FROM REBELS TO IMMIGRANTS TO CHICANAS

HISPANIC WOMEN IN LUBBOCK COUNTY

by

YOLANDA GARCIA ROMERO, B.S.

A THESIS

IN

HISTORY

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in

Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

App~

Accepted

May' 1986

•

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Robert Hayes

and Dr. Alwyn Barr, for their patience and guidance in

directing this thesis. I am also grateful to Dr. George

Q. Flynn and Dr. Briggs Twyman for putting me into the

twentieth century by introducing me to quantitative

studies and other computerized procedures. Special

appreciation is extended to the people who shared their

life experiences in interviews included in this study, my

sister Grace Ochoa for the hours she spent typing and

encouraging me when I needed it the most, and to my

friends in the History Department.

ii

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

PREFACE iv

CHAPTER

I. THE BURDEN OF FEMININITY 1

II. A NEW INDEPENDENCE 16

III. THE IMMIGRATION EXPERIENCE 38

IV. A VERBAL INTERPRETATION OF HISPANIC BACKGROUNDS 58

CONCLUSION 81

BIBLIOGRAPHY 85

APPENDICES A. CORRIDOS FOLLOWED BY ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS 93 B. SCATTERPLOTS 106

iii

PREFACE

The role of Hispanic women in West Texas and their

contributions to the development of this area have escaped ------- --proper documentation. In cities such as Lubbock, where ---- -·----~-- .......... ~ .......___,

the early part of the 20th century marked the rapid growth r- -

of railroad and agricultural industries, Hispanic men are

credited with supplying the manpower which w~~ _I}_ec.~~ssary

to work these industries. ___ -..c .. - .. ~ Mexican immigrants and Mexican

Americans came to the Lubbock area with their families and

became permanent residents after becoming acquainted with

the area and the availability of jobs during this period

of development.

The History of Mexican Americans in Lubbock county by

Andres Tijerina is a good introductory study of the

Mexican American community in Lubbock, Texas but fails to

address the role Hispanic women played in this society.

To question the role of Hispanic women in any area is also .------ - -------

to question the role of_Hispanic men and Hispanic culture

which has stereotyped WC?E:.en as fragile and unproductive. --The term Hispanic \vomen is used here to refer to Mexican ~.. --- ··---- .-... ~ ..-... --. _ .... -and Mexican American females who suffer from the same

. _ ..... ---._~--~--.o..,_ ... _,.._,....,.,_.-...-;~.••

cultural attitudes which have stereotyped women for ~ ........... o.M-0•·'"""~--· ....... -.......-_-... .., . ...._.,_,.,_ - .. ~- -

centuries. The stereotyping of these women is difficult to iv

comprehend because it applies to both the lower and

wealthier classes of Hispanics. Yet Mexican and Mexican

American women of the lower classes, who have supplemented

the supply of labor by toiling endlessly in the fields all

day and have coped with the conditions of migrant camps,

are s t i 11__ described as f~g i le and unproductive. =I_t_i.s­

this f~llacy which needs to be corrected by recognizing ,....--- --...._. __ ..,._ ---·---- ... -...... --- --- ~-.. '

the true role these women held in the shaping of Hispanic --history_in West_Texas.

The Mexican women who immigrated to the United States

beginning in 1910 were escaping from the poverty and the

Mexican Revolution which had become a way of life in

Mexico. These female immigrants were usually from the

rural areas and quite often had been actively involved in

supporting the revolution. These activities are discussed

in greater detail in this study in order to provide an

understanding of what Mexican women had experienced before

immigration to the United States. The prevailing

conditions which greeted these immigrants and the patterns

of immigration between 1905 to 1925 from Mexico are also

representative of the participation of Hispanic women

during this time in Texas.

In an effort to document the experiences of Hispanic

women, oral interviews have been conducted with women in ------ -·--... -=~--

the Lubbock area and are included in this study. The oral - -----interviews are of Mexican and Mexican American women

v

explaining their family background and how their families

became residents of Lubbock County. These oral interviews

are not restricted to only females but include oral

interviews with Hispanic men and their recollections of

the past. The focus of oral interviews of people in the

Lubbock area provides a limited but good representation of

the contributions of Hispanic women and their experiences.

vi

CHAPTER ONE

THE BURDEN OF FEMININITY

H1spanic women on both sides of the Rio Grande have

been stereotyped for centuries, experiencing the same

oppression stemming from the cultural traditions of both

societies. Traditionally Mexican women as well as

Mexican-Arn_~_:!_~-~~_?men have_~e~n taught ~~---~e. ~~_:nble,

soft-spoken, hard-working and to hold subordinate ...____- -- --·------------------····- -._~ ___________ ....... _ .... --~ ····-~~·---"···-" ..... ....__, _____ .., __ ........ -

positions to the male members of their societies. This ---- -· ~-~->-- -·--·-· --·---· --------- ,.

pattern has been inculcated in males and females of both

poor and wealthy families of Hispanic heritage.

Historically Hispanics have reveled in their

admiration and respect of women in the family and in the

society as a whole. This respe<::t __ ~_nd ~dmirati_on has _C:.~.L1-~_ed

hispanic men to protect their women_by restricting them to

the boundaries of homelife and limiting their progression

in education, employment, and social .interaction. -

consequently, these restrictions ended in a state of

oppression for females in both societies.

In both societies women continue to struggle even ,,.... today against the shackles of machismo which keep them

1 ~-----·

~

imprisoned. The difference between these women of both

societies is that the Mexican women broke free of societal

limitations long enough to realize there were other

options available besides the rigorous impositions they

were suffering. Mexican women were able to overcome the

barriers socially because of historical events while the

Mexican American women experienced no interruption in

their traditional repressed conditions socially or

culturally. Mexican females, always active in Mexican

history since the time of the conquest, were able to break 1

away during the latter part of the 19th century. During

the thirty-four year dictatorship known as the Porfiriato

in Mexico, the social structure underwent radical changes.

Diaz's capitalistic policies transformed Mexico into an

industrial country thriving on foreign investments.

Porfirio Diaz strengthened his hold on Mexico by using

military power, local police known as rurales and by

planting spies throughout the countryside at all levels of

society

Within these restricting boundaries the Mexican peo-

ple began struggling against starvation while existing

meagerly on poor wages. Many Mexicans seeking employment

w~re drawn to the cigar factories and textile mills,

jeopardizing their safety for pennies a day on the 2

dangerous plant equipment. Of these workers, women

emerged as ideal laborers who by virtue of their cultural

upb~inging were accustomed to working long hours and ... ,, .. ...,_ .... """'".,.,.~----'··~···,.~~-··~ ...... ~ ....... ~.-- ............. ..., ......... ,.. ......... _"""" -~-~.,._

\ > .... '

' ) .... .,.._ ...

taking abuse and orders. But by breaking out of the

confines of the domestic scene, the women working in the

industrial areas discovered a new independence while

helping the family survive through this period of growth

in Mexico, a growth made possible at the expense of the

poor in the urban and rural areas. In the rural areas,

the peon was continuously in debt to the Tienda de Ra~,

the country store found on the haciendas. Regardless of

the poverty, starvation, and premature death, a middle 3

class did begin to emerge. A rising generation of young

intellectuals represented by the Ateneo de la Juventud

recognized the price Mexico had paid for the progress that 4

occurred during the Porfiriato.

In 1906 the miners' strike in cananea became a

turning point in labor problems during the Porfiriato.

Isolated mining areas such as cananea attracted workers by

paying higher wages. Consequently, women who cleared

tunnels of minerals and dirt became unemployable with

modernization because employers felt women were not worth '

the high wages paid at the mines. It was for this reason

there were not as many women involved at Cananea in 5

comparison to Rio Blanco in 1907.

In 1907 an international financial crisis caused

foreign investors to withhold investment from Mexico,

igniting labor disputes. When this economic crisis

kindled protests, women were actively involved as more

3

7 "

4

At the Rio Blanco textile mill women --------·----- ------- --than spectators.

organized to prevent scabs from crossing the picket line. ---------------------~--·-·-- ------~-------~------· - ---- ·- -·--

Then acting on a suggestion given by Margarita Martinez,

the starving marauders pillaged for provisions before

setting fire to the company store and factory, as well as

releasing prisoners and cutting electrical wires. Rurales--~ ...-·- ........... ------ ... - -. ···--·-- .. "-._, _/ ~ __. z-r-<JJI''):l--'\ called in by the jefe pol:Ltico _!(political boss) to stop t.:·/:in~~.

----- '

the workers at gunpoint were confronted by Lucretia Toriz

who persuaded the police to put their weapons down to

avoid murdering unarmed, hungry people. Four days later,

Porf{rio Diaz gave orders to execute the men who had

failed to follow orders to deal harshly with the workers.

Federal troops shortly after, under orders from Diaz,

massacred hundreds of workers at Rio Blanco. The workers~

bodies were carried to veracruz by train and then fed to 6

the sharks. In addition to activism in the area of labor ------- . --------------------problems, a women's rights movement also absorbed the ~-------~---.. ·-~-~----------------· ·~o,-·•--'"'-~.-·•••••" 0 T ·-·•·-"' • ,,•,- o ·-~......-.........

interest of some women during this period. -.__. __ __, ............ _.._, ______ .... _ ...... - .... -- • • .................. .6.., ...... ""·"'-"'"""'' ... ~"""" '- _,- ••• '

Women in the

urban areas continued activities in labor and suffrage 7

movements and supported the overthrow of Diaz by Madero.

The upper class women organized relief agencies like the

Red and White cross. Three of these women were Leonore

Villegas de Magn6n, Profesora Ru:lz Reyes, and Elena

Arizmendi Mejia. Magnan founded the Cruz Blanca (White

cross) in May of 1913 and gave her inheritance to the

blood bank in Saltillo. Profesora Reyes began the Hijas de

Juarez (Daughters of Juarez) and was a messenger during

5

the Huertista resistance. She worked with the Cruz Blanca

and was a nurse in the Verzcruz hospitals during the

Carranza occupation. Elena Arizmendi Mejia helped to

organize the Cruz Blanca and enfermeras neutrales, a group

of nurses who would treat the wounded of federal and 8

revolutionary armies. Other middle class women began

publishing material in defense of the Revolution and

advocating social justice. Juana Belen Gutierrez de

Mendoza, for instance, was jailed repeatedly for using her

newspaper Vesper to speak out in defense of mine workers

in Guanajuato and lashing out at the capitalistic policies

Porfirio Diaz had supported in Mexico. She was born in

Durango to a middle class family and began her

revolutionary career in 1893 with an article protesting

mining conditions in coahuila. In 1914 she organized and

commanded the regiment Victoria in zapata's army and

served as a colonel. In 1919 after changing the name of

her newspaper to El Desmonte Juana condemned the

Revolution for failing to improve conditions in Mexico. '

Juana's contribution to the cause of reform was

acknowledged by the Magon brothers, principal leaders o 9

the early revolutionary period.

Francisco Madero's successful onset on May 10, 1911,

of Ciudad Juarez had ended Diaz's dictatorship. The

outbreak of the revolution created many changes in Mexican

society, often uprooting entire communties and giving

rural women-the long awaited opportunity to

downtrodden existence. Las Mujeres de la Familia, a ----.- -

collective biography written by the Mexican historian

Hermila Ramirez Davalos, exemplifies the life of rural

women in Mexico. This study is the result of three years

of oral interviews with the women of the Gomez Rico family

who supply an honest account of their tragic lives prior 10

to and following the revolution.

During the revolution a majority of rural females

left their bucolic surroundings to accompany the rebel I I - j ; 'Cu. <J

armies adjusting successfully to the rough camp life and . li'-" ~5 -

ferment of the revolution. The revolutionary movement was f.r_-,_ .:{11~

most intense in northern Mexico and often armies of

revolutionists traveled along the United States border. As

the Revolution continued, more and more Mexicans began

immmigrating to the United States, satisfying the demand

for laborers in the inaustries of the southwest. An

examination of the available data of Mexican immigration

between 1905 and 1930 reveals the increase of immigration

by Mexican women into the United States. Along the Texas

border, cities began providing food and shelter for

immigrants. Barrios (neighborhoods) like Chihuahuita in

El Paso arose and became social problems because of 11

unsanitary conditions and a high rate of crime. Mexicans

crossing the Texas-Mexico border acquired employment and

many moved north with railroad and agricultural industries

to the developing areas of Texas.

In West Texas Mexican immigrants joined Mexican

Americans already there struggling to'improve their

pecuniary conditions. Sharing a similar language, the

Mexican immmigrants were seen by the Anglo American

community as prototypes along with the Mexican Americans.

These Spanish-speaking people began experiencing life in

the labor camps and segregated areas of west Texas towns

and cities, sharing their cultural traditions and

vulnerable situation. In this existence of subordination

in the hispanic tradition, the Mexican woman joined the

Mexican American woman and retreated to her traditional

state of oppression in the family. _---~ / .

Mexican women were usually mestizas .. from the rural

----~-·· areas with little education who were content to live

poorly in the United States to escape the turbulent 12

conditions in Mexico. Unlike the Mexican American

women, the immigrants were familiar with large scale

bloodshed and were eager for a more secure existence.

Their experiences were still fresh memories that

threatened the security of the family and loved ones still

in Mexico. In their search for new liberites in the

United States, Mexican women worked as fieldhands, factory ~~,....,....~..., .... - -.........,,.~-.-~- .,. ~ ..... -41C"""" ................... ~-,..· .. ·-· .

workers, laundry workers, sea,~~ . .!7~~ ~.~~es_2E~d -~om~st i_5.~~b,~},P, ,,.. ... .,._,,._.,.- ... ~ • ...--....~...,..,.,.~ .. -~.>k -.,11.... ....,_.,,._.__l'll'i'G.*III"''!""'I~":IOi•UW:.~ .~ ..... -

w or k in g for scant .~~ages at these and other jobs . Coping --~-~·- ___ __... ........ -~ .. _,,.......,......

with discrimination was another thing that was new to

these people who had seldom paid attention to race as a

7

13 ~ocial faet..or.

st.~te~. "Mexicans appear tG ~Dve co rae~ prejudice~ :.4

Indeed the Mexi::an people v.e·re· .Ll.L!!:ir,r.J from a

s·:~uggJe fe-r mere existenc·~· inc: culture •iJ}HH~-.· t:.tE· mestizo

o v e r w h ~~ l rn_, d t h e r e s ': o f t ! . t-.: pop t:.: 1 at i on , ii n d w o 11 • ~! we ;:- e t h e

uppr~·~::sc~d in most situations. I'h'= ;.=conorr:y du::-in1] the __. .. _ .. ___ .· ......... _________ .... _ .. '

--~ ..,..._,...,~·-.............. ............................. -.......,.~

opportuni~- y ::o ::aalize t.her~'..!-wa;3-ar1other world open ~ J ~----- ,_.---...--.. .... ·"-"""~-"·.n.·~--.....--;..... ..... .._.J...,,~..,.-·~·l'-e:.-.~-,.,..-.... ~~,......,.,...

them besides thf· ~(~stricting -:u:+-_ur.··~ of the rural and _____ __.-~,.,.·- .......... ·-----·~-~

bclr:::i·) ar~~as of the urtr,u 2c:·it:t.y. 3oth event.::; [Jt'O'I·~d to

bearing r;hildrer .. It was with U ·=~:E hope-s of new

indepe!ld;...!rlGe i:hat the \M(.lTii(~l1 Of f•·l€XiCO immigra:'-.d r!O.:"':!:l tO

i:r.t:: United States, stri.i•:i!'1.<J to ilfiprov•.: their :::.·_,i:ol:.: beth

socially and econ~mically by taking a giant step toward~

1 i be.= u t in~-:. • ..

