37203
Author’s Note: All correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Brent J.
Evans, Peabody College, Vanderbilt University, 230 Appleton Place, PMB 414, Nashville, TN
37203. E-Mail address: [email protected]. Phone Number: 615.322.6491.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 2
Abstract
Evidence from behavioral economics suggests that framing and labeling affect financial
decisions. Through a randomized control trial of over six thousand high school seniors,
community college students, and adults without a college degree, we identify the existence of
both framing and labeling effects in respondents’ preferences for borrowing for postsecondary
education. How financially equivalent contracts are framed alters the preferences of high school
and community college students. Furthermore, simply labeling a contract a “loan” reduces the
likelihood of selecting that option by 8-11 percentage points among those samples. These effects
are more pronounced among Black high school respondents and Hispanic high school and
community college respondents who are both twice as likely as white respondents to avoid the
loan option when it is labeled. Finally, we provide suggestive evidence that this labeling effect is
driven by more risk averse respondents.
JEL Classification: I22
Keywords: Educational economics; State and federal aid; Student financial aid; Student loans
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 3
Framing and Labeling Effects in Preferences for Borrowing for College:
An Experimental Analysis
Section 1. Introduction
Despite large individual returns to higher education (Carnevale, Rose, & Cheah, 2011;
Kane and Rouse, 1995; Pew Research Center, 2014), only 66 percent of recent high school
graduates were enrolled in college in 2013 (National Center for Education Statistics (NCES),
2015). One of the leading explanations for low levels of enrollment is the rising cost of college.
Over the last ten years, college tuition and fees have risen 3.4 percent annually above the rate of
inflation, and total average charges are near $20,000 for in-state public four year colleges and
over $43,000 at four-year private colleges (College Board, 2015a). Net price after accounting for
grant aid is, on average, over $7,000 at public two-year colleges and over $14,000 at public four-
year colleges for in-state students (College Board, 2015a). For low- and middle-income students
and their families, these expenses serve as a barrier to college entry and success, often requiring
additional financial resources in the form of student loans.
Federal student loans are the primary policy mechanism enabling credit constrained
students to pursue higher education. Forty-seven percent of first-time, full-time undergraduate
students receive a government student loan to help finance their college education (NCES,
2016). Federal student loans are the single largest source of financial aid for undergraduate
students at $62.1 billion in 2015, far surpassing expenditures on Pell Grants, the next largest
source of financial aid at $30.3 billion (College Board, 2015b).
Despite the fact that almost half of college matriculants make use of student loans to
finance higher education, there is concern that many students are loan averse; they believe
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 4
investing in higher education is worthwhile but are unwilling to finance that investment through
borrowing (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008; Palameta & Voyer, 2010). Prior work has identified
that a substantial subset of potential college students are averse to taking out student loans, with
20-40 percent of high school seniors reporting an aversion to borrowing for college, depending
on the measure (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2017). Credit constrained low- and middle-income
students who are reluctant to borrow money may instead choose to work more while enrolled,
enroll part time, or not enroll at all, decisions which may reduce the likelihood of degree
attainment and result in an under-investment in human capital. Given the widespread reliance on
student loans to finance higher education, the tremendous public investment in student loans, and
the concern that loan averse students are under-investing in human capital, it is important to
better understand the student borrowing decision.
While economic analyses of the borrowing decision exist (for example the effects of
grant aid on amount borrowed (Marx & Turner, 2017) and the extent to which borrowing
decisions are determined by the expected returns to education (Avery & Turner, 2012)), there has
been less attention to behavioral economic considerations of how the borrowing decision is
presented to potential borrowers. A long line of literature in behavioral economics has
demonstrated that the way in which options are framed can affect decisions in an array of areas
such as health care and investments (Banks et al., 1995; Epley, Mak, & Idson, 2006; Johnson et
al., 1993; Keller, Lipkus, & Rimer, 2003; Mullainathan, Schwartzstein, & Shleifer, 2008;
Tversky & Kahneman, 1981). Similar behavioral effects may also influence the borrowing
decision. How a financial contract is described (framing) or whether the words used to identify
the contract include “loan” (labeling) might alter a prospective borrower’s decision to borrow. If
students differentially respond to financial aid offers due to framing and/or labeling effects, it
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 5
may be possible to redesign student loan programs to alleviate loan aversion and increase human
capital investment.
This paper uses a randomized control trial to assess whether the stated preferences about
borrowing decisions for education are subject to framing and labeling effects. We ask three
specific research questions: 1) Is there evidence of framing effects in the decision to borrow for
postsecondary education?; 2) Does labeling a financing option as a “loan” change the likelihood
of selecting that option?; 3) Are there heterogeneous effects of labeling by race and level of risk
aversion? Answers to these questions provide important insights into the borrowing decision and
potential causes of loan aversion.
This study replicates and extends a study originally conducted in three Latin American
countries by Caetano, Palacios, and Patrinos (2011), hereafter referred to as CPP. Their study
measured potential framing effects by asking respondents, in a hypothetical situation, to choose
between two financially-equivalent contracts to finance their education, one framed as a loan and
another framed as an income share agreement (ISA). An ISA, also known as a human capital
contract, is a type of financial contract that serves as an alternative to a traditional student loan.
