THE NEW SECESSION

-AND HOW TO SMASH IT

Riding ~

10*

Freedom *Herbert Aptheker * James E. Jackson

10 cents

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

JAMES E. JACKSON has, since the early thirties, been a prominent figurein the democratic struggles of the workers and Negro people of the South.He was a militant student leader and organizer of the Southern youthmovement, and later an organizer among the auto workers of Michigan.He is presently the Editor of The Worker.

HERBERT APTHEKER is the Editor of the Marxist monthly, PoliticalAffairs, and wid ely known as a scholar, historian, educator and lecturer. H eis the author of several major works including A merican Negro Slave Re­volts, History and Reality, T he Truth A bout Hungary and To ward NegroFreedom. H is latest books, The Colonial Era and The American Revolu­tion: 1763-1783, are the first in a multi-volumed history of the United States.His essay in this pamphlet is an expansion and elaboration of his art icleappearing in the June, 1961 issue of Political Affairs.

Published by NEW CENTURY PUBLISHERS, 832 Broadway, New York 3, N . Y.June, 1961 ~209 PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.

RIDING TO FREEDO~I

By Herbert Aptheker

T HE MONSTROUS ASSAU LTS by cow­ardly gangsters and racists upon un­armed and non-resisting young menand women in Alabama late in Mayis the culminating act of a pre-con­certed insurrectionarv movement.Earlier scenes were played out inFlorida, in Virgini a, in Arkansas,in Mississippi, in Louisiana. Now,with the Alabama atrocities, one hasa massive effort at nullification , andas these lines are written the Gov­ernors of Arkansas and Mississippihave expressed their supp ort.

This is a New Secession, but com­ing a century after the Old Treason,its methods differ. This is secessionwithout leaving the Union; it is aneffort to nullify the laws of the land ,to continue the racist oppressionagainst which those laws were di­rected, and yet to remain part of theNation. This is not a "breakd ownof law and order" ; this is a defianceof Federal law carried out by thehighest authorities of States, whoopenly connive at and justify massivelynch law. All the evidence showsthat the engineers of this counter­revolutionary movement-seeking toundo our nation's Second Revolu­tion-as members and supporters of

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the Ku Klux Klan , the W hite Citi­zens' Councils and the John BirchSociety, are actual conspirators in ex­actly the same way as the Old Se­cessionists, with their Kni ghts of theGolden Circle, and their White Ca­melia Societies, maliciously plottedthe destruction of the Republic andthe expansion of human slavery.

T o compromise with these con­spirators, to try to placate and appeasethem is wrong and fruitl ess. It wastried with their ideological ancestorsa century ago and did nothing butmake the final effort to thwart themthat much more difficult and costly.Let them go in peace, it was urged;give them more land, for their hell­born "peculiar" institution ; let usguarantee forever their undisturbedpossession of human flesh. The ap­peasement failed then because shortof abject surrender there was no ap­peasing the monster, and because thehealth of the nation, the wiII of mil­lions of democratic-minded whitepeople, the opinion of the world, andthe determination of the Negro pea­ple to endure slavery no more, finallyforced a stand , hurled back the treas­onou s attack, saved the nation andeliminated chattel slavery.

It is not compromise with evil thatis needed, but positive action againstevil; it is not the appeasement of ra­cism that is needed, but its extirpa­tion. And this is not an "impractical"idea; appeasement and compromiseare the impractical ideas, simply be­cause-if the object really is socialprogress and democratic advance­they do not work. Appeasing andcompromising result in strengthen­ing the evil and disheartening andweakening its foes. Early in theCivil War, the policy of "modera­tion" and compromise, carri ed overfrom the preceding years, was tr ied ;conduct the war so as not to "offend"the traitors, was the idea. But with­out destro ying the traitors there couldbe no peace and no country; to de­stroy them it was necessary to wagea principled contest and that meanta contest in which the deepest Ne­gro-white alliance was forged and inwhich the stated and promised goalwas Negro liberation .