Ic tte u~i~ed States the Mexican American women •-.. ·-·-· ,,....J_ ........... ._ . ...._r.-........,...,.._~----~-1- .

con~inued i~ a ~eep state of oppr~ssicn from the cult~~a: ~·-- . _.__..,... B!IC -.., lJ..o"'r.•· .,..,,.._.,...,..,....,.., •• .,..._,._ ........ ....._...... _ _..-"""""'_,..-,.,_._ ... __ ,.._ ... ~·.-·-•....,.._,. • ..___...-.........,.____,_"..._ __ _

t r ad :!. t ::. on s o f t he h i spa u i :: ~" t'i m i .:.. y ::1. n d t he c i ~: c ;:- i -n i n a i.: i on .... ..... • ... ;:a •& .... ~ .. ~ .... ,__..~..,._..,-.~~y.,.,.-~"' ... ~~=> . ._..... ... ... ...____..._.._

by the Angl;.:> .~m~:~r lCdn~~. They were gene:~a 1.} ':.! pcor ly

.. t ..::;) 11· vecl. 1· rt t'.~_ .. :. •.. '1~_·:.>1 areas ar.c: sE~l·~nm came intc en11.~a ~~~~, , ....

i.:c)'..,'ll '.d th the fami.J.y. They married 3t ::t.l ·~a.c 1J' c-•ge,

8

bearing c-h:ld;:-e:! const:~cu':.i.vely. Thc:L<:f~t the:>e women wer~~ \ I I

be-rn in th•= rJn_;_~:_1::d states, ;na.ny l)f i:t:E~m knew very li.l'~ 1~:. J

f.r>g l L-h -.n<l spoke a SF·n 1sh •Hh.l-oh incorp<'t<•t •d Eag :;_ ,,;, and /

i.T!(!i c' n terms. Th·~~;; ~ t.'Oil•f~n, unl i k:? i.:iF~ ce beds of Rio

9

effe·:·t.s of overcomi!1J so-:i.a.::. .1d'd.,r~ity, even foi: a sbort,

father .. 1nol:h-el ,· brother or hu.:;b,, 1d at hor::e ccupled with

thE:~ lw:rc li.f•~ "Jf the migrar.t fctmily moving through tht::

c s r j c u 1 t t.: r a 1 and .L n d 1 t st r i a 1 are a.::; of L 1 e r_, n i. tEd stat·~ s .

As ·'in example of the.::·~ :-_'rJ'ndii.:ions, Sefiorina P1He.~,

now d re~i~ent of Meadow: ~~x~s ~as never allowe~ to go to

schocl or .lcii.!:"n t_o s;_:>.eak Er.glisb by b~r stri·::t father viho

i.i"t:~iStEC an edU::at::.on l>ld,:::; Oc~Ilgf:rOUS fo)( d WOr:lC.UI.

-----·-·---Sefiorina's f;_-i_J.-<1er who had beE.•n =- bak~:: in Guanajuato

-:_nmigrated 1n 19J 7 ar.3 n~~v·=r allcwec~ b ~.:;; d~.ughi:er to

at~end s~~ool. Afte~ the death of her ~o~her,. Sefiorina

CcHed for th·~ }'O'..:nger cb.ildre::1 until s~-:.2 narriE·d at the

~i_cJr:• :...lf Ei.:t=·2n. By tbe ag-2 o:: t:hirty Sefiorina had given

other to an in~ul=:tr:::.al .3.·::~ident durir•<.J t:lJ;;.J ;-::Jnstruct:ott (d~

~1ethcdist Hosp~t':l: in Lubbock,Texas. i1.r·,:., Perez alway.:;

work~rt ~s d fi~ld laborer ne~~r ~~ving the oppor~unity ~o

atl:e:npt c;.nother type cJf job, travelin9 tu arE:c:•s of the

Sefiorina's pacen':3 had met .ir; ;-:1 migra!1t camt: nE·ar

born. 3uadalupe Reyn3 wa3 ~~ghteen when 3he marrJ~d

10

tosferina (cough) and another di~d a~~P{ drinking ker~sene

at the C::<Je of thrt=~e. All e:f thE.• r_;~1ildren were bor.r iit i:oJtle

---with the help of Sefiorina's gr~ndmother or a part2ra

.---- . ' . d . f J ) / t m1 Wl eA/

(~_....---Besides her own children Guadalupe tended to

Rico's ch.i .. ldu:m fr·om a previous marri:;_q•:!: his fathe.':'-i.n-·

la~;, 'wd bcot.her. Dominati!"V:i Guadalupe <:0IT1plt~tt~ly, Rice

n·.=ver -::oo}~ Sefiorina 's moth~r into town unl,~s:3 she r:ef·d~~o

sowethiraJ !:.~p•~Clc\l and he even did t h•~ grocery shc:.~t:ping.

When ht~ ( mot.ber bee arr.e i 11 and she '"'''-U: told l:y the docto::- s

an operation ~ould save her Jife; Don ~ico cefused to

allow ~er th~ operation. Sefiorina's wother died ~~ver

having the ne:-:v'= to <;o aged nst her h:Jsbanrl 's \Ni 11 even

thrJ·-~sh she briefly ccnrf:mplated r~,;nr•J ng -=':'A·~~y to ha.·1e the 15

o~eration,

Another illustrct~ion o~ the experiences ~f ~exican

.. ~.mE~rican women during t bis time is Fran::e.-. H:i t:-:, also a

n~s:Ldent of Me:adow, TE·:{ao.:. '!'!ho ma.[ried her busb.:~:.d R1dolfo ------ -

Revolution. Rudolfo, a railroad engineer in ~exico, had

lost everything before flE.·eing t.o tlv~ United States. Het·:~

in J:'!=x~s he wor I~E' c1 on the r ai 1 roarl ~nd hj s hway ·3an9 s

before ~ork~ng ln i:he fields and tran2porting migrant

was eigl!te·=it ye:irs ~ld and had been l:_Vi;!g ._.,ith ~er

godparents fo~ yc.-trs t:~·cat.:se she and 11er stepmother did

no t rj-: t a 1 on g . I n o r ~"' 1 i r 1 t '= c v i e w s F r c. n c e.~ ~ e s ..:: r i bed he r

11

life as ;3. JO~n':) si..rl &.r.d her des1.:'= to a:-.t:.:~)ct sebec=..

Neither her father, who died in a railr:)ad accidcrt, r~or

h·=r godparert~:; t:.!ver let FrancE!S att-nd ~>•-:hool. Frances

ledrned to write her sign~ture after ffiarrying Rudolfo but

never learned to re~d. Rudolfc al~ays treated her welJ tu~

dr~nk too rouch in h1s younger da~s and in keeping with

Mexican traditions \~i::ls v.::ry strict on i·.,s maay 16

daustter..;.

waiting :._)~'! the E!E•n in the family and wor!~i.-,g alongside

because fathers did not want their daught·c·rs going to

schcol withe-':.!~ Bup~;rvision, ar:<l \~cl'{! n.::ver allowed to 9,;

anywhere u:1e::3:xrtec~. Aft·er mdr:ri.~CJE:, regardl·=s~ :Jf --pregnancies, w.:>men labored r:E.Y.~ to th,=i~ mates in the

fieJds of the southwest. On Saturdays,the nen in the

family went 111~0 i~.mvn; 'f/Omen carr.e: to t:JYn ont::e a Jtonth to

shop. Th•= r=s,: of thE: time women stayed on the ;:c;r.cr. or

~~-=-·::o::-E"~ tbE= revclutiOtl lv.ld 3..U owed the:n to :.·=--=v<~ tbe

perl.p•tery of their home.

Me};jc.;=;n ·l'lom•=n l'lhO came: to thP Unit~~d S">.1':es !:>etweer~

1910 a"1d ~9~Q d~ scovered fami.l ic:r c:t.:ltural f.:-~·3.r1it ic:r!S.

NOTES

1 ----- ,, .. _,... /..

La Malinche was the daughter of a cacisue ·and was sold into slavery by her stepfather who prete~ded she had died and had been buried. She was sold to coastal traders and ended up in Tabasco until she and nineteen other women were given to Cortez in 1519. This beautiful woman became Cortez's interpreter and companion giving birth to the first recorded mestizo Martin Cortez. When catalina Juarez, Cortez's wife came to the new world cortez married Malinche to Juan Jaramillo. She helped the Spanish conquer the Cholultecas after convincing the princess Alababa of her loyalty to Mexico and learning of plans to attack the Spanish soldiers. When the Spanish attacked the Cholultecas and Alababa realized Malinche had betrayed her, the princess committed suicide.Ricardo Romero Aceves,La Mujer en la Historia de Mexico (Costa Arnie Editores,S.A. ,Mexico D.F. ),pp.35-38,63-65,Biblioteca Melchor Ocampo,Camara de Senadores; see also entire biography, Malinche,Dona Marina, written by Hamuel Long (New York:Rydal Press, 1939).

2 For further information on living conditions in

Mexico, see Charles c. Cumberland, Mexican Revolution, Genesis Under Madero{Westport:Greenwood, 1952); Stanley R.Ross, Is the Mexican Revolution Dead{New York:Knoppf, 1966);William w. Johnson, Heroic Mexico.

3 Life expectancy during the Porfiriato was about

thirty years with an infant mortality rate of thirty percent. Michael c. Meyer and William L. Sherman, The course of Mexican History,2nd ed.{Oxford University . ~ \· P r_e s s , 19 8 3 ) , p • 4 7 0 . \\ , '. \ !r \_. ~ ~,

4 -~ . ·. \_ \.\ \\Q ' ~\ C<\ I ~~~-~y .. , .. The At~o de la Juventud was led by youn~

ideologists who launched an attack on materialism by stressing an education based on the humanities in contrast to the positivist philosophy. Further material on Ateneo may be found throughout the following works: James n.cockcroft,Intellectual Precursors of the Mexican

13

Revolution 1900-1913 (University of Texas Press,l976);Frank Tannenbaum, Peace EY Revolution (Columbia University Press,l933).

5 Armando Ayala Anguiano,"Del Porfirismo al

14

Maderismo," Contenido (Editorial Contenido, S.A., Mexico D.F., 1978), 1:105; "Las Mujeres de cananea," cronica Ilustrada de la Revolucion Mexicana, Torno II, p.l5, Biblioteca Melchor Ocampo, Camara de Senadores, Mexico D.F.(Mexico D.F.) Hereinafter cited as Cronica Ilustrada; Margaret Towner, "Monopoly Capitalism and Women s Work During the Porfiriato," Latin American Perspectives, Issues 12 and 13, Winter and Spring 1977, Vol IV, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 90-105;Vivian M. vallens, Working Women in Mexico During the Porfiriato, 1880-1910 (Rand E Research Associates, San Francisco, California, 1978), pp.32-34;see also Daniel Cosio Villegas, The u.s. versus Porfirio Diaz(University of Nebraska Press, 1963 );John K. Turner, Barbarous Mexico(University of Texas Press, 1969); Linda B. Hall, Alvaro Obregon, Power and Revolution, 19ll-1920(Texas A & M Press, 1981).

6 Ramon Beteta,The Mexican Revolution, A Defense

(DAPP, Mexico, 1937-)-,-p.21-25;Maria de los Angeles Mendieta Alatorre, "Galeria de Mujeres Mexicanas en la Revolucion", Revista de la Universidad de Mexico, 28:3, pp.15-21 Hereinafter cited as "Galeria de Mujeres"; Towner, "Monopoly Capitalism and Women's Work During the Porfiriato," pp.90-105;Vallens, Working Women in Mexico During the Porfiriato, 1880-1910, pp. 79-81.

7 Lavrin Asuncion, ed., "Felipe Carrillo Puerto

and women's Liberation in Mexico", by Anna Macias, Latin American women, Historical Perspectives(Greenwood Press, westport, conneticut, 1978), pp.286-301; Ward M. Norton, women suffrage in Mexico (University of Florida Press, Gainesville, 1962), pp. 9-55.

8 Alatorre, "Galeria de Mujeres," pp.l5-2l;Shirlene

Ann Soto, The Mexican Woman:A Study of Her Participation in the RevolutiOn, 1910-1940 (Palo Alto, California, 1979), p. 21, 28. Hereinafter cited as The Mexican Woman.

9 Alatorre, "Galeria de Mujeres", pp.l5-2l;Soto,

The Mex{can woman, pp. 9-12,29,30.

10 Hermila Ramirez Davalos, Las Mujeres de la Fam­

ilia(Federacion Editorial Mexicana, S.A., 1984);Soto, The Mexican Woman, p.3. Soto cites Luis Lara y Prado, La Prostitucion en Mexico(Mexico, Liberia de la Vda. de Ch. Bount, 1908),-p.lo8.

11 -Don M. Coerver and Linda B. Hall,Texas and the

Mexican Revolution (Trinity University Press, 1984);Mario T. Garcia, Desert Immigrants, The Mexicans of El Paso, 1880-1920 (New Haven and London:-yale University-Press, 1981), pp.43-63,266.

12 Mestizas are women of mixed Indian and Spanish

blood.

13

15

Beteta,The Mexican Revolution, A Defense, pp.72-73; Ramon Beteta, pensamiento y Dinamica de la Revolucion Mexicana, Antologia de Documentos Politicosociales (Editorial Mexico Nuevo, 1950), pp. 90-91.

14 John Reed, Insurgent Mexico(International

Publishers, New York, 1969),p. 295.