ISAs provide students with upfront money to finance higher education in exchange for receiving
a percentage of the student’s future income after leaving college. The CPP study also measured
the extent to which loan aversion was due to the way in which the financing options were
labeled. They found evidence that respondents prefer the ISA framing and that labeling the
contract a “loan” reduced student preference of the loan framing by approximately 8-12
percentage points.
Our replication and extension of CPP offers three main advantages over this prior work.
First, the original study took place in Chile, Colombia, and Mexico. The context for financing
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 6
higher education is quite different in the United States, in which the cost of higher education is
much higher, and students rely more heavily on loans. For example, the cost of one year of
higher education in Colombia is approximately $3,000. Furthermore, the small group studied in
the Latin American paper (767 respondents) were students who had already applied for
educational financing through a company that offers ISAs. The applicants likely had a more
sophisticated level of understanding of their education financing options, calling into question
the external validity of the findings when applied to broader populations of potential students in
higher education.
Second, we conduct this experiment among three distinct samples of respondents: high
school seniors, community college students, and adults aged 20-39 without a college degree who
are not enrolled in college. Previous work has demonstrated that loan aversion may be more
widespread among people who do not apply to college than those that do (Boatman, Evans, &
Soliz, 2017). Comparing the difference in framing and labeling effects across different
populations provides insight into the borrowing decision for traditional and non-traditional
students, while comparing populations that have and have not pursued a college degree allows
for much broader external validity than the prior study. Furthermore, our experiment has higher
sample sizes in all three populations than the original study.
Finally, the diverse populations obtained across our three populations allow for an
analysis of the potentially heterogeneous effects of the labeling experiment on respondents.
Specifically, we examine differential effects across race and elicited risk preferences. Previous
studies have argued that Hispanic students may be more loan averse because they are less likely
to borrow for college (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008; ECMC Group Foundation, 2003;
Hillman, 2015), and there is some quantitative evidence demonstrating that variation in loan
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 7
aversion exists across race (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2017). Our current analysis extends the
prior literature by providing evidence of loan aversion differences across race with a higher level
of internal validity given the randomized nature of the analysis.
Prior work has also hypothesized that risk may play a role in reduced borrowing (Avery
& Turner, 2012; Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2014; Caetano, Palacios, & Patrinos, 2011). High
levels of risk aversion may deter potential students from borrowing due to the risk of poor
financial outcomes in the labor market limiting a borrower’s ability to repay the loan. There is
little empirical evidence of such an effect on borrowing preferences, and, as such, we examine
whether any observed framing and labeling effects found in our sample are related to risk
aversion. It is possible that if respondents associate risk with the word “loan,” we might see
differential effects.
We find evidence of both framing and labeling effects, in part consistent with the
findings of CPP. In the test for framing effects, respondents are asked to choose which of two
contracts they prefer, one framed as a loan and one framed as an ISA but without the use of the
words “loan” or “income share agreement” in either. In this unlabeled, framing test, we find that
both groups prefer a loan framing. These results contrast with CPP who find their sample prefers
the ISA framing. In the test for labeling effects, we find labeling a borrowing option as a “loan”
reduces the likelihood of selecting that option by 8-11 percentage points for high school and
community college students. These results align closely with the findings of CPP. We also
observe large effects by race. The effects of labeling a borrowing option as a “loan” for Black
and Hispanic high school students as well as Hispanic community college respondents are more
than twice as strong as those for white respondents. Finally, there is suggestive evidence that the
labeling effect is magnified among risk averse respondents.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 8
The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 summarizes the prior literature on loan
aversion and on framing and labeling in economics with an application to financing education
decisions. Section 3 describes the sample, data, experimental design, and analysis. We present
the results in Section 4 and discuss the results and implications for policy and practice in Section
5.
Section 2. Prior Literature
2.1 Loan Aversion
Loan aversion is a widespread phenomenon which can affect credit constrained students’
human capital investment decisions. Evidence of loan aversion has been found in Canada
(Palameta & Voyer, 2010); Latin America (Caetano, Palacios, & Patrinos, 2011); the United
Kingdom (Callendar & Jackson, 2005); and in the United States among prospective college
students (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2017), undergraduates (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2017;
Goldrick-Rab & Kelchen, 2013), and graduate students (Field, 2009). Although common, loan
aversion does not affect all students equally with evidence of differential loan aversion by
gender, race, and socioeconomic status (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2017; Callendar & Jackson,
2005; Cunningham & Santiago; ECMC Group Foundation, 2003; Hillman, 2015).
There are several potential causes of loan aversion. It could rationally be due to risk
aversion. In the face of uncertainty about their returns to education, students may decide to avoid
borrowing to eliminate the risk of default and damaging their credit. Evidence from other areas
of economic analysis supports this conjecture. Higher levels of risk aversion are related to
reduced activity in investment markets (Fellner & Maciejovsky, 2007; Keller & Siegrist, 2006),
reduced recreational gambling (Warneryd, 1996) and reduced cooperation in the prisoner’s
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 9
dilemma (Sabater-Grande & Georgantzis, 2002). Risk aversion clearly alters behavior, and it is
important to test its relationship with borrowing preferences.
A few scholars have hypothesized that loan aversion may be caused by cultural factors
that teach negative attitudes about debt (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008; ECMC Group
Foundation, 2003; Hillman, 2015). Finally, loan aversion may be explained by behavioral effects
such as framing and labeling that affect students’ attitudes about borrowing. More evidence is
required to distinguish between these causes, and our analysis is an attempt to experimentally
assess whether framing and labeling effects are a root cause of loan aversion.