You "could not do it"; it was "un­thinkable"; the white people wouldnever "stand for it"-these were thealarms raised by the "practical" oneswho-somehow-always manage toally themselves with reaction, albeitthey often say, with a heavy heart.What, it was asked : Recognize H aitiand have Negro Ministers in Wash­ington? Hang a captured slave-trad­er ? Make soldiers of Ne groes? GiveNegro soldiers equ al pay withwhites? Have Negro soldiers,armed, and fighting side by side with

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white soldiers, against white men?Each, it was solemnly affirmed, wasabsolutely impossible; to attempt eachwas madness and could only resultin disaster. But H aiti was recognizedand the capitol didn't fall down; theslave-trader was hanged, publicly,in N ew York City, and the Republicdidn 't collapse; N egroes were en­listed in the Army, and the onlycomplaint that persisted was thatthere were not enough of them ; Ne­gro soldiers did fight with wh ite sol­diers against Confe derate troops andthey fought very well and withoutthem, said Abraham Lincoln andUlysses S. Grant, it was difficult tosee how the Civil War would haveended with Union victory . The "prac­tical" conservatives were, in fact,abettors of traitors; the "impractical"radicals were, in fact, decisive con­tributors to victory.

All experience not only shows thatpolicies of "moderation" and "gradu ­alism" and "patience" and appease­ment do not work ; all experienceshows that when such policies weredecisively rejected, and clear, vigor­ous policies were adopted withoutequivocation against racist practices,those practices were overcome. Thereis not only the whole experience ofthe Civil War period to attest tothis ; there is also the recent experi­ences of W orld W ar II. What, itwas asked, incredulously, do you ex­pect to train N egro and white mentogether, in the same camps , in thesame tents, in the same class-rooms,

so that the y could become compe­tent officers in infant ry and field ar­tillery and engi neering outfits-anddo you expect to do this in Okla­hom a, in Virginia, in Georgia ? " Im­possible." It wasn't impossible; notwhen the Government saw that itneeded this progr am, and said that itwanted it, and seriously undertook tocarry it out. There was some fric­tion; there were some incidents ;there was some difficulty. But itwas far from "impossible"; it wasdon e and done qui ckly-not "moder­ately"-and done compl etely. Itworked with tens of thousands ofmen, of all colors and from everyregion of the country.

In the winter of 1944-45, the Ger­mans broke through in Belgium andwere advancing towards Antwerp.Reinforcements were desperatelyneeded; a likely source, at hand, wereNegro service troops. Would thosemen undergo intensive combat train­ing and then be willing to go intothe front-lines? They were asked andtens of thousands of them said "yes";then, the question arose: would thewhite men fight alongside the Ne­gro soldiers? They were asked andalmost unanimously they said, "no,never." But the reinforcements wereneeded; and the United States gov­ernment directed that the N egro menbe trained for combat and that aftersuch training they be sent in as rein ­forcements. This was done, and be­fore the Negro men were assignedto their front-line outfits, the white

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officers and men were told-clearly,and without any room for doubt­that if there were refusal to fightwith the reinforcements, those whorefused would be tried by genera lcour t-martial for desertion, in the faceof the enemy-earrying the deathpenalty. W ell, the men and officerswho had said, almost unanimously,that the program was impossibleand they themselves would not fight,did fight and the program was so farfrom impossible that it saved the dayin Belgium, and a very cold series ofdays it was too. Then after the fight­ing and when it came time to gohome, the white men were askedwhether they wanted to return asthey had come (i.e., as lily-white out­fits) or did they want to go homethe way they had fought (i.e., as"mixed" outfits). The same men whohad voted almost 10 0 % against hav­ing Negro soldiers fight with them,now voted almost 100 % that theywanted to remain "mixed" andwanted to go home the way theyhad fought.

The idea of "impracticality" is es­pecially ridiculous in the present erawhen the people of Nigeria haveichieved independence and those ofKenya are on the verge of victory.One wonders whether U.S. ruling­:lass "patience" (for the other fellow)is to hold good until all Africa is free.ls the Negro citizen of the UnitedStates to get a democratic cup ofcoffee or a dignified ride on a busonly after every oth er human being

elsewhere in the world has achievedsuch elementary "rights"? Is this thevaunted leadership and pioneeringand "new fronti ering" of our coun­try?

The devastating impact of the Ala­bama atrocity upon the U.S. diplo­matic posture has been widely noted ;it has been held to be as disastrousas the Cuban fiasco. The N ew YorkTim es warns that Alabama castsdoubt upon U.S. foreign policy in­sofar as that policy is alleged to bein favor of freedom, equality anddemocracy. H ow the record ofAmerican foreign policy for the pastfifteen years could lead anyone­even a New York Tim es editor­to think that these are this country'sforeign-policy aims is most difficult tounderstand. Probably, the editorialwriter meant to convey the idea thatit mak es demagogic babbling aboutthat foreign policy all the more trans ­parent.