15 oral Interview, senorina Perez to Yolanda Romero on

July 8, 1985 in Meadow, Texas. southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

16 oral Interview,Frances Ritz to Yolanda Romero on

July 3, 1985 in Meadow, Texas. Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas; Oral Interview Maria Perez to Yolanda Romero June 21, 1985 in Lubbock, Texas. southwest collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

•

CHAPTER TWO

A NEW INDEPENDENCE

The United States welcomed all ~exican im~igrants, --quickly recruiting them into the labor force. The Mexican --~ -- ... - .. ----

women who immigrated came to the United States and

suffered oppression, hardships, and discrimination. These

women made the United States their home, easily adapting

to the Mexican American culture while they struggled to

understand the Anglo American way of life. The Mexican

American women who married Mexican men discovered the same

restrictions familiar to their own society. As immigrants

became migrants the Hispanic populations merged into one

as they followed the railroads and agricultural industries

on the plains.

The women who immigrated were searching for an end to

the revolutionary experiences and a new beginning. It is __ ... _ _....... ..__.. ... ,_,.,..,. .. ..-.... -..""-

these experiences which provide an insight into the

Mexican woman, the society that she left behind in Mexico,

and the cultural heritage that became interwoven with the

Mexican American culture.

women in the lower class, unlike middle class

16

17

activists, found no relief from the starvation, bloodshed,

and poverty by participating in an endiess civil war,

while middle class women continued to be involved in

voicing the displeasure of the people. Born into the

middle class Carmen Serdan was such a person. An ardent

believer of the Mexican Revolution, she had supported the

move against Diaz from the beginning. carmen was born in

1875 in Puebla de Zaragoza, the eldest of four children.

In 1909 Carmen's younger brother, Aquiles, became leader

of the Anti-reelectionist Party in Puebla and champion of

Maderista ideology. carmen supported his political views

and often went out alone at night to post propaganda

against Diaz. Then when the United states was preparing to

invade Veracruz Carranza sent carmen and Rosa Narvaez to

deliver copies of the Plan de Guadalupe to zapata along 1

with a message for the need to unite against Huerta.

carmen and Rosa were unable to continue the trip from

Puebla without causing suspicion and Rosa's sister,

Guadalupe, completed the mission to the south.

carmen and Aquiles were both present in San Antonio

in 1910 supporting the Plan de san Luis Potosi and

Madero's move against Porfirio Diaz. Upon leaving san

Antonio, carmen and Aquiles were given ammunition and

weapons to be distributed to rebels in Puebla for the Diaz

overthrow on November 20. On November 18, at approximately

seven o'clock A.M. local police and federal troops who had

18

been tipped off by an informant, fell upon the Serdan home

to confiscate the weapons being stored for the revolution

and to arrest Aquiles Serdan. During the battle carmen

was wounded and her younger brother Maximo, plus sixteen

other rebels, were killed. carmen, her mother, and

sister-in-law were arrested and held for questioning.

Carmen was responsible but never prosecuted for the death

of one of two policemen killed during the conflict. The

morning after the conflict, after hiding in the serdan

home to avoid capture, Aquiles was killed while fleeing by

Lieutenant Porfirio Perez.

In another effort to help the revolution, carmen

organized groups of volunteer nurses for casualities and

epidemics. carmen, who never married, died on August 21, . 1948 at the age of seventy-three and is buried in the

Serdan mausoleum in Puebla. Her name is written in gold

at the Recinto del Poder Legislative de la Nacion and is 2

remembered as a "Heroine of the Revolution."

Like carmen Serdan other middle class women were

involved in revolutionary activities. Maria Arias Bernal,

a teacher by profession, supported the revolution and

spoke out strongly against the oppressive condition of

Mexican women. Coming from a modest family background,

Maria always attempted to aid the underpriveleged by

continually stressing the advantages of an education.

Maria herself had worked her way through college,

graduating at the age of twenty in 1904 with honors and

then working as a teacher.

In 1910 she became a superintendant but continued

working closely with the lower classes and promoting the

revolution in secret and bolstering Madero's ascension

into office. Once Madero's position was secure, Maria

waged a full scale war on illiteracy until she became the

private secretary to Dona sara Perez de Madero.

19

Working with the first lady allowed Maria to raise

important issues. She became instrumental in raising money

for Elena Arizmendi Mejia to fund the cruz Blanca Neutral.

When Madero was assassinated, she organized El Club

Femenil Lealtad whose main objective was to keep the

president's memory alive. After buying a printing press

she began distributing revolutionary material. In

December of 1913 Maria caught Jorge Huerta, president

Huerta's son, violating Madero's gravesite and, unable to

control herself, she attacked Huerta physically and was

arrested.

In November, of 1923 Maria Arias Bernal died after

spending her entire life battling for social justice. In

honor of her courage General Obregon placed his guns and

holster in her hands after delivering an eloquent eulogy

at her memorial services. Obregon's noble tribute

fabricated a fallacy about this gentle woman which changed

her whole image. She became known as "Maria Pistolas"

(Mary Guns) and the Mexican people remembered her for

brave deeds she had performed on the field of battle as a

20

soldier, when in reality "Maria Pistolas" had never used a 3

gun or been on a battlefield.

There are volumes written on the revolutionary forces

of the northern and southern armies, their leaders, and

the great loss of life during the Mexican Revolution.

Pancho Villa, Emiliano Zapata, and other revolutionary

heroes became legacies to the volatile population of

revolutionary Mexico. Adapting to a transient style of

living, the population shifted with every threatening wave

of rebel soldiers. "The most important force in Mexican

history, the Revolution existed in the core of the society

and in the hearts of the people" but as the violence

continued thousands began departing to the United States

where employment was readily available on the railroads or 4

in the farms and ranches of the southwest. Becoming open

game for coyotes recruiting laborers, Mexicans migrated to

areas of West Texas where the railroads and cotton

industires were flourishing, until immigration laws in

1917 temporarily hindered Mexican men and women from 5

fleeing the revolutionary turmoil existing in Mexico.

The initial stages of the insurrection in 1910

----~ -unsettled the social structure and gave women new roles in ,_ .... _ ---·- ____ ,,

Mexican society, forcing them to cope with starvation and

abuse from revolutionary armies moving throughout __ M~~ico.

21

Women in the rural areas were uneducated and had seldom

been out of their villages or away from their families,

but like the working women of the urban areas, they made a 6

move to free themselves by joining the Revolution.

Women soldiers came to fight alongside men in the

revoluti?nary_a~d federal armies and were generally termed

soldaderas (female soldiers) or galletas (cookies), while 7

women assuming the role of nurses were called Adelitas.

Zapatista women were organized into guachas, which were

responsible for routine chores in the camp and the

soldaderas who held the higher position of the two 8

groups. Women also worked as clerks and secretaries and -·· scouted for military intelligence. The soldaderas were -aided by technological advances, especially German Mausers

and Winchester .30-30's smuggled in from the United States

and very effective at short range, even in the 9

inexperienced hands of women.

Soldaderas, played a significant role in the

Revolution by dealing with many hardships plus providing

food, encouragement, and physical companionship for their 10

Juan. These women became aware of Mexican realities

both geographically and socially while t!aveling on top of

railroad 9ars where they could survey the countryside for

other armies. The following description is taken from

Insurgent Mexico by John Reed.

The men wrapped themselves in their serapes

and sank down in the shelter of the chaparral; and the hundreds of women and children exposed to the cold and the rain on the flat-cars and the tops of the box-cars silently 'and with Indian stoicism settled down to wait for dawn .... Daybreak came .... A hundred breakfast fires smoked from the car-tops, and the women stood turning their dresses slowly in the sun, chattering and joking.ll

The soldaderas usually wore full skirts, cartridge

22

belts over their shoulders, and six shooters at the waist.

Two of many exceptions were Coronela Ramona Flores, a

portly red head who wore a black satin princess dress

embroidered with sequins and a sword at her side, and

Coronela carmen Amelia Robles, a zapatista who dressed as 12

a man. women were often promoted to command large groups

and followed the same ideal with the daring and energy

demonstrated by Mexican men. Regretfully most were

treated as_outcasts by Mexican society.

This attitude of ingratitude existed even in the

rebel armies ending in failure to record little, if any,

data pertaining to soldaderas, a phenomenon of the Mexican 13

Revolution. Generally, soldaderas and campwomen were

from the r~ral areas where they had been taught to be

humble, soft-spoken, and to never question the demands and

actions of the male members in the family. This concept

of marianismo resulted in Mexican women accepting their

subordinative positions and abuse from husbands, fathers, 14

and even their brothers. This abuse continued in the

revolutionary camps for the majority of the women who were

23

often abandoned by their Juan for a prettier or younger

woman. Left alone to survive, soldade~as often turned to

dangerous activities and became the target of authorities

in power.

The following confidential memo dated March 27, 1915,

from the main government official in veracruz addressed to

the chief official in command of port security, deals with

a problem involving soldaderas.

Chief Official Port Security veracruz,veracruz

I have been informed that in the outskirts of coatepec, on the ranch of a woman, ammunition may be bought which is stolen by soldaderas from the Constitutionalists and sold to zapatistas in that area. If you think it is convenient and as soon as I speak to the appropriate people there is a person in your service who could be beneficial in pursuing this investigation. The person I speak off is a mulato named Domingo Olmos who earns $3.00 daily salary. With your consent he could be provided safe passage and Constitutionalists authorities could aid him with any unexpected problems during his assignment. He could go to coatepec under the pretext of buying chickens and at the same time we can supply him with ammunition to sell so he can meet the buyers and bring us closer to the truth. It would be necessary to supply him with about $50.00 to buy the chickens which go for about $2.50 $3.00 in this area. As an extra benefit you may keep all the chickens he professes to buy for your own use.

What I transcribe to you is what I judge to be the most efficient method.

Let me reassure you of my great consideration towards this matter.

Major Governing Official veracruzl5

Women who were apprehended by officials were often

mistreated and many of them disappeared once 1n custody.

These women suffered much but seemed to believe that the

revolutionary life was better than what they had left in

their small villages. Juana Lucio was a soldadera who

24

took part in a battle against the federal troops near the

village of San Lu1s de la Paz in the state of Guanajuato.

Juana and her Juan , Encarnacion Olguin, had been left in

charge of a load of dynamite to stop the federal troops. A

traitor, Francisco Benitez, had notified the authorities

who surprised the rebels, killing Olguin during the

battle. Juana refused to leave Olguin's side or surrender.

She stood her ground_while the other rebels escaped.

Juana was arrested then tortured and forced to witness her

father's execution. Don Felipe Lucio, Juana's father, was

stabbed after surviving the bullets of the firing squad.

The bodies of Olquin, Juana's father, and others were hung

in the plaza to be viewed. This brave woman was spared

and continued her support of the revolution, making her

home in the mountains of Guanajuato. Juana Lucio died at 16

the age of seventy-eight in 1952.

Another soldadera carmen Parra de Alaniz (1885-1941),

known as La coronela was born in casas Grandes, Chihuahua.

she fought in major battles and her revolutionary

experiences are recorded in the National Archives. One

more example of a soldadera who held a commanding position

is included 1n the oral interview of Luis Garcia

Monjalve, a veteran of the Villista army. Monjalve

remembers that the soldaderas rode horses, his own girl­

friend was in a battallion of twenty-five women commanded ---- 17

by Capitan Petra Herrera.

25

Soldaderas unlike the campwomen were sent by Mexican

officials to labor in the prison camps, often disappearing -- - ·----

or dying because of the appalling conditions of their ~·--

incarceration. An example of this is provided below in

the correspondence between Luis cruz, an aspiring

scholar, and officials of the secretario de Gobernacion in

Mexico City. Luis N. cruz who is from La Palma, an area

of the state of Guerrerro, is inquiring about three women

who were allegedly involved with the revolutionary forces

of the south.

september 14, 1914

Governing Secretary Mexico D.F., Mexico

The purpose of this correspondence is to inquire about the whereabouts of three women~ Heriberta Arizmendi from La Palma; Crispina Jimenez from Tierra Colorada; and Salome Leyva from Garrapatas who were taken prisoners February 1st of this year in the Acapulco Port for being allegedly involved with the revolutionary forces of south without a proper investigation and brought to Mexico D.F. to the Canoa prison the 18th of February and were still there on the 3rd of March but the jailers would not say for sure whether they were taken to Quintana Roo, Islas Tres Marias, or to Cayo Culebra. TO this date my investigation has led to no further information about

them. In all honesty it has occurred to me that a formal investigation is necessary in order to locate where my unhappy ~itizens have ended up and put them at liberty by procee~ing quickly for the sake of humanity and justice.

Luis N. Cruz La Palma, Guerrerro, Mexico

Responses to cruz's inquiry from officials are

condescending in view of his·seven month search for the

prisoners. In a memo following the correspondence the

official comments he will note this incident for future

26

investigation for the sake of "humanity and justice if the 18

Secretary of War wishes to do so."

Of the many women participating in the revolution a

handful became famous in revolutionary history.

Revolutionary heroines became legends gaining immortality

in the literature and music of Mexico. Reflections of the

Mexican and the history of Mexico are mirrored in the

lyrics of the corrido, whose popularity escalated during

the Mexican Revolution. The corrido has its roots in the

copla, the traditional folk song of Mexico, which became

popular because of the traditional themes found throughout

its verses. Differing in subject, as well as in length,

and usually no longer than eight verses, the copla

fr.equently expressed disill.usionment. From this popular

folk song the corrido with its own distinct traits

developed, emphasizing the disenchantment of the people

and characterizing the Mexican Revolution. The lyrics in

27

the corrido are sung typically in first or third person by 19

a participant, witness, or a very well~informed person.

Corridos are the children of the revolutionary

experience. They serve as a record of every major issue

of the Revolution and describe almost every aspect of

Mexican society during those stormy years. For example El

Corrido del Agrarista (The Agrarian's corrido) is a

summons to all the peasants of the land to gather together

to plant the seed of progress and makes a plea for peace

among brothers. This corrido also stresses the need for a

plentiful supply of wheat in the granaries and laments the 20

loss of brothers in the struggle for land rights.

Other corridos such as the corrido de Juanita

Alvarado described dramatic scenes. This corrido tells of

a drunk revolutionary enjoying himself at a cantina and

demanding the surrender of Juanita, who has fled to escape

violation. Determined to have Juanita, the soldier

saddles his horse and swears to kill Juanita when he

discovers her hiding place. The corrido ends tragically

with Juanita's death caused by a bullet in the chest from

the rebel's weapon. This is only one of many unfortunate

incidents remembered in the choruses of corridos sung by 21

M~xican people.

The corrido served many purposes. The corrido was

popularly used to pay tribute to many of the insurgent

leaders. Pancho Villa, to many the most colorful of the

28 revolutionary leaders, also has claim to the most corridos

written in his memory during the time of the revolution.

In corridos, Mexicans sang about their heroes and their

hopes for the futUre as they traveled across the border to

safety. Corridos continued in their popularity becoming

widespread in Texas and an important tradition in Mexican

American music which still holds true today.