2.2 Framing and Labeling Effects in Financing Education
Seemingly unimportant aspects of the way choices are presented can have large effects on
consumers’ decisions (Banks et al., 1995; Johnson et al., 1993; Keller, Lipkus, & Rimer, 2003;
Epley et al., 2006; Mullainathan, Schwartzstein, & Shleifer, 2008; Tversky & Kahneman, 1981).
One broad example of these framing effects is the gain-framed versus loss-framed asymmetry
observed in a number of contexts such as the decision to obtain a mammogram (Banks et al., 1995)
or in spending a tax refund (Epley et al., 2006). Another general example is the asymmetry between
delaying or speeding up consumption in which the amount required to delay a reward is several
times larger than subjects are willing to pay to speed up consumption of that reward (Loewenstein
1988; Loewenstein and Prelec, 1992). These are violations of the standard economic model in
which consumers should be indifferent between financially equivalent choices.
These behavioral effects also exist in decisions related to attending and financing higher
education. Monks (2009) provides evidence that students differentially respond to how the net-
price of their college education is framed. Students are more likely to enroll at a specific institution
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 10
if net-price has been reduced by receiving a scholarship than if an equivalent net-price is framed
as having a lower sticker price without a scholarship.
A stark example of framing effects in financing postsecondary education is provided by
Field (2009). Prospective New York University law students interested in public service careers
were randomly assigned two different types of financially equivalent contracts to finance their
legal studies. One contract was framed as a standard loan that would be forgiven if the student
pursued public service while the other was framed as a grant that would transform into a loan that
must be paid back if they did not take a public service job. Prospective students who received the
contract framed as a grant were twice as likely to enroll and 36 percent more likely to enter public
interest law than students who were offered the contract framed as a loan. These findings suggest
that a portion of law students are loan averse when an alternative financially equivalent contract is
available; however, it is unclear if these findings extend beyond highly motivated students who
applied to a single law school.
Palameta and Voyer (2010) provide non-experimental evidence of framing effects in
decisions related to financing postsecondary education from Canada. When Canadian high school
students were asked to choose between cash and various financial aid packages that combined
grants and loans, many students accepted packages with grants but rejected the same level of grants
when an optional loan was added to the package.
Following from these framing effects, the actual words used to attach a label to financial
options can affect decisions (see, for example, Cooper, Gulen, & Rau (2005) on the effects of
changing the name of a mutual fund). Although there is less empirical research on the effects of
labeling in financing postsecondary education, Avery and Hoxby (2004) provide evidence that
students respond differentially to a named scholarship relative to an unnamed grant of equivalent
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 11
monetary value. Simply attaching a naming label does not change the underlying financial
situation but does alter students’ perceptions, and in some cases, their behaviors.
Our study builds off the framing and labeling effects identified in students’ borrowing
preferences by CPP in Latin America. In order to identify framing effects, they described two
financially equivalent contracts and asked respondents to choose one. One was framed as an
income based repayment loan and the other was framed as an income share agreement. Their
results suggest that framing a financial contract as an income sharing agreement increases take-up
over a more traditional loan framing. A major caveat of their findings, however, is that each
participant had previously expressed interest in income share agreements and had already applied
for higher education financing.
CPP also disentangle the components of loan aversion caused by labeling effects by
experimentally manipulating whether respondents saw the “loan” and “income share agreement”
labels attached to the two financial options. They observed a reduction in respondents choosing
the loan option of 8-12 percentage points, depending on the specification, when the options were
labeled, suggesting that loan aversion is mostly the result of labeling effects. In other words,
people avoid the term “loan.” As described above, our study replicates and extends CPP to
advance our understanding of behavioral effects in the preferences for financing postsecondary
education.
Section 3. Data and Methods
3.1 Survey and Experimental Design
Most studies of loan aversion have relied on surveys to measure student attitudes about
borrowing or to measure student responses to hypothetical borrowing situations. Our study
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 12
follows this tradition by asking students to respond to a hypothetical question about how they
would prefer to finance their education. In order to assess framing and labeling effects on
borrowing preferences, we designed and fielded a survey that asked respondents basic
demographic questions as well as a hypothetical question about which of two financially
equivalent contracts they would prefer in order to finance a $10,000 one-year education program.
The framing and labeling effects are measured from responses to this specific question taken
from CPP:
Suppose you need $10,000 to finance a one-year education program. In one year you will
join the work force. How do you prefer to finance your education? (Choose one.)
60 monthly payments of $200. If in any month your income is below $2,000, then
you only have to pay 10 percent of your income that month.
60 monthly payments equal to 10 percent of your income. If in any month your
income is larger than $2,000, then you only have to pay $200 in that month.
The two choices are financially equivalent; the monthly payment will be the same
regardless of the choice. However, the two choices vary in their framing. The first choice is
framed as an income-based repayment loan in which there is a set amount that must be paid each
month. If one’s monthly earnings are too low to pay that established amount, then the payment
will be reduced to 10 percent of that month’s income. The second choice is framed as an income
share agreement in which there is no fixed monthly payment amount. Instead, the monthly
payment is ten percent of monthly income with a maximum payment amount of $200 in any one
month.
In the absence of behavioral effects respondents should be indifferent between the two
choices because the two contracts result in the same amount paid in any month. This indifference
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 13
should be reflected in a 50-50 split in choices between these two options. If the distribution of
respondents deviates from an even division in the preference for one option over the other, it
suggests that framing effects are altering preferences.