The U.S. government and its At­torne y-General, in denouncing Ala­bama's disregard for law, certainlyare in a difficult position, since, as132 distin guished lawyers recentlyjoined in pointing out, the UnitedStates violated half a dozen federallaws and half a dozen interna tionalcomm itments in directing the coun­ter-revolutionary thrust against Cuba.Indeed, of that thrust, Mr. ArthurLarson, formerly director of the u.s.Information Agency, and currentl ywith the Law School at Duke Uni­versity, said : "It is the worst setback

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to law in our international relationsin this century" (N. Y. Times, May22) .

It is clear, then, that this Alabamacrime, and the whole reality of U.S.racism, stand s as a shattering indict­ment of U.S. diplomatic pretensions.The pretensions and the racism areinter-related; the struggle againstthem is inter-related, too. Certainly,world -wide influence is decisively andpassionately behind the fighters forNegro liberation; possibly such con­siderations evoke certain signs ofcaution, if not sanity, from a South­ern Senator like Sam J. Er vin, [r., ofNorth Carolina. Such considerations,also, make all the more urgent andrealistic a forthright policy directedagainst KKK barbarism.

It is not that the enforcement ofthe federal laws against discrimina­tion and segregation is "impractical";it is that the will for such enforce­ment and the action to carry outthat will have been missing.

Most of the press of the country,including the New York Times,which strongly condemns the riotersand their official instigators, adoptsa position condemnatory of "bothsides" in these outbreaks-the racistsand the liberationists. The latter arecondemned as "trouble-makers," as"provocative" and "impatient." Anyposition which tends to equate thegangsters with their victims is mon­strou s. Inequality has existed forthree hundred years, and the CivilW ar was fought a century ago, and

the 14th Amendment was passed in1866; how long is one to wait be­fore he qualifies as "patient"? Andfor whom is one to wait-e-for, Patter­son of Alabama, and Barnett of Mis­sissippi and Faubus of Arkansas andEastland of Mississippi and McLellanof Alabama and the other HonorableOnes, whose eyes are ropes, whoselimbs are faggots, whose hearts aredollars, and whose blood exudes ra­cist poison? What these worthiesneed is impeachment and indictment,not moderation and appeasement.

When laws prohibiting discrim­inatory behavior and practices arepassed, racists shout that segregationis a matter of "customs," and thatlaws can have and do have no im­pact upon such "customs"; on theother hand, these same racists arevery careful to bulwark their vicious"customs" with an elaborate frame­work of laws. If laws are irrelevantin opposition to jim crow, why arelatus required for the maintenanceof jim crow? The answer is that lawsare not irrelevant at all, and that jimcrow is not natural but is artificial.Jim crow is man-made; it is class­made, to be exact, and the rulingclass which has profited from the op­pression of the Negro people, knowsthat laws have been required to bringabout and to help sustain the foulracist system

For this reason laws are needed toabolish jim crow; and not only aresuch laws needed, but their enforce­ment is required. Furthermore, in

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the specific case of the FreedomRiders, they are seeking to test howwell the law of the land is being en­forced; they are not violating anylaws, neither federal nor state, be­cause all segregatory laws, as ap­plied to interstate travel, have beendeclared unconstitutional by theSupreme Court in several decisions,going back at least twenty years.They are, therefore, null and void.This is why, when the Southern racistauthorities arrest the staunch Negroand white Riders, they charge themnot with violating laws dealing withmatters of race, but rather hold themon the clearly fake charge of "breachof the peace." Already, in Mississippialone, eighty-one Negro and whitecitizens-from the North and fromthe South-have been arrested andconvicted for "breach of the peace,"and the latest sentences have beenquite savage, involving riot only afine (of $200) but also four monthsimprisonment-and in Mississippiprisons!

Who shall help a nation that findsthose who take seriously its finestlaws to be provocateurs ?Who shallhelp "statesmen" and "commenta­tors" who have words like "trouble­makers" for such magnificent youngmen and wornen-c-Negro and white-who, after enduring the worst themobsters can give, still clasp handsand say. "We've gone this far throughhell; we can go a little farther," forDiane Nash-all of 22 years­"They've beat us, and we're stronger

than ever"? Such "statesmen" are aslost to humanity as Eichmann in hisglass cage; waiting for them willbring us such a harvest as the latterstatesman gathered.