Corridos flourished during the revolution using many

old melodies with new lyrics varying throughout the

countryside. La cucaracha, one of the most popular

corridos from the revolutionary period, is a modification

of a folk song from Spain and is a good example of these

variations. La cucaracha, although light in spirit,

voices the displeasure of the people over the escalating

prices of food and goods throughout the Porfiriato. This

ballad had its debut in 1914 in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon when

it was sung by a Spanish newspaperman, Sanchez Escobar,

during a party at the home of Pablo Gonzales, a 22

Constitutionalist.

La Valentina is one of the most emotional and

arousing melodies of the revolution, and yet like La

cucaracha was not written during the revolution but in

1~09 by an anonymous campesino in the state of Sinaloa.

In 1914 this corrido became popular with the revolutionary

armies of Obregon because of a soldadera by the name of

Valentina Gatica. Valentina was the daughter of Pedro

29 Gatica, a revolutionary in the Obregon army who was killed

early in 1914, leaving Valentina an o~phan. Valentina

joined the revolutionary forces of Obregon and became a

soldadera. Dressed in military clothes and packing a .30-

30, Valentina took to the railroad cars with the Obregon

troops and fought as bravely as any man. Valentina Gatica

was awarded a pension by General Aaron Saenz in her old

age as an indication of her contribution to the

revolutionary cause and died old and alone in a small 23

shack in the suburb of Peralvillo near Mexico City.

The soldaderas proved their capabilities as soldiers

in the revolutionary armies. However, women also proved

to be adequate as nurses, providing medical treatment and

moral support for the wounded. These Adelitas faced

perpetual shortages of medical supplies and makeshift

medical facilities. The historian Alfonso Escarcega has

investigated several sources in order to determine who the

Adelita really was, and has been successful in

establishing that the real Adelita was about fourteen

years old when she joined a group of nurses in Ciudad

Juarez in 1914. There is no apparent agreement as to

where Adelita was born, but legend has it that Adelita was

an orphan who fought in the Villista army where dressed as

a man, she was known as Francisco Portillo. In this

version she is supposed to have committed suicide at the

Hotel Hidalgo in Chihuahua. The legend describes Villa's

30 surprise after being called by his men to the side of

Portillo and discovering that "he" was.a woman, the

Adelita. Another investigation done by Hugo del Grial and

included in his book, Musicos Mexicanos, identifies the

Adelita as a beautiful woman from Tampico who was

unfaithful and ruthless to her lovers. Grial traced the

presumed writer of the corrido to a Captain Elias cortazar

Rammirez, a constitutionalist who was killed in combat in

1915 and was in love with Adelita. The corrido Adelita

became popular in Villa's armies between 1913 and 1915, 24

becoming the theme song for the Villistas.

The corrido failed to recognize the contributions ~·-women as soldaderas but instead described these women in

their traditional role as companions. An exc_~pt ion to

this practice is the corrido Soldadera written by a woman,

Lazara Meldiu. Alatorre commments in her study on Mexican

women that Meldiu is the only woman who dared to write

about the true role of these women during the Mexican 25

Revolution. Mexican women continued to exchange these

passive roles for more aggressive roles as more

opportunities became available and women gained confidence

from the exposure and interaction with other people.

Women such as Juana Gutierrez, Adelita, and Valentina

and hundreds of soldaderas never recognized were

instrumental in determining the future of Mexico. Many of

these women ended up forgotten and destitute, succumbing

) /!

~ !

I

31 to the dangerous conditions of the Revolution, ultimately

losing faith in themselves and their aRilties, even

turning to prostitution. Consequently, many of these

women sought liberation from the violence, death, and

subjugation suffered during this time in Mexico by

immigrating to the United States. Epifania Alvarado was

one of these women. In an oral interview Mrs. Alvarado

recalls working for a well-to-do family in town grinding

corn and making tortillas at the age of sixteen. Her

employers paid her three pesos at the end of every month

which was when she went home to visit. When the

Revolution started, her wages were cut and she went to

live with a sister in Torreon. In Torreon she met her

husband, Marsial Contreras, while working in a restaurant.

She was eighteen when they married. Her husband was a

sargeant in the Northern carranzista army and his camp

name was Mariano. Contreras was a jealous man and was

constantly beating her and threatening her life. She had

to undergo appalling conditions in the camp life and

ultimately, fled to the United States to escape her way of

life. Her quick departure to the United States forced

Epifania to leave her first born behind and as a result

she would never see her son or her family again. Such 26

conditions prevailed for women throughout Mexico.

Beginning in 1910, the military phase of the

Revolution continued for a decade and became one of the

32 major catylsts for immigration into the United States.

Legal and illegal immigrants crossed tbe United States

border to take refuge from the Revolution and became a

part of the agricultural and industrial boom in Texas and

the rest of the southwest. It is no secret that these

immigrants combined with Mexican Americans provided the

labor force which was needed for building the railroads

and working the fields. This labor force was not made up ----- -of only men but women and-children who worked just as hard --~ -

and as long with little to eat and for less wages, while

coping with the hostility of the older men in the family

and the Anglo American attitudes towards the Hispanic - _ ____. --...... ,

population. The role these women adapted to as part of

the labor force and their experiences are an important

part of Hispanic history long overlooked by many,

including Hispanic men. It is these experiences, which

began with the immigration movement into the United States

and the incorporation into Hispanic society for these

women, which help to understand the Hispanic experience.

NOTES

1 Plan de Guadalupe was a political document which

ignored social reform entirely. It withdrew recognition of Victoriano Huerta's government and named Venustiano Carranza First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army giving him the authority to appoint or be the interim president when Huerta's government was defeated. Pancho Villa, Alvaro Obregon and Venustiano Carranza all signed this document in March of 1913.

2 Ricardo Romero Aceves, "Carmen Serdan", La Mujer en

la Historia de Mexico(Costa-Amic Editores, S.A~ Mexico-­~F., 1982),-pp.262-265, Biblioteca Melchor Ocampo, Camara Senadores, Mexico D.F., Mexico;Alatorre ,pp. 15-2l;Juan A. Mateos, "La Muerte Del Martir, El Alpha de la Revolucion" Boletin Bibliografico (Mexico, Departamento de Bibliote­cas de la Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Publico, 1957); Lie. Raul Noriega, Oficial Mayor de la Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Publico, "Discurso sobre el 47 Aniver­sario de la Revolucion" Boletin Bibliografico (De­partamento de Bibliotecas de la Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Publico, 1957);Soto, The Mexican Woman, pp.22-23;0ral Interview of Maria Narvaez December 1966, Cronica Ilustrada de la Revolucion Torno !(Mexico D.F., Mexico), p.l3, Biblioteca Melchor Ocampo, Camara de Senadores; Cronica Ilustrada de la Revolucion Mexicana, Torno III (Mexico D.F., Mexico), pp.9-ll, Biblioteca Melchor Ocampo, Camara de Senadores.

3 Coronel Ignacio Fuentes, "Una Revolucionaria Sin

cananas, Maria Arias Bernal, 'Maria Pistolas'," v Con­greso Nacional de Historia de 1~ Re~olucion Mexicana (Sociedad Chihuahuense de Estados H1stor1cos, 1974), pp. 208-219, Institute Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico D.F., Mexico;Alatorre, "Galeria de Mujeres," pp.3.

4 At the end of the Porfiriato 70% of the population

was illiterate. Beteta (1937), p.l0,77; June E. Hahner, ed., "A Mexican Peasant Woman Remembers" Women in Latin American History, Their Lives and Views (UCLA, L~tin American center, 1976), pp.lSl-163; A conversat1on between

33

34

John Reed and two soldaderas. Reed, Insurgent Mexico, pp.l96-199;Frederick Turner, "Los Efectos de la Partici­pacion femenina en la Revolucion de 1910," Historia Mexicana, 16:4 (1964), pp.603-20.

5 Coyotes were also called enganchadores which

translates to hookers who not only recruited but transported workers to areas of the southwest. Clark, Mexican Labor, 1908, p.476. The head tax of eight dollars and literacy test required of immigrants prevented Mex­icans from immigrating temporarily. u.s., "Immigration Act" Statutes at Large, 39 (1917):875, 877;see also:John Womack, Zapata and the Mexican Revolution (Knoppf, 1968), William W. Johnson, Heroic Mexico (Doubleday, 1973), Lesley Bird Simpson, Many Mexico 4th edition (Rev. Berkeley, Univ. of Cal. Press, 1966).

6 Aceves, La Mujer en la Historia de Mexico(Mexico

D.F. Costa-Amic Editores, 1982), p.279, Biblioteca Mel­chor Ocampo, Camara de Senadores, Mexico D.F.;Gil Proctor, Panchita (The Naylor Company, San Antonio, Texas, 1960), p.221; Soto, The Mexican Woman, pp.28-28.

7 Roger Parkinson, zapata {New York: Stein and Day,

1975), pp.60-61.

~8 Interview of Lie. A. Aguirre Benavides describing

women smuggling ammunition across the border at Eagle Pass.cronica Ilustrada, Torno I, p.lO; Reed, Insurgent Mexico, pp.21, 142, 244;see also, J.H. Plenn, "Forgotten Heroines of Mexico: Tales of Soldaderas, Amazons of War and Revolution," Travel, 66:6, pp.24-27, 60.

9 oral· Interview of Senor Jesus Hurtado Ramirez to

Maria Isabel sauza on October 25, 1973 in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Number 1/108, Archive de la Palabra, Institute Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico D.F., Mexico; Epifania Alvarado to David Murrah 1972 Southwest collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas; Reed, "Elizabetta" Insurgent Mexico, pp.l04-~09; S~to includes. ~· a description of soldaderas from Ed1th 0 Shaughnessy s

VDiplomatic Days. soto, The Mexican woman~ p. 25;~ee a~so Frederick c. Turner, The Dynamics of Mex1can Nat1onal1sm (Chapel Hill Books:No.52, 1970).

10 Juan was the general term used by Mexicans to

35 designate the male companion of women in the revolutionary armies. Reed, Insurgent Mexico, pp.l76, 178, 185-187, 189, 191.

11 Aceves, La Mujer en La Historia de Mexico

(1982), pp.253-254: Fuentes, Una Revolucionaria Sin can­anas, Maria Arias Bernal, 'Maiia Pistolas (1974), p. 207:Reed, Insurgent Mexico, pp.45, 272-273.

12 The historical society of Chihuahua, the Sociedad

Chihuahuense de Estudios Historicos felt it was necessary to record the contributions of women who were active dur­ing the Mexican Revolution. In 1974 on November 19-21 the Society met to assemble the histories of as many women as possible at all levels of society in order to present this information to the Mexican government in order that these women be recognized for their contributions to Mexican history. Unfortunately there are few records available for women who would have been soldaderas or campwomen and this resulted in obtaining information on predominately middle class women who participated in other ways during the Mexican Revolution. The study was the result of research done by the most prestigious scholars and even so, the Society was able to come up with only a very few sentences on some of these women. The results of the historical research may be found in the v Congreso Nacional de Historia de la Revolucion Mexicana, Nov. 19-21, 1974 (Sociedad Chihuahuense de Estudios Historicos, 1974) and is housed at the Institute Nacional de Antropologia e Historia in Mexico City. This study done by historians includes research on close to four hundred women:Vivian M. vallens, Working Women in Mexico During the Porfiriato, 1880-1910(R & E Research Associates, San Francisco, California, 1978), p.l.

13 Eveiyn p, Stevens, "Marianismo: The Other Face of

Machismo", in Ann Pescatello, ed. ,Female and Males in Latin America (Pittsburgh:Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1973), p.90.

14 secretaria de Gobernacion, a private memo to the

Jefe del servicio de Seguridad del Puerto (Chief of Port Security) dated March 27, 1915, found at the Archive General de la Nacion, Numero 1225, Periodo de la Revolucion (Revolutionary Period), Mexico City, Mexico.

15 oral Interview of Maria Ruiz on August 1966 found

36 in Cronica Ilustrada, Torno I, p. 17.

16 Coronela Alaniz's records may be located in

Expediente d/112115 in the file, "Relacion del Personal Fememino de los Archivos de veteranos de la Revolucion" in the Archivo General de la Nacion, Mexico City. Alatorre, pp.l5-2l;Oral Interview of Senor Luis Garcia Monjalve to Maria Alba Pastor on September 6, 1973, Mexico City, number l/101, Archivo de la Palabra, Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico City.

17 Secretaria de Gobernacion, seccion Primera, Numero

1771, 1772, dated September 14, 1914, Periodo de la Revolucion, Archivo General de la Nacion, Mexico D. F., Mexico.

18 Alejandro Gomez Maganda, Corridos y Cantares de

la Revolucion Mexicana(Mexico D.F.:Instituto Mexicano de cultura, 1970);Vicente T. Mendoza, El corrido Mexicano (Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1954),-pp.ix-xix.; Included in Alatorre's study on women are Lazara Meldiu (who's real real name was Maria de la Luz Lafraga de Cruz) who wrote songs about the revolutionary period and two other women who were poets these are Maria del Mar, and Aurora Reyes.;see also Armando de Maria y campos, La Revolucion Mexicana a Traves de los Corridos PopularesTI962).

19 Alejandro Gomez Maganda, Corridos y Cantares de

la Revolucion Mexicana, p.l47.

20 Ibid., pp.66-67.

21 Ibi'Cl., pp.29-31.

22 "La cucaracha", cronica Ilustrada, Torno I, pp.

10-ll;Armando de Maria Y campos, "Corrido Mexicano," Cronica Ilustrada, Torno I, n.p.

23 Aceves, La Mujer en la Historia de Mexico, pp.

278-279;"La Valentina," Crorilca Ilustrada, Torno I, n.p.;see also carlos Isla, La Valentina (Ediciones, ELA, 1980)

24 Aceves, p.279;Alfonso Escarcega, "Era La Adelita

37

Originaria de Chihuahua," V congreso Nacional de Historia de la Revolucion Mexicana (1974), pp.69-78;Carlos Isla, La Adelita (Ediciones ELA, 198l);John Reed provides a detailed description of Villa's field hospital which con­sisted of forty box-cars enameled on the inside and fitted with operating tables and the latest equipment. Villa's hospital was also staffed with more than sixty doctors and nurses who also tended to the wounded federal soldiers and fed the starving along the way. Insurgent Mexico, p.l44.

25 Corridos such as "Adelita" and "Valentina" and

numerous others, even those written by women immortalized their beauty, ruthlessness to lovers but mention nothing about their abilities as soldiers or even nurses. Check appendix for these corridos;Alatorre,"Lazara Meldiu," pp.lS-21.

' 26 ~ Epifania Alvarado to David Murrah, 1972, Southwest

collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas; see also Anna Macias, Against All Odds, The Feminist Movement in Mexico to 1940(Westport:Greenwich~982), pp.32-37.