In order to experimentally assess the impact of labeling on borrowing preferences, we
randomly assigned half of respondents to receive the same survey question, but with a simple
change in the wording of the two response choices. The treatment group received a survey in
which the first option was explicitly labeled a “loan” and the second option was explicitly
labeled an “income share agreement” as seen below.
Loan: 60 monthly payments of $200. If in any month your income is below $2,000,
then you only have to pay 10 percent of your income that month.
Income Share Agreement: 60 monthly payments equal to 10 percent of your income.
If in any month your income is larger than $2,000, then you only have to pay $200 in
that month.
To ensure an equal distribution of treatment and control in each institution (high school
or college), we blocked by high school or college for the high school and community college
samples. By comparing the choices of respondents who randomly received the labels (the
treatment group) from students who randomly did not receive the “loan” label (the comparison
group), we can determine whether labeling may be driving loan aversion. Although this
methodology cannot identify whether a single person is loan averse because of labeling, it can
identify the existence and extent of the labeling phenomenon in populations of respondents.
In order to allow for subgroup analyses, the survey also collected data on demographic
characteristics, educational goals, and whether or not community college students had borrowed
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 14
for college. We also measured risk aversion for a randomly chosen half of each population.1 We
use Eckel and Grossman’s (2008) measure for assessing risk tolerance which asks respondents to
choose their most preferred lottery out of six 50-50 chance lotteries. The lotteries vary in
expectation and risk (standard deviation of expected payoff) such that we can rank respondents
from most risk seeking to most risk averse. Palmeta and Voyer (2010) use a similar measure to
assess risk in their loan aversion study.
In order to improve the validity of our survey, we solicited advice from several experts in
survey design and postsecondary education financing. We pilot tested the survey with a class of
high school seniors, and conducted a focus group at the end of the pilot to gather information on
the timing and areas of confusion caused by any of the questions. The surveys were edited and
provided to expert colleagues for a second round of feedback and revisions.
3.2 Sample
To extend generalizability and investigate the effects of framing and labeling in different
populations, we collected survey data from three distinct populations: high school seniors,
community college students, and adults aged 20-39 without a college degree not currently
enrolled in higher education. Including high school seniors enables us to draw conclusions about
how the effects of framing and labeling on loan aversion might be shaped prior to making the
decision to borrow and enroll in higher education. Community college students have already
made the decision to enroll and borrow for college, but they nonetheless constitute a diverse and
important population of students in higher education. Adults who have not attended college
provide an important perspective into the attitudes about borrowing money among a group with
1 The survey used two forms to reduce the time burden on completion, and the risk measure was only included on one form of the survey. Survey forms were randomly assigned to respondents.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 15
potentially more experience in the credit and labor markets and may also enter higher education
in the future.
For high school seniors, we aimed to obtain a random sample of diverse high schools
across multiple states and survey the entire senior class. Our sampling frame is comprised of all
public high schools in Texas, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Massachusetts that had at least 500 total
students with at least 10 percent of the student body being White, 10 percent Black, 10 percent
Hispanic, and 10 percent low-income, as defined by eligibility for free or reduced price lunch.
Stratifying by state, we randomly ordered eligible high schools and contacted them, in order,
through the guidance office and the principal’s office. We stopped after receiving five positive
responses for high schools in that state or exhausting all of the available high schools. For high
schools that agreed to participate, we traveled to the schools and administered the survey to all
seniors present on the day of administration during the spring semester of the 2014-15 school
year, capturing at least 80 percent of the seniors in every school. Treatment and control surveys
were randomly sorted for each school in advance and handed out in this random order to students
in each classroom. We ultimately surveyed 1,657 high school students in eight schools with no
missing data for the variables we rely on in the analysis.2
The community college sample was selected to supplement the high school analysis. We
administered our survey in one college in Illinois, one in Tennessee, one in Michigan, and two in
Texas. Survey administration took place through an electronic survey emailed to all enrolled
students during the summer and fall of 2015. Randomization occurred once a student agreed to
respond to the survey and began engaging with the instrument. Due to the online nature of the
survey, we received a five percent response rate to the survey of community college students.
2 Results are robust to the inclusion of all respondents and ignoring the covariates for which we have missing values.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 16
This response rate still yielded surveys from 3,770 community college students. This low
response rate may pose a concern for external validity as respondents are unlikely to be
representative of the full student body at these community colleges. We note that nearly three
quarters are women, although we observe substantial diversity across race and income,
suggesting we captured a reasonable cross section of these diverse student bodies. The response
rate does not, however, pose a threat to the internal validity of our experimental analysis because
random treatment assignment occurred only after each respondent agreed to participate;
therefore, treatment assignment can have no bearing on likelihood of response.
For the adult sample, we hired a survey firm, Qualtrics, to find respondents to complete
the online version of our survey. The survey firm relied on marketing email lists to identify and
obtain survey results for approximately 200 adults without a college degree, aged between 20
and 39, and not currently enrolled in higher education in each of four racial categories: White,
Black, Hispanic, and Asian. Similar to the community college survey, randomization occurred
once a respondent began the survey. The 843 adult respondents represent a 12 percent response
rate from the full set of adults contacted. These respondents are admittedly not a random sample
of adults who fit the age and education criteria; however, it is still valuable to compare responses
of adults to those of high school seniors and community college students.
Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for the treatment and comparison groups in each of
the three samples. The samples are racially and socioeconomically diverse. Both the community
college and adult samples have substantially more women than men. This can be explained in
part by larger numbers of women enrolling in college in the community college sample, and the
large female portion of adult respondents likely reflects the marketing lists relied upon by the
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 17
Table 1: Descriptive Statistics High School Community College Adults Not Enrolled in College Treatment Comparison p Treatment Comparison p Treatment Comparison p
Female 0.53 0.52 0.67 0.75 0.70 0.06 0.74 0.75 0.61White 0.34 0.37 0.47 0.45 0.44 0.65 0.30 0.26 0.24Black 0.20 0.21 0.90 0.10 0.10 0.76 0.21 0.24 0.32Hispanic 0.26 0.25 0.83 0.29 0.29 0.53 0.18 0.20 0.50Asian 0.03 0.02 0.36 0.05 0.05 0.38 0.19 0.19 0.96Multi-race 0.15 0.14 0.99 0.06 0.07 0.43 0.12 0.11 0.60Age 18.38 18.34 0.26 26.64 26.01 0.01 29.58 29.50 0.83High School Senior 0.98 0.97 0.05 FRPL 0.47 0.47 0.93 Has Pell 0.17 0.17 0.95 0.04 0.06 0.41Has Public Assistance 0.52 0.52 0.53 0.39 0.41 0.62Education goal: some college 0.02 0.01 0.09 0.02 0.02 0.29 0.21 0.29 0.01Education goal: Associate's degree 0.12 0.14 0.42 0.39 0.39 0.96 0.27 0.27 0.83Education goal: Bachelor's degree 0.32 0.32 0.75 0.60 0.60 0.82 0.30 0.31 0.78Education goal: Graduate school 0.50 0.49 0.70 0.21 0.20 0.58 0.14 0.10 0.06At least 1 parent attended college 0.65 0.63 0.52 0.58 0.61 0.11 0.43 0.41 0.54At least 1 parent graduated from college 0.52 0.48 0.31 0.39 0.42 0.02 0.30 0.30 0.96U.S. citizen 0.94 0.94 0.94 0.92 0.91 0.54 0.95 0.91 0.02
N 825 832 1,876 1,894 444 399 Notes: This tables uses the sample excluding respondents with missing values on any of the covariates. Treatment and comparison means are unconditional. P-values come from regressions of each individual variable on a binary variable for treatment status with high school and college fixed effects to account for blocking by school and college for the high school and community college samples.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 18
survey firm. The p-values in the third column test whether there is any statistically significant
difference between treatment and comparison groups on each variable in each sample. With only
three variables being statistically significantly different at the 5 percent significance level, across
the fifty-four tests, we assert that the treatment and comparison groups are well balanced on
observable characteristics.
3.3 Methods of Analysis
The randomized control trial focuses on randomly assigning a label, but we can also
measure framing effects non-experimentally by examining preferences between the financial
contracts for students in the comparison group who did not observe a label. In order to address
whether there is evidence that framing affects the borrowing decision, we rely on examining the
preferences between the two methods of financing a one-year education program for $10,000.
We focus only on preferences of the comparison group, the respondents that did not see the
“loan” and “income share agreement” labels, to avoid the potentially confounding effects of the
labeling experiment. Because the two options are financially equivalent contracts, we expect
students to be indifferent between them, resulting in an even 50-50 split. If there are no framing
effects, half of the respondents would choose the ISA framing and the other half would choose
the loan framing. A chi-squared goodness of fit test formally assesses whether the empirical
distribution of responses differs from the expected distribution.
We then turn to assessing the extent of the labeling effect by comparing the rate of
choosing the income share agreement option between the treatment and comparison groups in
the experiment. If a labeling effect exists, implying respondents are averse to the loan label, the
treatment group should select the income share agreement framing at higher rates than the
comparison group simply because of the label. We formally test this difference using a linear
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 19
probability model regression separately for each of the three samples. The regression analysis
allows for the inclusion of covariates and institution (high school or college) fixed effects. We
estimate the following model,
𝐼𝑆𝐴𝑖𝑗 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1(𝐿𝑎𝑏𝑒𝑙)𝑖𝑗 + 𝑋𝑖𝑗 + 𝛾𝑗 + 𝜖𝑖𝑗 (1)
in which “ISA” is an indicator variable for whether respondent i in school or college j (adults are
not indexed by j) chose the income share agreement option. “Label” is an indicator variable for
respondents who received the treatment survey question with “loan” and “income share
agreement” labels. Xij is a vector of respondent-level covariates including gender, race, age,
educational aspirations, parental education, citizenship status, and proxies for income. Being
eligible for free or reduced price lunch is the income proxy for high school students, and having
received a Pell Grant, SNAP, TANF, or WIC in the last two years serves as the proxy for low-
income in the community college and adult samples. High school or community college fixed
effects are included as . Fixed effects are not included in the models for the adult sample. 𝛾𝑗
Standard errors are clustered by institution in the high school and community college samples.
The coefficient of interest is as it estimates the change in probability of a respondent selecting 𝛽1
the income share agreement due to labeling.