It is the real practicality of smash­ing jim crow in our own day thathas led the KKK traitors to des­perate expedients of massive defiance

I of law and open resort to terror.This real practicality flows not onlyfrom the entire international situa­tion; it flows also from the height­ened militancy of the Negro people,who have deliberately and manifest­ly decided that they will not livewith racism any more, no matterwhat the cost. It flows, too, from thefact that increasing millions of Am­erican white people-especially youngpeople-are sick and tired andthoroughly ashamed of the jim crow­barbarism.

Is it not remarkable how the"trouble-makers" never are the ra­cists, the exploiters, the mobsters?Those who hold slaves do not make"trouble"; only those who would endslaveholding are "trouble-makers."Those who possess colonies are never"trouble-makers"; only those whowould end colonialism are "trouble­makers." Those who fatten on pov­erty, who maintain illiteracy, whoencourage wars are never "trouble­makers;" only those who would endpoverty" eliminate illiteracy, and for­ever prevent wars are the "troublemakers." "Shall the millions for eversubmit to robbery," asked Frederick

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Douglass in 1856, "to murder, toignorance, and every unn amed evilwhich an irresponsible tyranny candevise . • ."?

How many lessons does PresidentKennedy need in the futility of"moderation" and "compromise?"Did he not accept the endorsementof the Ku Kluxer, Governor Patter­son? Did he not appoint Patter­son's crony and fellow Ku Klu xer,Charles M. Meriwether as a Directorof the Export-Import Bank (to help"reform" Latin America!)? Did henot drop.in on Senator Byrd's birth­day party, though the Senator hadsent him only a printed invitation?Did he not accept Lyndon Johnson,and has he not pushed Johnson to thefore? H as he not reneged on his"firm" campaign promis e about civil­rights legislation, and has he notfailed to introduce such legislation?And did not the Alabama culmina­tion of the Ku Klux Klan conspiracyagainst the United States govern­ment occur after all these manifesta­tions of "moderation" were made?Did not, then, Alabam a GovernorPatterson show true Southern "cour­tesy" by refusing to accept a tele­phone call from the Pr esident of theUnited States?

The President has not shown "sol­emnity and steadfastness" in meet­ing this challenge, despite the N. Y.Post's editori al opinion (May 22).On the contr ary, he himself has notsaid one word publicly, and an­nounced, on May 23, that he had can-

celled all press conferences pr ior tohis trip abroad. Marsh als were sent­seven days after violence had brokenout in Anniston-but these werehandpicked from "the Southern states-the largest batch were guards fromAtlanta Penitentiary. N o wonderthat, though not unacquainted withthe use of tear gas, the y showed them­selves so clumsy in using it ' in Mont­gomery that " they distressed thethreatened Negro men and womenvery much more than the besiegin gmob. No wonder that an automobile-belonging to the niece of Sir Win­ston Churchill!-eould be bombedand consumed by flames, though itwas within one block of the as­sembled marshals, and no wonderthat no one was apprehended forthis piece of jollity.

Steadfastness in this crisis requiresmore than phone calls--especially un­completed calls!-and more than thedispatch of over-age marshals. ThePresident in the past has talked ofthe need for moral leadership fromhis office; we could use some ofthat, too. But the people elected aPresident, not a preacher. The Pres­idential office is an Executive one, nota lecturing one. The President isendowed with more power than anyother single person in the UnitedStates; let him use that power, andnever mind the telephone. He iscommander-in-chie] of the armedforces; let him use those forces. Heis chief initiator of legislation, lethim initiate needed legislation; he is

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the chief administrator of the law,let him administer the law. T hesenre the du ties he has sworn to per­form ; the lectures are extra­cu rricular.

T he Governor of Alabama-a KuKluxer-has chosen to defy and vio­ate United States law ; in doing this

he has assume d responsibility fordire injury 'to citize ns. The Alabamapolice force, as is an open secret, is in­fested by Ku Kl uxers. T o expect thisGoverno r and these police to enforcethe federaIs laws, to pro tect the rightsof American citizens , to act in sup­port of huma n dignity and equalityis as absurd as expecting merc y fromnazis.

The United States Army-withfull y integrated un its-could andshould restore the supr emacy ofUnited States law in Alabama andwherever else it is spat upon. Thefull majesty of the federal govern­ment should be on hand so longas its will is flouted , its citizensclubbed, and the Decl aration of Inde­pendence-after all that does dateback to 1776, and so meets all "pa­tience" requirements,-and the Con­stitution of this country, includingthe 14th and 15th amendments aretreated with contempt.