CHAPTER THREE

THE IMMIGRATION EXPERIENCE

;I The Hispanic people who immigrated did so unaware of

the conditions which waited for them in the United States.

Mexicans were familiar with Americans and American

industries but did not foresee the attitudes which they

would be confronted with as the major labor force in the

United States.

Porfirio Diaz's Mexico opened new doors for the

people of Mexico with new industries and labor

opportunities for women and men in the urban areas. As a

result of his policies, 15,000 miles of railroads were

laid between 1880 and 1910, closing the gap between Mexico 1

and its largest investor, the United States. In 1890,

total United States investments were $130 million dollars

in Mexico. This figure increased to $500 million by the

onset of the Mexican Revolution. In 1911, seven of the

largest businesses in Mexico were controlled by Americans

with American Smelting and Refining company and the Greene

Cananea Copper Company being the second and third largest

operations in the country. Ferrocarriles Nacionales de 38

2 Mexico, the railroad company, was the largest. These

industries along with Diaz's political policies became the

focus to anti-reelectionists for supporting the Revolu­

tion while in the south zapata's revolutionists cried out

for agrarian reform. In 1910 the official Mexican census

reported 9.5 million people working on haciendas under 3

conditions of debt peonage. When the Mexican Revol-

ution began political and agrarian reformers were

unable to unite successfully and a decade of civil 4

war killed about 1.5 million people. Those who survived

did so by joining revolutionary forces or hiding at the -----first sign of rebel or federal troops who would pillage

and often leave whole villages burned to the ground. It

was these unstable conditions plus the new awareness

Mexicans had acquired from the exposure to their neighbor

the United States and other areas of Mexico which resulted

in a wave of immigration until Americans were faced with

the depression of 1929.

In 1900, 71,000 or three-fourths of foreign-born ~-

Mexicans in the United States lived in Texas. That

number increased to 125,000 in 1910, 252,000 in 1920 and 5

684,000 by the end of 1929. In 1929, economic conditions

for the next ten years would cause half a million

Mexicans including American born children to be deported

or to leave the United States "voluntarily." In Mexico

during this time, a repatriation program was in the works

39

but, even so, Mexican labor did not completely stop in

Texas where employers counted on low labor costs due to

40

the poor wages paid to immigrants who were more than

satisfied with the work and the wages. Entire Mexican

families immigrated, working the fields side by side. Men,

women, and children, from the youngest to the oldest, all

worked their way through the southwest. Many of these

immigrants continued on to other areas of the United

States, but the majority settled in california or Texas

and were incorporated into the Mexican American

population.

Often Mexican men immigrated first and after finding

work and a place to live their families would join them in

the United States. Even before the Revolution, a railroad

official had made the observation that "beginning in 1900 6

families were becoming more common." Sixteen percent of

Mexican immigrants had been born in the urban areas of

Mexico, the rest were rural inhabitants. Less than forty

percent of the Mexican immigrants were from the six states

along the United States border. The majority of

immigrants had been born in the central states of Mexico

where there was an emphasis on an agrarian way of life.

Mexicans in the rural areas in Mexico were accustomed to

migrating, often establishing little communities or 7

migrant camps close to the haciendas called rancherias.

The Revolution disrupted this way of life forcing

rural populations to choose an alternative. Many of these

people retreated into the hills while the majority joined

rebel arm!~s making their way north and, once acquainted

with the benefits available in the United States,

immigrated to achieve the security the Revolution failed 8

to provide. Mexican immigrants were called pelados

41

which translated to skinned or stripped in Texas, while in

California immigrants were labeled cholos, a term borrowed 9

from Peru where it was used to identify a type of Indian. ---------

Immigrants as well as Mexican Americans were often aided

by the catholic churches in Mexico which sent $76,000

between 1850 and 1912 to the Vicarage in Brownsville and

another $284,600.25 to the Diocese in corpus Christi 10

between 1905 and 1928. As the demand for labor

continued immigrants crossed the border in greater

numbers, unaware of the major role they would take in the

development of southwest industries and Mexican American

society.

The Immigration Act of 1903 required immigrants to

state their political opinions, which resulted from a

message sent to congress December 3, 1901 by President

Theodore Roosevelt because of President McKinley's 11

assassination by immigrant Leon Gzotgosz. Me Kinley's

assassination heightened nativism and immigration laws

became more structured but until 1917 Mexicans would not

be restricted in any way with the exception of anti-

4?

reelectionists who had adopted the United States as a home 12

base to plan the Revolution. These rebels and the women

who accompanied them were a major cause of Anglo hostility

towards all Hispanics. Magonistas were the most notorious

of the many groups organizing in the United States and

were kept under constant surveillance by a bi-national 13

police system.

Ricardo and Enrique Magon were aided by Maria

Talavera and Teresa Arteaga in their anti-reelectionists

campaign as early as 1905. Maria Talavera, Ricardo's

commonlaw wife, recruited socialist support for the

Magonistas and was tried by a federal court in 1918 for

violations of the Espionage Act. Teresa was legally

married to Enrique Magon and was a member of the PLM, the

Partido Liberal Mexicano (Liberal Mexican Party), and a

dedicated supporter of Regeneracion (Regeneration), the

Magonista newspaper. In 1907, Teresa saved the life of

Ricardo in Los Angeles and led a national campaign in

support of Magonistas who had been arrested in Los

Angeles. By 1910 Teresa had established El Obrero (The

Laborer) a socialist newspaper in San Antonio. Evarista

Rivera aided the anti-reelectionists by smuggling messages

out of the Los Angeles jail and faithfully supporting the

Magonistas. Andrea Villarreal advocated the movement by

establishing La Mujer Moderna (The Modern Woman) in San

Antonio. Elizabeth Trowbridge was married to Magonista

Manuel Sarabia and made large financial contributions to

aid the Revolutionary cause.

43

The most unlikely candidate of the revolutionists

based in the United States was Teresa Urrea, the saint of

Cabora. Teresa, the illegitimate daughter of a fourteen

year old Yaqui Indian woman and an hacendado, was born in

the state of Sinaloa on October 15, 1872. At the age of

sixteen, after moving to Sonora and being in a trance for

three months, Teresa began healing having as many as 5,000

visitors in one day. As Teresa became an inspiration to

those around her the Diaz regime became threatened by her

power and exiled Teresa and her father to Nogales where

their home became a meeting place for revolutionaries.

Teresa's father, aware of the danger his daughter was in

because of the threat she posed for the Diaz government,

moved her to Clifton, Arizona. Teresa led the Teresita

Movement against oiaz in Chihuahua, Arizona and Texas and

was the co-author of Tomochic, a book exposing Diaz's

Yaqui policies. When she died in 1906 at the age of

thirty-three her Teresita movement continued as part of

the Magonista cause.

Magonistas were also supported by one of·the most

influential organizers, Mary Harris (Mother) Jones, who

had an interest in Mexican workers. Mother Jones was a

personal friend of Samuel Gompers, Eugene Debs and

President Taft and had organized workers in several

44

states. At the age of 77 in 1907, when Manuel Sarabia was

arrested and taken across the border to the Hermosillo

jail, Mother Jones telegraphed the territorial governor

and President Roosevelt and argued for Sarabia's return to

the United States. Sarabia was returned to Arizona eight

days later. In 1908, when Magon, Rivera, and Villarreal

were arrested, she asked for their release. She testified

against Diaz in front of the House of Representatives in

1910 at the age of eighty. Mother Jones died in 1930 at 14

the age of 100.

Revolutionary activity led to a change in border

policies by Governor Oscar B. Colquitt and federal

officials as matters continued to deteriorate along the

border. Texans became more and more concerned with the

revolutionary activities based on United States soil and

rumors of a planned attack on the United States. In 1914

as immigration increased the Plan de san Diego, a

conspiracy against Anglo-Texans was discovered and

Mexicans and Mexican Americans became targets for Anglos

all over the state while at the same time they were 15

recruited as laborers.

Refugees of the Mexican Revolution could take their

pick of jobs building railroads and roads, working in the

m~es __ £H picking __ cotton. Mexican immigrants were in so

much demand they often walked off jobs for better wages.

In Texas in the early part of the century, farm laborers

could work all year long in the onion and vegtable farms

and cotton pickers could earn fifty cents to a dollar for

a 100 pounds of cotton in the seed. usually the average 16

family could make at least five dollars a day. The

following chart is reproduced from Arthur F. corwin,

Immigrants and Immigrants, Perspectives on Mexican

Labor Migration to the United States, and demonstrates why 17

United States wages were so attractive to Mexicans.

Average Daily Wages

AGRICULTURE INDUSTRY,RAIL,MINES,FACTORIES

Mexico u.s. Mexico u.s.

1900 .20-.25 .50-1.00 .40-50 1.00-2.00

1910 .20-.25 .50-1.50 .50-75 1.25-2.50

1920 .20-.25 1.00-2.50 .50-75 3.00-4.00

1930 .25-.40 1.50-3.00 .50-1.00 3.50-5.00

Wages often depended on the labor contracts Mexican

immigrants negotiated with employers. The status of the

immigrants also influenced the contract drawn because

free immigrants paid their own way while recruits were

45

provided with credit. credit was provided for food

provisions, clothing, transportation to the location of

work, and even a small cash advance, all of which would be

repaid from wages earned by the immigrant. Credit was

often furnished by a commissary owned by the employer or

46

by a merchant who made huge profits because prices were

always higher for customers buying on credit. There was

also at least a twenty-five cent deduction from the

worker's wages until fifty dollars were set aside in order 18

to guarantee passage to Mexico for the immigrant.

The legality of contract agreements and the attitudes

of Anglo Americans towards Mexicans resulted in an

extensive propaganda campaign in 1916 by the Mexican

government to alert Mexican citizens about conditions in

the United States. The campaign embodied advising the

emigrants and then attempting to protect immigrants

already in the United States. The Mexican Constitution of

1917, Article 123, supported labor reform by prohibiting

unregulated hiring of citizens for employment and demanded

contracts must be authorized by local municipal 19

authorities and employers' consular representatives.

The same year in the United States the Immigration Act of

1917 added new restrictions to the immigration procedure

by requiring immigrants to pass a literacy test and pay a

head tax of eight dollars. Three months later the Ninth

Proviso in section Three of the Immigration Law of 1917

would become the legal groundwork for the first Bracero

program. On May 23, 1917 the secretary of Labor exempted

Mexicans from restrictions and employers became

responsible for demonstrating a need for contractual labor

with specified contracts and for returning laborers to the

border. Mexicans were photographed and given identifi­

cation cards, could not bring any dependents with them,

and were required to return to Mexico at the end of

their contract. This Bracero program lasted until 1921

when public opinion demanded that American veterans

receive the work, thus foreigners were still the victims 20

of nativism.

Immigration of Mexican females and males before the

47

Bracero program was established emulates unusual patterns.

The immigration patterns of Mexicans from 1905 to 1918 do

not indicate a great demand for Mexican male labor in the

United States but instead a need for both males and

females until 1917. Beginning in 1918 male immigration

began outnumbering female immigration as a result of

Bracero programs initiated in 1917. It is the years prior

to the Bracero programs which will be examined in greater

detail.

Mexican men immigrated in greater numbers than

females the first nine years of the twentieth century. In

1910 immigration for Mexican females began escalating and

totaled half or more of the male immigration until in

1913 there was very little difference in numbers; this

pattern would continue until 1918. Mexican females had

provided a major part of the industrial labor force in

Mexico during the Porfiriato. By 1910, on the eve of the

Mexican Revolution, women had become the victims of

4d

industrialization for they and were no longer needed as a 21

work force. With the unsettling conditions of the

Mexican Revolution, women began immigrating to the United

States.

In 1913, immigration for Mexican men dropped to 22

almost half of what it had been in 1912. This decline

in 1913 could have been the result of the Madero and Pino

suarez assassinations under Victoriano Huerta~s orders

following the Decena Tragica causing bedlam to break loose

once again in Mexico. Pancho Villa, Alvaro Obregon,

venustiano Carranza, and Emiliano zapata all led their

armies against Huerta~s military dictatorship. With these

four military leaders recruiting men for their campaigns

against the Huertista Regime Mexican men could have easily

remained in Mexico to support their favorite leader, while

women took the opportunity to immigrate to the United

States. Yet these are the years that the railroads and

agriculture industries were recruiting laborers for their

expansion in the southwest. It was during these same

years that areas such as Lubbock were growing rapidly

because of railroad and cotton industries which also

demanded a large labor force.

During the next four years, Mexican male immigration

would drop and rise again until, in 1917, three hundred

forty-six more females than males would emigrate from 23

Mexico. During these four years the Mexican

Revolution and the border policies of the United states

could have served as deterrents for Mexican men to 24

49

immigrate. Mexican immigrants became vulnerable to the

nativism which was becoming more and more apparent in some 25

a~eas of Texas. Mexican men were probably much more

susceptible to nativist attitudes than women during these

years. Another obstacle which Mexican men were forced to

deal with was the Selective Service Act of 1917 which

obligated all adult males twenty-one and over to register

and show proof of nationality. Due to this Act dated May

18, 1917, Mexicans were inducted into the United States

military service illegally when they were unable to prove 26

their Mexican citizenship. Perhaps because of these

reasons, the immigration rate of Mexican males would not

pickup again until 1918 after the first Bracero program

had been initiated in the United States.

On June 4, 1918 Herbert Hoover wrote a letter to

Felix Frankfurter, Assistant to the Secretary of Labor,

because of the drop in immigration and asked for the

removal of restrictions for Mexicans because of the need

for their labor. Hoover asked that the restrictions for

farm laborers be dropped because Mexicans were needed for

other jobs and that the six month limit allotted to them

be extended to an indefinite length of time. Hoover also

stated the twenty-five cent deduction from workers' wages

to guarantee passage back should be stopped because they

were needed in the United States and did not need to worry

about returning to Mexico. Hoover also hoped to overcome

contract agreements by having special representatives at

Brownsville, Eagle Pass, Laredo, and El Paso. He argued

Mexicans feared the draft and the photographs required for 27

identification purposes because of their superstitions.

After 1917 Mexican male immigration did begin to increase

extensively for the next decade.

An increase in immigration of Mexican females also

continued and their numbers never decreased until 1922.

In 1922 there was a sharp decline in immigration, but it

was followed by a notable rise in immigration the

following year. Women never immigrated in the large

numbers that Mexican males did in the first and third

decades of the twentieth century, but even so their

immigration steadily increased without any major drops in

their numbers, unlike the Mexican men. During the major

part of the second decade, Mexican females outnumbered the

men immigrating to the United States and the rest of the

time females numbered half or over half of the male

immigration totals.