Section 4. Results
We first examine whether the comparison group respondents selected the ISA and loan
framing equally. Theory suggests the comparison groups should be evenly distributed between
the two framings because they are financially equivalent. Table 2 reports the observed percent of
the comparison group choosing the ISA framing and the chi-squared goodness of fit test statistic
comparing the observed percent to the expected even split for all three samples. For both the
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 20
Table 2: Chi-squared test of Framing Effect: Choosing the ISA Financing Option
Notes: The observed percent reports the percent of the comparison group that chose the income share agreement framing. The chi-squared statistic is the one sample goodness of fit statistic comparing the expected equal distribution to the observed distribution.
high school and community college samples, the observed percent is less than 50% (43.39% and
43.24% respectively), implying that respondents preferred the loan framing to that of the ISA.
The adult respondents show equal preference for the two framings. The p-value in the last row of
the table demonstrates that these differences are highly statistically significant for high school
and community college respondents, indicating that framing effects for borrowing preferences in
higher education are prevalent in these two populations.
Table 3 presents the regression results from our experimental analysis of the labeling
effect. For each sample, we report the treatment effect with and without covariates. Given the
balance of covariates observed in Table 1, it is unsurprising that the results are similar across
both models, but the inclusion of covariates slightly increase precision for two of the samples.
High school and community college respondents exhibit a large labeling effect. High school
seniors were 11-12 percentage points more likely to choose the ISA option when the options
were labeled “loan” and “income share agreement.” Community college students were over 8
percentage points more likely to choose the ISA option over the loan option once they were both
labeled. The magnitude of these effects is quite large relative to the control means with high
school and community college students increasing their likelihood of preferring the ISA contract
by 26% and 19% respectively. In contrast, adults exhibit no sign of the labeling effect with the
High School Community College AdultsExpected Percent 50.00 50.00 50.00Observed Percent 43.39 43.24 49.87Chi-squared 14.54 34.60 0.00p-value 0.0001 <0.0001 0.9601
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 21
Table 3: Treatment Effect Estimates of the Labeling Effect
High School Sample Community College Sample Adult Sample
Treatment 0.1170*** 0.1146*** 0.0802** 0.0835** 0.0103 0.0140(0.0262) (0.0236) (0.0240) (0.0223) (0.0345) (0.0351)
Covariates Yes Yes YesSchool Fixed Effects Yes Yes Yes YesComparison Mean 0.4339 0.4339 0.4324 0.4324 0.4987 0.4987
Observations 1,657 1,657 3,770 3,770 843 843R-squared 0.0206 0.0345 0.0080 0.0221 0.0001 0.0209
Notes: *p<0.10, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01. The outcome is choosing the income share agreement financial contract over the income based repayment loan financial contract. Standard errors are clustered at the school or college level for the high school and community college samples respectively. Covariates include gender, race, age, educational aspirations, parental education, citizenship status, and proxies for income.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 22
Table 4: Heterogeneity of Framing and Labeling Effects by RaceFraming Effect
High School Community College White Black Hispanic Asian White Black Hispanic Asian
Expected Percent 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00Observed Percent 44.66 39.08 36.41 47.06 41.90 48.19 41.42 53.35Chi-squared 3.52 8.30 15.22 0.06 22.02 0.25 16.12 0.70p-value 0.0605 0.0040 <0.0001 0.8084 <0.0001 0.6144 0.0001 0.4042
Labeling EffectHigh School Community College
White Black Hispanic Asian White Black Hispanic AsianTreatment 0.0734 0.2132*** 0.1961*** -0.0170 0.0577** 0.0693 0.1350*** -0.0343
(0.0446) (0.0479) (0.0549) (0.2062) (0.0248) (0.0387) (0.0270) (0.0463)
Control Mean 0.4466 0.3908 0.3641 0.4706 0.4190 0.4819 0.4142 0.5435
Observations 592 343 419 43 1,684 386 1,085 185R-squared 0.0419 0.0879 0.0848 0.3546 0.0313 0.0518 0.0367 0.1136
Notes: For the framing effect, the observed percent reports the percent of the comparison group that chose the income share agreement framing. The chi-squared statistic is the one sample goodness of fit statistic comparing the expected equal distribution to the observed distribution. The outcome for the labeling effect is choosing the income share agreement financial contract over the income based repayment loan financial contract. The labeling effect coefficients are denoted with stars to report statistical significance: *p<0.10, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01. All regressions include covariates for gender, race, age, educational aspirations, parental education, citizenship status, and proxies for income. The High School and Community College regressions include fixed effects for high school and community college respectively. Standard errors are clustered at the school or college level for the high school and community college samples respectively.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 23
labels as observed by an insignificant one percentage point change in the likelihood of selecting
the income share agreement. We interpret these results as a clear sign of loan aversion caused by
labeling for high school and community college students.
We answer our third research question by examining these treatment effects by race and
risk aversion within the high school and community college samples. We exclude the adult
sample due to the lack of observable treatment effect. Table 4 provides framing and labeling
effect estimates for White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian subgroups. We observe that the framing
effects are driven by Black and Hispanic respondents among high school seniors, and by White
and Hispanic respondents among community college students. In both groups, Hispanic
respondents are the most likely to prefer the loan framing. We observe similar results for the
labeling effect. Within the high school sample, Black and Hispanic students are approximately
twenty percentage points more likely to preference the ISA contract and reject the loan contract
when labeled. This corresponds to a 53-55 percent increase in the likelihood of avoiding the loan
option relative to the comparison means for these groups, approximately double the labeling
effect observed in the full sample. There is no significant difference for White and Asian
respondents. Among community college students, both White and Hispanic respondents exhibit
statistically significant effects of roughly 6 and 13 percentage points respectively. Although the
coefficient for Black students is higher than for white, the smaller sample size reduces precision.