If this is done, then the democraticprocesses in thi s country will be keptopen . If this is done, then the .meansfor the achievement of peacefulchange, through constitutional ac­tions, remain viable. What the trai­tors to such processes desire is to

close these possibilities. They seeworld opinion and national opinionand-increasingly-Southern opinion,including white southern opinion,turning against them. If these traitorssucceed forcibly in closing these pos­sibilities, they will have dealt a severeblow to the whole Negro liberationmovement; they will have dealt acrippling blow to the labor move­ment and its hopes for organizingthe South; they will have set back foryears any hope of achieving a sig­nificant political breakthrough in ourcountry. If the democratic processes,if the mode of peaceful struggle forchange, cannot be kept open on theNegro question, then it will be shuton all questions of popular sig­nificance.

In this connection, the June 5thdecisions of the U.S. Supreme Court-reached on the basis of a 5 to 4split-upholding sections of the so­called McCarran Act in effect illegal­izing the Communist Party, andmaking membership in that Party acriminal offense, also demonstrate adetermination on the part of ruling­class elements to outlaw democraticand peaceful methods of significantpolitical strcggle. By seeking to des­troy the Bill of Rights and outlawradical thinking, the reactionarymajority of the Court would under­cut the elementary rights of theAmerican people as a whole, just asthe KKK assault would destroy theelementary rights of the Negro peo­ple in particular.

The Ku Klux offensive must bebeaten back, and this can be doneonly by increased boldness and .struggle; compromise emboldens thetraitors. What is needed is wave uponwave of freedom riders, massively or­ganized-for instance by the UnitedMine Workers and the United SteelWorkers and the United Auto Work­ers, as well as by student and civilrights and civil liberties groups. Whatis needed is vigorous federal actionsto enforce the law and uphold itsauthority. What is needed is adetermined campaign to force civilrights legislation through this Con­gress and to insist that the Presidentvigorously use his great Executivepowers. What is needed is protestsfrom State legislatures against Ala­bama's violations of the rights ofcitizens-for instance, if the Gover­nor of Mississippi can wire GovernorPatterson words of praise why can'tthe Governors of New York andNew Jersey and Illinois and Mich­igan and California wire him wordsof condemnation?

The voice of democratic Americamust make itself heard, individuallyand collectively and persistently.Only Americans who love democracywill save it and extend it. It is atime for great impatience, for action;our country's honor and fate dependupon it.

On Decoration Day in 1882, thehonored speaker at Arlington Na­tional Cemetery in Washington wasFrederick Douglass. (Has there ever

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been a Negro speaker at such aceremony in such a place since ?)Douglass said, having the recentl yconcluded Civil War in mind:

. . . if the American name is nolonger a by-word and a hissing to amocking earth , if the star-spangledbanner floats only over free Americancitizens in every quarter of the land,and our country has before it a longand glorious career of justice, liberty,and civilization, we are indebted to theunselfish devotion of the noble armywho rest in these honored graves allaround us.

How ironic sounds Douglass' "if"in this centennial of that Civil War!One may say now, alas, that if our

nation's name is not -to be a by-wordand a hissing to a mocking earth,such weeks as those that just blood­stained Alabam a must not recur.With justice and liberty they willnot recur ; to achieve both, they mustbe present for all, everywhere, elsethey are real for no one, anywhere.T he basic testing ground is theNegro citizen in the South. Again,as so often in our past, the so-calledN egro question-which is truly aqu estion of whether or not we reallymean democracy when we say it­is the central question of our country.If it is permitted to fester and deteri­ora te it can destroy us all ; if it isfinally faced and really resolved, itcan save all of us.

II

WHAT MUST BE DONE

By James E. Jackson

ALABAMA mud, red with the bloodof our youth, has been spatt ered inthe eye of the nation by Gov. JohnPatterson's Ku Klux mobsters.

H eroic Negro youth, with cour ­ageous young white men and wo­men by their side, are gloriouslypushing the point of the developinggeneral offensive of the Negro peo­ple and their white allies against theSouthern segregation system withall of its barbarous dignity-destroyingand life-destroying patterns of racisttyranny, unconscionable exploitationand human misery.