These immigration totals for Mexican females are

indicative of how these women were determined to improve

their conditions. In Mexico during this time, the

Revolution was in full force and an emphasis on social

justice and reform movements was present in every area of·

the country. Women were involved in labor movements,

suffrage movements, and even joined the revolutionary

forces as soldaderas throughout this time in Mexican 28

history. With the demise of the social structure in

Mexico during the Mexican Revolution immigration to the

United States could have been the solution for the women

who immigrated during this time.

In the United States women such as Maria Talavera and

Teresa Arteaga were active in many ways and their

newspapers served as a means of communication with

Hispanic women in Texas. These women and their activities

were not only known in San Antonio and El Paso but were

well known all over Mexico, making the United States a

haven where not only men but women could go and speak

their minds. word of the suffrage movement in the United

States and other reforms were well-known in Mexico and

Mexican women aware that they too could escape the

Revolution and the oppression of their gender, fled

across the border reaching out for these freedoms.

It is apparent by looking at the scatterplots

provided in this study that Mexican women immigrated in

about the same numbers that men did during the second

decade of the twentieth century. The statistics provided

demonstrate that there was an overall increase of sixty-

51

two percent immigration for Mexican women in comparison to

fifty-one percent of the male immigration between 1905 and

52

1925. Except for the first four years (1905-1908) the

percentage of increase never dropped until 1923 and 1925

below that of the male immigration for women immigrants.

Even in these years (1923-1925) after the Bracero program

was established, the percentage of women continued to

increase even though they were not in as great a demand as

men.

If women were not in as great a demand as men in the

United States, what did these women do once they reached

the southwest? It is difficult to evaluate exactly what

these women did in Texas because there are no records of

them and their employment. Many became domestic help or

worked in factories but the majority of women probably 29

worked out in the fields. The conditions these women -------------- ~~-~~-

coped with once they set foot OI? !_exa~ soil, although ---- - ~----- -----difficult to assess, are the topic of the following

............ ~------ ----~~-chapter.

NOTES

1 Ernesto Galarza,Merchants of Labor,The Mexican

Bracero Story (Charlotte,santa Barbara:McNally and Loftin, 1964),pp.27-29.

2 Raat,Revoltosos,p.l3.

3 Vincent C.de Baca,"The Peasant Mystique of the

Mexican Revolution,"Aztlan,vol.l2,Autumn 198l,pp.l93-209.

4 Meyer and Sherman,The Course of Mexican

History,p.476.

5 In a research note Terry G.Jordan alerts historians

to his discovery of the 1887 census of Texas in the North Texas State University Library which reveals a population of 79,833 Hispanics and does not include fifty three unorganized counties. This could affect the populations cited by historians before this important find.Terry G.Jordan,"The 1887 Census of Texas' Hispanic Population",Aztlan,vol.l2, Autumn 1981, pp.271-277; corwin, Immigrants and Immigrants, p.34; Kiser, Mexican / Workers in the United States, pp.33-37; Andres Tijerina, Mexican AmeriCans in Lubbock county, pp.lS-16.

6 Clark, Mexican Labor, p.468; Fogel, Mexican

Illegals, pp.68-96.

$3

54 7 Corwin, Immigrants and Immigrants, p.43.

8 In 1907, the main crossing point at El Paso

registered 5,802 laborers in August, 5,765 in september, and the following year 26,000 were registered from January through September. Clark, Mexican Labor, pp. 474,520.

9 Clark, Mexican Labor, pp.466-467.

10 Jose Roberto Juarez, "La Iglesia catolica y el

Chicano en Sud Tejas 1836-1911", Aztlan, Vol. 4, Fall 1973, pp.217-256.

11 Raat, Revoltosos, pp.3-9.

12 The following works are studies of these ·

revolutionery activities w. Dirk Raat, Revoltosos Mexico's / Rebels in the United States, 1903-1923 (Texas A & M University-press, college Station, 1981) and Don M. coerver and Linda B. Hall, Texas and the Mexican Revolution (Trinity University Press,-r984).

13 Raat, Revoltosos, p.32.

14 Ibid., pp.33-36; Soto, The Mexican Woman, pp.8-9.

15 In 1910, Oscar B. colquitt became governor of

Texas. A conservative railroad man, he was supported by Francisco Chapa of san Antonio and Amado Sanchez of Laredo, both influential Hispanics during his election. As the turmoil on the Texas-Mexican border worsened, colquitt was forced to re-evaluate his border policies. In 1911, Aqua Prieta and the fall of Juarez forced colquitt to increase and enforce neutrality laws, resulting in the discovery that Chapa and county Sheriff sanchez were conspiring against the Madero government.

55

Sanchez and Chapa were both prosecuted. In February of 1914, Chapa and Sanchez were again involved in the Clemente Vergara incident. Vergara was a rich rancher whose horses had been stolen by Huertistas and was set up by Sheriff sanchez when he asked for his assistance, resulting in his death. When Vergara's body was recovered from Mexican soil by Texas Rangers, he had been brutally tortured and shot. Colquitt was once again forced to alter his border policies. Shortly after, the Plan de San Diego was exposed when Basilio Ramos and Augustin Garza-­were apprehended by American authorities. The Plan de San Diego was to begin at San Diego, Texas on February 2~ 1915 at 2:00 o'clock A.M. and carried out by the "Liberating Army of Races and People". carrying a red and white banner the army was to liberate Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, california, and Colorado from the Anglo hold, freeing Mexican-Americans, Blacks, Japanese, and restoring the land to the Indians by murdering all white males over the age of sixteen. This plan was an extension of the Pasqual Orozco and Victoriano Huerta movement which was funded by the German government and halted when Huerta and Orozco were arrested on American soil. Orozco was shot to death on August 30, in culberson county by a possee of federal marshalls and Texas Rangers and Huerta was imprisoned. coerver and Hall, Chapters 1,2; Mario D. Longoria, "Revolution, Visionary Plan, and Marketplace; A San Antonio Incident", Aztlan, Vol. 12, Autumn 1981, pp.211-226.

16 Clark, Mexican Labor, p. 477; Oral Interview Polo

Romero to Yolanda Romero, February 1985, southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

17 corwin, Immigrants and Immigrants, p. 53.

18 clark, Mexican Labor, pp. 475-476; Kiser, Mexican

Workers, p. 13.

19 Ernesto Galarza, Merchants of Labor: The Brazero

story, pp. 46-47; Kiser, Mexican Workers in the United States, pp. 16-32.

20 corwin, p. 141; Galarza, p. 39; Kiser, pp. 1-5,9-

12; Immigration Act 1917, Statutes at Large, Vol. 39, section 3, 9th Proviso, 876-877 (1917).

56

21 Between 1895 and 1910, women represented one third

of all employed in manufacturing industries. soto cites Rodney D. Anderson, Outcast In Their Own Land: Mexican Industrial Workers, 1906-19l~(Dekalb~llinois: Northern Illinois University Press, 1976), p. 41; vaughn, "Women, Class, and Education", citing Keremitsis, 1976: 15.

22 United States Bureau of Census, Immigration

Records, (Washington Printing, 1912),pp.875-876.

23 United States Bureau of Census, Immigration

Records, (Washington Printing, 1917), np.; see Appendix B.

24 coerver and Hall, Chapter 4.

25 In 1909, the Lubbock Avalanche reported an incident

in Snyder, Texas, in which a Mexican-American was killed by five whites and titled the article "A Race war At Snyder". Tijerina, Mexican Americans in Lubbock county, p.22; Three hundred Mexicans were killed in south Texas under suspicion of Plan de San Diego. coerver and Hall, Chapter 3.

26 Kiser, pp.l6-32.

27 Ibid., p. 13.

28 In oral interview, Jesus Hurtado Ramirez to Maria

Isabel souza, a Villista recalls that women did not join them until after the battle of zacatecas in 1912. October 25 1973, No. 108, Housed at the Archivo de la Palabra, ' . . Institute Nacional de Historia e Antropolog1a, Mex1co D.F.

29 In Austin, Texas, Mexican women were hired at a

57 candy factory all year round. Clark, p.495.

30 The principle of coefficient of correlation consist

of high and low correlation. Greater clusters running from lower left hand corner to upper right hand corner reflects a positive correlation. A consentration running from upper left hand corner to lower right hand corner represents a negative correlation. The slope of the line reveals is termed a regression line and works best with large numbers. The analysis of data or the correlation ratio related in a curvilinear manner reflects that above or below a certain value of one variable {i.e., Immigration Rate), the relationship either stops or reverses its direction. Presence of extreme cases have an effect on the regression line. Correlations do not mean causes, only associations and/or relationships. The square of the coefficient is the amount of variance that the correlation explains. Edward Shorter, The Historian and the computer, A Practical Guide {W.W. Norton and company, New York, l971), pp. vii-viii,l5,31-36,46-47,50-51,83,92,95,103-l20; Marija J. Norusis, SPSSX, Introductory Statistics Guide {New York, McGraw Hill Company, 1983), pp. 57-58,89-91,135.

CHAPTER FOUR

VERBAL INTERPRETATIONS OF HISPANIC BACKGROUNDS

With the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution, areas of

Texas offered alternatives to chaos and poverty for

Mexicans. In West Texas, the Lubbock area was quickly

becoming the nHub of the Plainsn, which required a large

labor force to handle the expansion of the railroad and 1

agricultural industries. The majority of Mexican

immigrants who came to the Lubbock area during the first

three decades of the 20th century were escaping from

conditions in Mexico. Many of the Mexican immigrants who

worked their way north on the railroad and highway gangs

or found work in the agricultural industries migrated 2

seasonally through Lubbock. Mexican women, having

experienced a new independence because of the

circumstances during the 1910 Revolution in Mexico, also

immigrated, adapting well to the migratory life and long

laborious hours in the field or in the factory. Quite 3

often these women were unaccompanied.

The following interviews were given by Hispanics

residing in the West Texas area. The majority of the

Hispanics who participated are living in Lubbock or the 58

59

Lubbock area. There is one interview included of a

gentleman living in Inadale, Texas located about one

hundred miles from Lubbock. The focus of the material

presented in this chapter is on Mexican and Mexican

American women. The following interviews were chosen

because the link between conditions caused by the Mexican

Revolution, immigration, and the availability of work for

Hispanic women is apparent.

These interviews are only a small portion of the oral

history file compiled for this study but they are a

suitable representation of the experiences confronted by

Hispanics who came to settle in the Lubbock area and the

course of events they encountered. In addition, two of

the interviews demonstrate anglo attitudes toward

Hispanics while another interview discusses Green

Medicine, an important Hispanic tradition.

The subsequent two interviews describe life in Mexico

during the Porfiriato and the Revolution and the role of

the woman in the wealthy as well as the poor Mexican

families.

Augustina Garza

Augustina Garza was born in Ceralvo, Nuevo Leon on

August 5, 1872. As a young teenager she married Juan

Garcia who was close to twenty years her senior.

Augusti~a and Juan both came from wealthy families living

on haciendas and once they were married the couple settled

in with Juan's family. Favoring the range over housework,

Augustina spent her mornings on horseback overseeing the

peones in the fields and often supervising other

miscellaneous operations or working in the commissary.

Augustina also enjoyed joining the women in their

afternoon sewing circles which met daily in the big house.

Augustina's active participation and interest in the

hacienda led to a lasting friendship with her father-in­

law, Alejandro Garcia.

Juan and Augustina enjoyed prosperity on Alejandro's

hacienda in colombia, Nuevo Leon during the Porfiriato.

Augustina had eight children who were all born on the

hacienda with the help of an aunt named Maria Luna de

Garcia who was a partera (midwife). The children were

cared for by a nanny allowing Augustina to remain active

on the hacienda. When their youngest daughter Antonia was

seven years old, Juan died after a short illness in 1913

and Augustina assumed many of Juan's responsibilities on

the hacienda. Later that same year Alejandro died

suddenly, leaving the hacienda to his children.

Juan and Alejandro's deaths came in the mist of the

Revolution. As the Revolution continued, moving even

further away from traditional roles, Augustina and a

cousin, Emilia Luna de Garcia began smuggling various

items during the Revolution. The women smuggled American

60

61

whiskey, rifles, ammunition, tobacco, and sugar to Mexico

and Mezcal and Tequila to the United States.

Alejandro's efforts while he was still alive to be

friendly to all the revolutionaries plus arming the

hacienda with hired men kept the family safe from any

major losses during the Revolution. The children

continued to use Papa Alejandro's method to secure the

women's safety by hiding them away from the house when

there was time, in order to prevent any abuse of the women

and young girls. The hacienda continued to be a secure

home for Alejandro's children and their families even

after his death.

Papa A~ejandro had educated and treated all his

grandchildren well but was especially close to Antonia,

the youngest of Augustina's two daughters. Antonia had

the same love for horses and the hacienda as Augustina and

spent much of her time with Alejandro and his sons out on

the range. After Antonia married Marcos Ramirez, her first

husband, she returned to the hacienda when they divorced.

While married, Antonia and Marcos lived on Ramirez's

cattle ranch which was about seven to eight kilometers in

length and located between Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon.

Antonia was a housewife there and raised small lambs,

calves, and chickens and cooked for the peones on the

hacienda. Shortly after Antonia had returned to Papa

Alejandro's hacienda she gave birth to Marcos daughter,

62

Berta. Antonia and Berta stayed on the hacienda even

after Antonia remarried in 1928 to Leocadio Villarreal, a

wealthy man and rancher. Antonia and Leocadio had met on

Alejandro's ranch at the commissary while he was buying

some livestock from the hacienda.

Antonia and Leocadio moved to Alejandro's hacienda in

Colombia and began raising a family. Antonia's Great-Aunt

Maria Luna de Garcia, still a midwife, delivered all the

children with the exception of the youngest girl. Antonia

and Leocadio helped with the hacienda until 1932 when they

moved and started raising goats and sheep in camaron,

Tamaulipas. In 1935 a severe drought followed by intense

rains and floods damaged homes and livestock forcing

Antonia and Leocadio to sell out to pay their debts.

After an attempt to start a dairy farm failed, Leocadio

and Antonia moved to the United States.

In the family tradition, Antonia'enrolled Berta at

the age of five at the private school, Colegio Minerva,

where she was allowed to visit her family only during the

holidays. In the fifth grade, she began attending Serafin

Pena where she studied English, Spanish, History,

Geography, Theatre, and Music. While she attended this

academy, she had her own checking account and had credit

at the department stores in Laredo.

At the age of fifteen, she met and married a Mexican

national, Felipe Martinez Garcia. They resided in Laredo

for a short while before moving to San Benito, El Paso,

and finally Lubbock. They came to Lubbock, not as migrant

workers, but as insurance agents dependent on the Hispanic 4

clientele who were generally laborers.

casimira Martinez

Casimira Martinez was at least one hundred fifteen

years old when she passed away of natural causes in 1967.