Again, we observe the largest effect among Hispanic respondents.
Finally, we assess heterogeneity of the framing and labeling effects across levels of risk
aversion for the high school and community college populations in Table 5. An economically
rationally respondent should recognize that there is no differential risk associated with either
contract and indeed that the overall risk is zero. The monthly payment is identical under either
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 24
Table 5: Heterogeneity of Framing and Labeling Effects by Risk AversionRisk Seeking ―――――――――――――――――――――――――――> Risk Averse
1 2 3 4 5 6Framing Effects – High School
Expected Percent 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00Observed Percent 36.21 42.86 50.00 51.61 40.95 44.62Chi-squared 4.41 0.86 0.00 0.03 3.44 1.51p-value 0.0356 0.3545 1.0000 0.8575 0.0637 0.2195
Labeling Effects – High SchoolTreatment 0.1841 0.1497 -0.0519 -0.3762 0.0489 0.1646**
(0.0903) (0.0954) (0.0425) (.01768) (0.0538) (0.0419)Control Mean 0.3621 0.4286 0.5000 0.5161 0.4095 0. 4462Observations 97 78 75 64 196 241R-squared 0.2586 0.4544 0.3323 0.4542 0.1189 0.1606
Framing Effects – Community CollegeExpected Percent 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00 50.00Observed Percent 46.98 40.28 43.94 38.52 41.92 47.22Chi-squared 0.54 2.72 1.94 6.43 4.37 1.00p-value 0.4609 0.0990 0.1637 0.0112 0.0367 0.3173
Labeling Effects – Community CollegeTreatment -0.0178 0.1300 0.0445 0.1665* 0.1760*** 0.0282
(0.0545) (0.0693) (0.0590) (0.0851) (0.0357) (0.0458)Control Mean 0.4698 0.4028 0.4394 0.3852 0.4192 0.4722Observations 295 144 258 220 304 620R-squared 0.1287 0.2347 0.0903 0.1007 0.1312 0.0232
Notes: Numbers 1 through 6 correspond to the choice from six 50-50 lotteries of varying monetary amounts (1: $16/$128, 2: $24/$120, 3: $30/$102, 4: $36/$84, 5: $42/$66, $48/$48). For the framing effect, the observed percent reports the percent of the comparison group that chose the income share agreement framing. The chi-squared statistic is the one sample goodness of fit statistic comparing the expected equal distribution to the observed distribution. The outcome for the labeling effect is choosing the income share agreement financial contract over the income based repayment loan financial contract. The labeling effect coefficients are denoted with stars to report statistical significance: *p<0.10, **p<0.05, ***p<0.01. All regressions include covariates for gender, race, age, educational aspirations, parental education, citizenship status, and proxies for income. The High School and Community College regressions include fixed effects for high school and community college respectively. Standard errors are clustered at the school or college level for the high school and community college samples respectively.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 25
scenario, and in the case of extremely poor labor market outcomes in which they have no
earnings, the monthly payment falls to zero. However, the presence of framing and labeling
effects suggest respondents do not act rationally. Given prior research identifying effects of risk
aversion on financial behaviors, we examine whether risk aversion plays a role in the observed
framing and labeling effects. It is plausible that more risk averse respondents seek to avoid loans
suggesting they are more likely to avoid the loan framing and are more sensitive to the loan
label.
For the framing effects, we observe a confusing pattern of results.3 For high school
seniors, the strongest framing effects are observed for the most risk seeking individuals and the
second most risk averse individuals. For the community college sample, we observe the strongest
framing effects among the middle groups, neither the most risk seeking nor the most risk averse.
This pattern of results suggests to us that framing effects are not driven by risk aversion in any
systematic way.
We observe somewhat more consistent evidence that labeling effects are related to risk
aversion as the strongest results are driven by the most risk averse high school students and the
more risk averse community college students (although not the most severely risk averse
community college students). Given the small sample sizes for some risk groups and the lack of
real stakes associated selecting the risk lotteries, we take these results as suggestive evidence that
loan aversion caused by labeling may be concentrated among more risk averse individuals. This
is worthy of further study.
Section 5. Discussion and Conclusion
3 The sample size is notably smaller for this analysis because only half of the respondents were asked to complete our risk aversion measure, and there are missing values due to a subset of respondents skipping this question.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 26
As higher education becomes more expensive, there is an increasing reliance on student
loans to finance the rising costs, but there is concern that a subset of prospective enrollees
underinvest in higher education because they avoid student loans. Through a survey of student
borrowing preferences and a randomized control trial of labeling we demonstrate that high
school and community college students change their opinions about borrowing depending on
how the borrowing options are framed and labeled. Labeling the financial options causes an 8-12
percentage point movement towards preferring the income share agreement, which corresponds
to a 19-26 percent change from the comparison mean. The magnitude of the labeling findings are
remarkably similar to the results found in the three Latin American countries from the prior
study, CPP, which found an 11-12 percentage point effect of the label on reducing the preference
for a loan among high school seniors. However, the results of the framing analysis are opposite
of CPP who found that respondents preferred the ISA framing. In our analysis, more students
prefer the framing of a loan over the framing of an income share agreement when the options are
not labeled. This difference could be driven by the fact that the sample in CPP had all expressed
in interest in ISAs and applied for higher education financing. We hypothesize that the unlabeled
preference for loans is due to familiarity of that framing relative to the ISA framing, with which
students likely have less exposure. Our findings are more closely aligned with Delisle (2017)
who find 42% of respondents in a nationally representative survey believe ISAs are a good
alternative to student loans.