The fury of the mob reactionagainst those youths in Alabama,which was promoted by the Gov­ernor of Alabama himself, is themeasure of the failure of PresidentKennedy, as of his predecessors, touse the powers of his office to secureto the Negro masses in the Souththeir court-ordered and federal law­given rights of equality. The dis­patch of a contingent of u.S. Mar­shals to Montgomery was a welcomebut lusterless performance. A weekof mob-rule terror followed, afterthe flesh-gouging and bone-crushingbeatings suffered by James Peck andthe CORE Freedom Riders in Annis-

ton, before Attorney General RobertKennedy was finally moved to sendu.S. marshals to stave off a threat­ened massacre of a church gatheringof hundreds of N egroes joined by anumber of white students protestingthe continuing violation of theirrights to unsegregated travel and busterminal service.

How outrageous is the conditionthat prevails in our country! Webehold a government boastful ofits mighty powers, that flexes itsmilitary muscles and shouts in threat­enin g tones before the world that itwould order the lives of sovereignnati ons, from Cuba to Laos, yet hasfailed to secure the rights and defendthe liberties of 19 milli on of its Negrocitizens, 97 years after those rightswere proclaimed. How fraudulentand mocking do the Government's"democratic free world" pretensionssound to world public opinion!

All the democratic-minded andjustice-loving people of our nationowe a special debt of gratitude tothese glorious young crusaders forour govern ment's lost principles, fordramatizing the savage horror of theSouthern way of life that is thecommonplace daily reality of millions

of Negro citizens. Especially so be­cause the rights they were trying toexercise are rights which have longsince been established law, pro­claimed by court decision and boastedabout over .the Voice of America.

They have revealed before thenation and the world that suchelementary human and civil rightsdo not exist for the millions ofNegroes in the South, and that toassert them is to risk life and limb.And, furthermore, that the FederalGovernment has taken no effectivemeasures to secure and enforce com­pliance with Constitutional and hu­man rights when the rights of theNegro people are concerned.

All decent-minded human beingsmust demand that the Administra­tion, the Government power of theU.S., must take up this burden nowborne on the shoulders of our valiantyouth, and by Presidential ExecutiveOrder and supplementary urgentl y­enacted civil rights laws accomplishthe total eradication of the South ernstates' Jim Crow laws and segrega­tion system. And put into effect atonce a federally-policed system ofcontrolled compliance with, anddefense of, the rights of the Negrocitizens in the Southern states.

In their irredeemable ignoranceof the reality of the people's powerin this age in which we live, Gov.Faubus of Arkansas and Gov. Barnettof Mississippi, and the nco-Con­federate states' claque in Congress,have pledged all-out aid to the Gov-

ernor of Alabama in his impudentdefiance of the laws of the nation.

In this Centennial anniversaryyears of the Civil War, the nco-fascistreactionaries see in this Ku KluxKlan gangster John Patterson a vir­tual Robert E. Lee "gallantly" fight­ing a rearguard action of the slave­owners' rebellion.

So be it! Not alone the rights ofthe N egro people, but the generalwelfare and interests of the nationdemand that the battle at long lastbe joined 'and fought out, to the endthat the insolent insurrectionaryblackmailers of the nation , chieftainsof white supremacy mobsters, andperpetrators of the criminal segrega­tion system, are totally crushed. TheKennedy administration must knowthat nothing less than unconditionalsurrender of the segregation systemis acceptable. There can be no com­promise of this struggle.

* * *Let there be no truce in the offen-

sive against the segregation system.Jim Crow must go NOW!

Let there be full support to theFreedom Riders and all those whosummon the masses to large-scaledirect actions to put an end onceand for all to the lawless segregationsystem.

Let hundreds and thousands nowjoin in the anti-segregation "ride-ins"throughout the South. Let the stu­dents, trade unionists and churchpeople organize such Fredom-Rideexcursions throughout the South.

Let W ashington see the presenceof delegati ons and hear the 'messagesof thousands of freedom-loving Am­ericans demanding the strongest andmost immediate enforcement of therights of the Negro people in theSouth , and for the severest measuresagainst the insurrectionary Dixiecratleaders and mobsters.

Let the State Legislatures and citycouncils memori alize Congress and

the President for the enactment offull programs for enforcing the civilrights of the N egro people.

Let the students hold protest holi­days, and work ers picket, and thepeople-Negro and white-rally ingreat meetings of solidarit y with theSouthern Freedom Riders and thejust cause of the N egro people tosecure their civil rights.

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TOWARD NEGRO FREEDOM, by Herbert Aptheker $2.00

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