There is no exact record of her birth but relatives and

friends agreed casimira was at least ten years old when

she and her father crossed the Rio Grande to return to

Mexico. casimira could recall the assassination of

Abraham Lincoln and the reign of Maximillian and carlota

which ended in 1867 in Mexico.

casimira was born in Parras, coahuila and married

Atiliano Garcia a couple of years after returning to

Mexico with her father. The couple went to live in Los

Tajos, a small village near the mining town of Real de

catorce in the state of San Luis Potosi.

The newlyweds lived with Atilano's family the first

years of the marriage. Atilano's mother, a widow, ran a

traditional household and dominated her daughters-in-law

like servants never allowing the young wives to speak

their minds. casimira's mother-in-law woke them at 4:00

A.M. every day to wash, grind maiz (maize) and make

tortillas.

63

64

casimira had a total of twenty one children, who

included three sets of twins. She called her first

fourteen children the 'first' family; they all died of the

influenza in the early twentieth century. Of the 'second'

family only one of her children fell victim to disease.

In Real de Catorce, Atilano became the owner of a

commissary and the foreman of a French gold mine. During

this time the Mexican Revolution was raging through the

countryside but Don Atilano was friends with all the

revolutionaries for the family's safety. One day the

revolutionaries burned down the commissary and the mines

leaving Atilano without a livelihood and the family moved

north to Monterrey.

In Monterrey, Atilano was able to get a job as a

foreman on the highway being built from Nuevo Laredo to

Mexico City but he was unhappy and stopped supporting the

family. The children began working to survive and aid the

family. Felipe the youngest at age five began selling

flowers, newspapers, and shining shoes to bring home some

money. The whole family was working, casimira made

tortillas at home and sold them to the neighbors. The

family moved to Nuevo Laredo for a short time but returned

to Monterrey then moved to Reynosa for three years.

Atilano was still unable to find a job that pleased him

and refused to work.

Life became easier for casimira when Felipe, the

youngest, began boxing and won a lightweight championship

match for Texas and Tamaulipas and then decided to

wrestle because there was more money in wrestling. He

wrestled American and Mexican wrestlers for a while and

then did other odd jobs.

Felipe continued to help casimira even after he

immigrated to the United States following marriage to

Berta Garcia. casimira lived in the United States with

Felipe and Berta in San Benito, El Paso, and finally

Lubbock. Lubbock was too far away from Mexico for

casimira and she returned to Monclova, Nuevo Leon to live 5

with one of her other children in the late fifties.

The immigration rate for women intensified as the

65

Mexican economy continued to worsen because of the Mexican

Revolution. Two different instances of women immigrating

are presented next.

crescencia Garcia

crescencia Garcia was in her early thirties when in

1923 she left the poverty stricken life in Los Tajos, a

small rancheria close to Real de Catorce in San Luis

Potosi. After packing a few belongings, she and her two

daughters, ages three and five, and catalina, her younger

sister, age twenty-nine, left while Felipe, crescencia's

husband, was not at home. They jumped on a train going

north to Monterrey, Nuevo Leon to find work in the

factories. Unable to find work in Monterrey they took

another train to Nuevo Laredo where Crescencia, catalina,

and the two girls waited to cross the border.

66

Felipe caught up with his wife at the river. He and

the women put the girls in a small tub to cross the Rio

Grande. In Laredo they all jumped on a train to San

Antonio late that same afternoon. In San Antonio they got

off the train close to the Plaza del zacate which was

close to the marketplace called Mi Tierra and a printing

press. They walked along the tracks until they reached a

residential area close by where they stopped at a horne and

asked for work and earned twenty-five cents.

They used the twenty-five cents for a down payment on

a room which was a dollar and a half a month. They used

cardboard boxes for furniture and the landlady gave them

tables and chairs and another woman gave them a mattress.

They set up household and began looking for steady work,

Felipe found odd jobs at the railroad making twenty five

to thirty cents a day, and crescencia and her sister began

cleaning houses.

crescencia began working with Jewish residents of San

Antonio where she continued to work for the rest of her

life. catalina, her sister, returned to Mexico and

married a man with the last name of Regino and never

returned to the United states. Felipe continued to work

67

with the railroad whenever jobs were available. Felipe's

brother, Manuel, followed the young people to San Antonio 6

but later settled in Houston.

Juana Juarez

Juana Juarez was eleven years old when she was

abducted by a Tarascan Indian by the name of Roque Flores,

who was a revolutionary. When her family of French and

Spanish descent finally found her, she had five children

and the family rejected and disinherited her from any of

the family orchards because of her misfortune. She went on

to have a total of twenty children. Many of her children

died of disease and hunger because of the unsanitary

conditions in the revolutionary camps. The children and

Juana experienced and witnessed many cruelties during this

time in their lives. Juana never immigrated to the United

States but one of her daughters, Rosa, began working in

Eagle Pass in 1920 and married a Mexican American. When

Rosa married Alvarado, who transported laborers, she also

worked in the fields.

In the migrant camps, a family lived in a 15'x20'

room equipped with a wood burning or butane stove, slept

on mattresses on the floor, and ate beans and potatoes.

They had no refrigeration so they set the milk on the

window sill in the shade and bought their food daily. For

breakfast they would eat agua de avena, which was watered

68

down oatmeal sweetened with black-strap molasses.

women in the migrant camps wore pants, dresses, and

sunhats. The women made their sunhats or carsoles of

cardboard covered in cloth. The brims of the carsoles

were squared with a round center where the top was placed.

The women all worked in the fields and those who were

pregnant worked until they went into labor and returned to

work shortly after giving birth.

Rosa's marriage to Alvarado ended abruptly and she

decided to stay in Lubbock instead of returning to Mexico 7

because of the work that was available in the area.

Mexican men who immigrated often married in the

Unite~ States. The next two interviews are of Mexican

American women who married into the Mexican culture.

Sefiorina Perez

Sefiorina Perez was born in 1915 in Bartlett, Texas

and was the daughter of Guadalupe Reyna and Guadalupe Rico

(Chapter One). Her mother died in 1928 leaving seven

children: the oldest, Sefiorina was twelve years old and

the youngest wasSefiorina's three-year-old brother.

senorina was left in charge of her six younger brothers

and sisters and cooked, cleaned, and made clothes for the

whole family until she married at the age of sixteen.

Before Sefiorina married, Guadalupe Rico and his

children migrated all over the southwest. In the migrant

camps each family was given one room. They cooked on

butane stoves and slept on thin cotton mattresses which

were more practical because they could be rolled up and

carried in burlap sacks hung on the side of a vehicle.

Once they had saved enough money, Sefiorina's family was

able to travel by themselves in an old Model T.

One year in Sudan, Texas they were given a dugout to

live in while working on a farm. The dugout was actually

one long dugout divided by thin walls, each with its own

door. For privacy the families hung sheets on the walls,

and at night they slept on a bed that folded down from the

back wall.

When Sefiorina married Estevan Perez they had been

seeing each other for only a couple of months. They had

met at a baile casero (house party) which was held by

neighbors for their friends and relatives. They eloped

from a party on September 15th and got married on

September 16th. The morning after they eloped, Sefiorina

awakened at 3:00 A.M. to wash clothes for her father-in­

law, Estevan's three children from another marriage and

his younger brother who also lived in the house. While

they remained in her father-in-law's house Sefiorina was

expected to cook and wash for everyone living in the

house.

senorina and Estevan moved to Austin where they

lived until Senorina's father passed away. After her

father passed away Senorina agreed to move to Lubbock

because of the work they could find in this area. The

family began living in Meadow and not Lubbock because

Sefiorina was afraid of the Anglo population and wanted to

avoid living around Anglos if possible. Throughout

Sefiorina's interviews her l~opinion of ~Anglo Americans

is quite clear. In Meadow, the family continued to work

as laborers in the surrounding farms until the children 7

grew old enough to look for other work.

Frances Ritz

Rudolfo Ritz was a young man when he immigrated to

the United States during the Mexican Revolution.

Rudolfo's great grandfather was a German Duke by the name

of Rudolfo who married Antoinette Vonchenk in Germany.

Rudolfo and Antionette gave birth to Reynaldo who married

7()

Antonia Reyes in 1881 in Laredo, Texas. They had two sons

before Antonia passed away. Alfred was born in 1894 and

Rudolfo Victor was born in 1897.

Rudolfo was an engineer in Mexico and lost everything

before immigrating to the United States. Here in the

United States he worked on the railroad and highway gangs

until he married Frances who was sixteen years old. Later

he would transport migrant workers not only in Texas but

all over the southwest.

Frances Ritz was the daughter of a railroad employee

and Josefa Torres. Josefa died during childbirth when

Frances was two years old. Her father fell from a train

and died of complications when Frances was twelve years

old. Her godparents raised her until she married at the

age of sixteen.

When Frances and Rudolfo got married they became

migrant workers traveling all over the United States.

Their first child was born in 1928 and Frances had

thirteen more children. As they continued to migrate

71

seasonally, visits to Lubbock influenced them to settle in

this area because of the work that was available.

Frances worked in the fields alongside her husband

and children besides taking care of the house,washing

clothes, and even cooking for bachelors who accompanied

them. Rudolfo was very strict with his children and when

he was upset with them he punished them by not eating ~t

the table with the family.

They moved to Meadow, Texas close to Lubbock because

they felt much safer from the Anglo influence which might

affect their pretty daughters. Not wanting to live in a

small town their daughters moved into Lubbock as soon as

they were given the opportunity. Their daughters all

worked in Lubbock at Lubbock Bagging and Clary Poultry and

out in the fields if there were not any other jobs 8

available.

72

~e next interviews are included because first they

demonstrate a traditional practice in the Hispanic culture

and second, because Anglo attitudes are represented. The

first two interviews are examples of Hispanic and Native

American cultures coming together and adapting to the

Hispanic and not the Native American influence.

Pete Rodriguez

Pete Rodriquez was born in Maso~, Texas on June 12,

1924 and was raised close to Menard, Texas. His mother is

full-blooded Mescalero Apache Indian and he really never

knew his father. His mother was one hundred years old on

December 7,1985 and is still alive in Stephenville, Texas.

Pete and his stepfather never got along and at the

age of thirteen he was out on his own. He worked as a

farm laborer picking cotton and attended school two or

three months a year. The school in Mason, Texas did not

allow Hispanics to attend so he was forced to go thirty-

eight miles to Menard where there was an all Hispanic

school. They had a bilingual teacher but were punished if

they spoke Spanish during classes.

Children were not allowed to be children and they

seldom had a Saturday or sunday the way.children do now.

All the days were the same, either they worked out in the

73

fields or did other chores around the house.

Rodriquez is very well informed on Herbal Medicine or

Green Medicine because his grandmother was a curandera (a

healer) and a partera (midwife). From her he learned all

the different herbs that are used by Hispanics and their

remedies. Some of the more popular remedies are the

mesquite bush, used to stop coughing; ruda (rue) used for

earaches and cramps; estafiate (artemesia filifolia) for

diarrhea and other stomach problems;and romero (rosemary)

as an aphrodisiac. Another interesting use for ruda, if

planted on the right side of a home, and romero, if

planted on the left hand side of the home, is the goodluck

they guarantee for people living inside the house.

In 1933 Pete Rodriquez was grinding coffee at Joe~s

Trucking. Joe~s Trucking was located above the underpass

at Avenue H about a block south of 4th street in Lubbock.

In Lubbock at that time discrimination was a way of life

and Hispanics were forced to live with it. Rodriquez did

not stay in Lubbock at this time but went to Levelland

where he met his wife, Mary. He considers Mary his

salvation and the impetus for his successes in life. Mary

was born in Thurber, Texas and is one of the few Hispanics 9

who graduated from Thurber High School.

74

Apolinar castillo de Romero

Apolinar castillo de Romero goes by the name of Polo

Romero. He was born on July 23, 1910 in Gayle, Arizona.

His father, Tomas Romero was born in a small village in

San Luis Potosi and his mother, a full blooded Navajo

Indian, was born in Gayle, Arizona. They had five

children: Maria and Jose who were twins, Polo and his twin

brother Benjamin, and Pascual. When Maria and Jose were

first born on July 22,1926 they were named Pablina and

Pablino but when Maria died of pneumonia in February at

the age of seven months while they were living on the

Weldon Johnson Ranch, they changed her name to Maria

before burying her because of superstitions, and changed

Pablino's name to Jose. Polo's twin brother also died at

an early age but there is no record of a name change when

he passed away. All the children were born in the United

States except for Pascual who was born in Piedras Negras.

Polo went to Mexico with his parents in 1911 at the

age of one. While in Mexico they lived on a hacienda

without too many serious problems. They built their own

horne on the hacienda out of adobe bricks and the three of

them were very happy. When the hacienda was pillaged by

revolutionaries the peones were forced to leave and find a

new way of life. The family moved to San Pedro, coahuila

and then to Piedras Negras where after about two years

they carne across the border. Polo was twelve years old

when they made the move to the United States in 1923.

Before moving to the United States Tomas had been picking

cotton in uvalde with enganchadores (recruiters) when he

suddenly decided to immigrate.

The family was joined by twenty other families all

traveling on big trucks with only very few of their

belongings. His father had surprised the whole family

when he had come home and told them to pack. Polo still

remembers the entourage of broken down trucks packed with

people all looking for a new beginning. They found their

new beginning in Bryant, at the Gene Cross Ranch run by a

man named Morin, who spoke fluent Spanish and was married

75

to a Mexican woman. At this ranch Polo recalls there were

shackles on the fence posts and blacks were often tied to

these and beaten by Anglos. They stayed on the Gene Cross

Ranch between 1924-25 and then the~ left for Dallas where

they stayed another year. In 1925-2~ Snyder became their

home but they left after spending Christmas because it

was so cold and went back to the Bryant area on February

15,1926.

In Bryant they lived in a little white frame house

with kerosene lamps for light and a wood burning stove.

They were treated well by the patrones (bosses) and were 10

paid $2.00 for one hundred pounds of cleaned cotton.

76

John Joseph Waldrep

John Joseph was born in 1912 in Eastland, Texas but

lived on a farm near Lubbock seventeen miles from Tahoka

for nearly thirty eight years. His mother, susan Melvina

was from Texas and his father was from Georgia. His dad

worked on the the Singleton Ranch in 1918 when three­

hundred registered bulls froze to death in temperatures 22

degrees below zero in a blizzard which resulted in

Singleton selling the ranch after the great loss he took.

The same year, on Box Cathey's ranch 3,000 sheep smothered

to death when they were blocked in by the snow.