We interpret the findings of the labeling experiment to imply a substantial amount of loan
aversion exists and is due to using the word “loan” to describe the borrowing options. It appears
both current and potential college students may not borrow for higher education simply because
of the term used to describe the financial contract. That the effect is larger for high school
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 27
students relative to students already in higher education suggests that loan aversion may deter
some portion of high school students from enrolling. We also examined whether the effects
varied across community college students who did and did not borrow to finance their
postsecondary education, but we found no observable difference.
Interestingly, adults in their 20’s and 30’s without a college degree who are not enrolled
in higher education do not exhibit any framing or labeling effects. It is possible adults have more
experience in credit markets and are therefore less effected by behavioral aspects of borrowing
preferences. Ample evidence exists that adults are susceptible to framing effects in general
financial decisions, but perhaps framing has a more limited impact on borrowing decisions. This
hypothesis seems worthy of future examination.
The heterogeneity of effects across race demonstrates that the reluctance to borrow to
finance higher education is likely much greater for racial minorities, especially Hispanic
students. Hispanic respondents consistently exhibited large framing and labeling effects in both
the high school and community college samples, with the labeling effects being more than
double those of White respondents. Our experimental results confirm the concerns expressed but
not documented in the previous literature that loan aversion seems more prevalent among
Hispanic populations (Cunningham & Santiago, 2008; ECMC Group Foundation, 2003;
Hillman, 2015). It is possible the previously hypothesized cultural differences in Hispanic
consumers’ views of debt are driving the observed loan aversion we identify. It is also possible
they are more susceptible to behavioral effects generally that leads to greater loan aversion.
Our analysis of how risk aversion is related to the observed framing and labeling effects
provide suggestive evidence that the labeling effect is greater among risk averse consumers. We
hypothesize that risk averse respondents are generally more likely to avoid loans and therefore
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 28
are driven away when the financial contract is labeled as such. This occurs despite the fact that
both financial options are income based which dramatically reduces the risk to the borrower.
These results suggest the loan aversion may be a larger obstacle for risk averse consumers in
situations when risk is not reduced by income based repayment, such as the standard based
repayment system common for federal student loans.
It is possible alternative explanations exist for both the framing and labeling findings.
The framing effect could be caused by a propensity to select the first option due to the primacy
effect of the option order (Krosnick & Alwin, 1987). As the loan framing was the first option on
the survey, some portion of the framing effect could be due to the order of options. Although we
cannot rule out this possibility, we believe the effect is minimal due to only having two choices
(previous studies have demonstrated the effect when there are many more than two choices).
Moreover, we do not observe the effect among adults. Due to the randomized control trial nature
of the labeling test, this primacy effect cannot be used to explain the observed labeling effect;
however, it is possible the labeling effect is due to a preference for the income share agreement
as opposed to an avoidance of loans. We believe this interpretation is unlikely given the
unfamiliarity respondents are likely to have with ISAs. A final limitation of our analysis,
consistent with CPP, is that we mainly observe preferences for borrowing. Future work should
target connecting the framing and labeling effects with borrowing behaviors.
The results have implications for both policy and practice. High school college
counselors and higher education financial aid administrators must be aware of how students
interpret financial aid packages. Institutions of higher education could be more intentional about
how their aid offers are presented, which might change student behaviors. Related to federal
policy, attention to the framing and labeling of financial aid materials on government websites,
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 29
on the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), and during loan entrance counseling
may have a sizable effect on the decision to borrow and on college enrollment and success rates.
Removing the term “loan” from most explanations of borrowing may increase human capital
investment.
Specific to ISAs, both states and institutions of higher education have explored using
income share agreements in lieu of traditional loans, and serious policy proposals have examined
the costs and benefits of such policies (Boatman, Evans, & Soliz, 2014; Marcus, 2016; Palacios,
DeSorrento, & Kelly, 2014; Vedder, 2015, March 12; Douglas-Gabrielle, 2015, November 27).
As part of his campaign during the 2016 presidential election, Senator Marco Rubio proposed
making use of ISAs as part of an education policy agenda focused on reducing student debt.
Moreover, in the fall of 2016 Purdue University introduced their “Back a Boiler” program which
offers students the option of financing their higher education with an ISA. The critical difference
between income share agreements and income based repayment loans is that ISAs remove both
the loan principal and the interest rate of a loan. The results of this paper demonstrate that efforts
to implement ISAs may have large implications for the uptake of financial contracts to finance
higher education and affect college enrollment.
Acknowledgements
Funding: This research was supported by the Lumina Foundation.
FRAMING AND LABELING EFFECTS IN BORROWING 30
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Framing and Labeling Effects in Preferences for Borrowing for College:
An Experimental Analysis
Highlights:
Aversion to borrowing to finance postsecondary education may lead to underinvestment
in human capital.
We identify the existence of behavioral framing and labeling effects in the preference for
borrowing to finance postsecondary education that may explain a portion of loan
aversion.
Through a randomized control trial, we demonstrate calling a financial contract a “loan”
substantially reduces a respondent’s preference for that contract.
The effects are more pronounced among students of color.