On their own farm near Tahoka, they used white labor

the first two years and then replaced the laborers with

Black workers the following year. The blacks were

replaced by Mexican Americans and John Joseph's family was

the first to have Mexican labor in that area. The

Mexicans were not a family but a group and, as far as John

Joseph can remember, they only had two incidents all those

years with Mexican laborers.

The first incident was over the pay and the next was

over a visit to the big house by one of the laborers.

John's father had arrived at his home in time to catch one

of the laborers sneaking around the big house while his

wife was at home by herself. The Mexican had attempted to

explain what he was doing but Waldrep was upset and had

alreaay made up his mind about the visit. John Joseph

77

points out that Mexicans were good laborers but that they

could not handle the tough jobs like oil drilling and that

is why you seldom saw Mexicans on the drilling crews.

John Joseph learned to speak Spanish by correspond-

ence. While he was in school he wrote a Mexican teacher

letters and she corrected them and sent them back and in 11

this way he became literate in Spanish.

The interviews in this chapter represent the "-------,,

I

different aspects and life styles of Hispanics. In many

ways the women described in these interviews are like the

women in the Anglo American communities during this time.

The women who were allowed to make decisions and go to

school were usually from the wealthier families who

educated their women. The women who were oppressed were

usually from the lower classes. What these interviews do

make apparent is that both young and old women were

productive outside the home, usually working alongside

their husbands and making large contributions for the

well-being of the family.

NOTES

1 Taken from a brief entitled, "Lubbock 'The Hub of

the Plains', 1923" compiled when citizens of Lubbock were applying for location of Texas Tech founded in 1925. Cotton production was double that of Texas increasing 1400% during 1909 and 1919.This is quite remarkable in that the records include yields for 1917 and 1918, the driest years ever known in West Texas.Lawrence L. Graves, ed., A History of Lubbock, Part Two, Growth of the

73

City Vol.IV (West Texas Museum Association, 1960), pp.262-263.

2 The development of eight railroad lines between

1909 and 1928 along with the increase of cotton production making the Lubbock area the third inland cotton market in the world is discussed by Graves.pp.306, 393-398, Graves cites s.G. Reed, A History of the Texas Railroad (Houston, 1941), pp.300-304, 400;The Hub.(Lubbock Cham­ber of commerce and Board of City Development), December 1928, p.7, November 1928, p.5, May 1928, p.6, Jan. 1928, p.7, November 1927, p.6, December 1927, p.8;Frances Ritz to Yolanda Romero oral Interview, May 31, 1985 in Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas;Andres Tijerina, Mexican Americans in Lubbock county (Texas Tech Press, 1979), pp.l7-21.

3 Bertha Garcia to Yolanda Romero Oral Interview at

Lubbock, Texas, January 22, 1986, southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas; Epifania Alvarado to David Murrah, 1972, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

4 At the age of thirteen Juan and his brother Lucio,

age nine, had been kidnapped by Indians while hunting close to the Rio Grande. An old shepard had witnessed the

79

kidnapping and notified their father, Alejandro. Alejandro procured a guide and crossed the river and traveled all the way to Santa Fe, always staying close to the river and searching for Indian camps. After twenty two days of captivity, Juan escaped and took refuge for a week at a ranch where his father found him. Juan had attempted to convince Lucio to accompany him but Lucio was younger and too frightened to go. Juan had hidden by day and walked at night before reaching the ranch. While with the Indians, Juan was forced to eat raw meat, fat, and horse meat. He was beaten and tied along with other captives with leather straps to form a circle at night. The rescue party failed to find Lucio and as a result, in a final effort, determined to find his brother, Juan later became a Texas Ranger and served for twenty years. After twenty-five years, Lucio sent word that he had become an Indian and married an Indian woman. Oral Interview Berta Garcia to Yolanda Romero 27 May 1985, 10 January 1986, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

5 Oral Interview Felipe Martinez Garcia to Yolanda

Romero 27 May 1985, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

6 Oral Interview with Bertha Garcia to Yolanda Romero

at Lubbock, Texas, January 22, 1986, southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

7 Oral Interview Doah Barela to Yolanda Romero 11 June

1985, 13 June 1985, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

8 oral Interview Sefiorina Perez to Yolanda Romero 8

July 1985, southwest collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

9 Oral Interview Frances Ritz to Yolanda Romero 25

June 1985, 03 July 1985, southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

80 10

oral Interview Pete Rodriquez to Yolanda Romero 30 May 1985, 31 May 1985, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

11 Oral Interview Apolinar Castillo de Romero to

Yolanda Romero 24 February 1985, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

12 Oral Interview John Joseph Waldrep to Yolanda

Romero 29 May 1985, Southwest Collection, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas.

CONCLUSION

The Mexican Revolution and the conditions that were ·-created in Mexico along with the need for labor in the

southwest caused ----·------study deals with -~------~-

Mexi~--an {ffin1i grat iant_o. -increase. -----the general cultural values and

This

influences which have acted upon Hispanic women and their ----role in society but considered in circumstances of change. -Many Mexican women joined the rebellion for social justice

and then, tiring of the continuing struggle against

poverty and starvation, immigrated to the United States.

The first changes were generated by the Mexican Revolution

which prompted immigration into the United States. These

immigrant women had to deal with other Hispanic women who

had not experienced the disturbing but awakening effects

of the Mexican Revolution as well as with the Anglo

culture with its own stereotyped restrictions upon their

life style. In the United States these women were

incorporated into a large labor force and competed for

jobs available to Chicanas. Mexican women, though

oppressed, still had a sense of security Chicanas did not

have because Mexican American females were crippled not

only by their own culture but by the American culture 8-1

which surrounded them. The Mexican women, regardless of

their status in Mexico could see changes transpiring in

their society.

82

The first thirty years of the twentieth century

brought the Mexican and Mexican American cultures together

as they provided the muscle for the progress taking place

in the southwest. In 1910 the Thirteenth census of the

United States shows thirty-two Hispanics living in

Lubbock county. The Census lists all the men as working

for the railroad as laborers. Five of the Hispanics are

women between the ages of twenty-six and thirty-one, the

other female listed is an eight year old girl. The census

does not list these women as working but classifies them

as boarders. These women then could have been providing

various services for the boarding house to pay for their 1

keep.

Fifteen years later the 1925 City Directory lists

seventy-six Hispanic males and thirty-seven females. With

the exception of three people occupations for the Hispanic

population are not listed as they are for the rest of the

population in the city directory. Of these three listed

two are men, a contractor and a retired gentleman, while

the other is a single female Virginia Flores, a nurse at 2

the Lubbock Sanitarium.

In 1926 the City Directory lists several occupations

for Hispanics in Lubbock besides that of laborers.

33

Occupations listed for Hispanic women are domestics,

students, and clerical positions. Of the ninety-one women

listed twenty-one are domestics, two are students, and one

is listed as a clerk. This list still does not consider

how many of these women and children were working from 3

sunup to sundown in the fields surrounding Lubbock.

The Great Depression of 1929 restrained immigration

for Mexicans though it did not stop. Nativism and

unemployment resulted in mass deportations between 1929

and the late 1930's. The Mexican-born population in the

United States decreased from 640,000 in 1930 to 380,000 in

1940 as counted by the United States census of 4

Population. Many American citizens of Mexican descent

suffered deportation and other injustices.

Exactly what types of jobs were held by the Hispanic

women in west Texas and the percentage of women and

children who were working during those years when women

and men were immigrating in comparable numbers needs to be

determined. Men, women, and children all contributed to

the wealth of the land they adopted as their own. In

doing so the Mexicans learned just as much from the

Mexican Americans or Chicanas about American culture as

Mexican Americans learned from their sisters across the

border.

Notes

1 The origin of the term 'chicano' has to do with the

pronunciation of the grapheme x in Spanish. In old Spanish and throughout the 16th century this sound was sh, but by the middle of the 17th century the x sound had changed to ch. Thus Mexico sounded like Meshico to cortes and Charles V but like Mechico in the 17th century. This changed Mexicano to Meschicano and then to mechicano. The term chicano is acceptable to those that understand its origin. Edmundo Garcia-Giron, "The Chicanos:An overview," Ethnic Literatures Since 1776: The Many Voices of America(Texas Tech University,l978),pp.88-89; In a footnote William Madsen discusses the origin of the word chicano and prevailing opinions towards the term. He points out a recent survey showed only 6% of Mexicans or Mexican Americans in Texas, Arizona, and California prefer to be called chicanos.William Madsen,Mexican Americans of south Texas, 2nd. ed.(Holt,Rinehart & Winston, --1964},p.2;United States Census of Population (Washington Printing, 1910},pp.8,11.

2 Lubbock City Directory,Vol.l(Lubbock: The Plains

Journal, Inc., 1925}.

3 Lubbock City Directory (Lubbock:Hudspeth

Directory,l926}.

4 Andr~s Tijerina,Mexican Americans in Lubbock ~~

county(Texas Tech Press,l979},pp.l5-16.

84

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39

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APPENDIX A

CORRIDOS FOLLOWED BY ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

93

La Adelita

Adelita se llama la joven a quien yo quiero y no puedo olvidar, en el mundo yo tengo una rosa y con el tiempo la voy a cortar.

Si Adelita quisiera ser mi esposa, si Adelita fuera mi mujer, le compraria un vestido de seda para llevaria a bailar al cuartel.

Adelita, por Dios te lo ruego, calma el fuego de esta mi pasion, porque te amo y te quiero rendido y por ti sufre mi fiel corazon.

Si Adelita se fuera con otro le seguiria la huella sin cesar, si por mar, en un buque de guerra, si por tierra, en un tren melitar.

Toea el clarin, de campana a la guerra, salga el valiente guerrero a pelear, correran los arroyos de sangre; que gobierne un tirana, jamas.

Y si acaso yo muero en campana y mi cuerpo en la sierra va a quedar, Adelita, por Dios te lo ruego, con tus ojos me vas a llorar.

Ya no llores, querida Adelita, ya no llores, querida mujer, no te muestres ingrata conmigo, ya no me hagas tanto padecer.

Me despido de mi querida Adela, ya me alejo de mi unico placer, nunca esperes de mi una cautela ni te cambie por otra mujer.

soy soldado y la patria me llama a los campos que vaya a pelear, Adelita, Adelita de rni alma, no me vayas por Dios a olvidar.

por la noche andando en el campo, oigo el clarin que toea a reunion,

94

Y repito en el fondo de mi alma: Adelita es mi unico amor.

Si supieras que ha muerto tu amante rezaras por mi una oracion, por el hombre que supo adorarte con el alma, vida y corazon.

Ya me despido de mi querida Adela, de ti un recuerdo quisiera llevar, tu retrato lo llevo en mi pecho como escudo que me haga triunfar.

Conque quedate, Adela querida, yo me voy a la guerra a pelear, la esperanza no llevo perdida de volverte otra vez a abrazar.

95

La Adelita

Adelita is the young girl's name that I love and can not forget, in this world I have a rose and with time I will have her.

If Adelita wanted to be my wife, if Adelita wanted to be my woman, I would buy her a silk dress to wear to the barracks dancing.

Adelita, for God's sake I beg you, calm the fire of my passion, because you have conquered me I love you and for you my faithful heart suffer.

If Adelita would go with another I would follow her footsteps without hesitation, if by sea, in a fighting vessel, if by land, in a military train.

The bugle plays, of the campaign for war,­calling the valiant warrior to fight, the brooks will run full of blood, if a tyrant governs, for always.

And if I die during the campaign and my body is left on a hill, Adelita, for God's sake I beg you, to cry for me with your eyes.

Do not cry my name, dear Adelita, do not cry any more, dear woman, don't pretend to be ungrateful with me, do not make me suffer so much.

I say farewell to my dear Adelita, I depart from my own pleasure, do not ever expect any untruths from me or that I leave you for another woman.

I am a soldier and my fatherland calls me to the countryside to go fight, Adelita, Adelita of my soul, for God's sake do not forget me.

walking through camp at night, I hear the bugle play to reunite, and I repeat from the depths of my soul:

96

Adelita is my only love. 97

If you found out that your lover has died would you pray an oration for me, for the man who knew how to love you with the soul, life, and heart.

Farewell to my dear Adela, a memory of you I would like to take, a picture of you at my breast like a shield it will help me triumph.

With who will you stay, Adela my love, I am going to the war to do battle, I have not lost hope to ever hold you in my arms again.

I am the corrido I sing happy melodies tragedies and sorrows; friend of friends

El Corrido

I am the scourge of my enemies.

I am the corrido; I go to the fairs and all the parties. I am a lover but over all I am hard to cross especially when I am drunk.

I am the soul of my village and my voice is that of the streets find me where you can find me, I am the corrido that sings tragedies and melancholy melodies, and happy tunes also.

I am the corrido; I saw marching one day Porfirio Diaz; vibrating with Madero and then I became a witness to his burial what time these were!

Anonymous

98

Yo soy el corrido canto alegrias tragedias y penas; amigo de arnigos soy azote de rnis enernigos.

Yo soy el corrido; voy a las ferias y a todas las fiestas. Soy enarnorado

El Corrido

pero sobre todo rnau atravesado cuando ando tornado.

Soy el alma de rni pueblo y es rni voz la de la calle hallerne donde me halle, yo soy el corrido que canta tragedias y rnelancolias, tarnbien alegrias.

Yo soy el corrido; rnarcharse vi al dia a Porfirio Diaz; vibre con Madero testigo fui luego tarnbien de su entierro que tiernpos aquellos!

Anonirno

)9

La Valentina

Una pasion me domina y es la que me ha hecho venir; Valentina, Valentina, yo te quisiera decir,

Dicen que por tus amores un mal me va a seguir; no le hace que sean el diablo, yo tambien me se morir.

Si porque bebo tequila, manana tomo jerez, si porque me vez borracho, manana ya no me ves.

Valentina, Valentina, rendido estoy a tus pies; si me han de matar manana, que me maten de una vez.

Anonimo

100

La Valentina

I am dominated by a passion and it has made me come: Valentina, Valentina, I would like to tell you.

They say because of your love bad luck is going to follow me; it doesn't matter if they are the devil, I too know how to die.

Just because I drink tequila, tomorrow I will drink wine, just because you see me drunk, after tomorrow you will not see me.

Valentina, Valentina, I am surrendering at your feet; if they are to kill me tomorrow, they might as well kill me now.

Anonymous

101

Soldadera

Mujer de mi raza, vibracion en carne belicosa y fuerte, ternura en los labios, pasion en el pecho, cansancio en la frente.

En los ojos una larga peregrinacion de suenos, Y dentro del alma un canto escondido que brota en la noche junto del vivac, al pie de la tienda de su batalion, canto de su pueblo, canto de su sangre, de su corazon, plastica figura de los cuadros rojos que pinto en la sierra la Revolucion.

Soldadera, heroica matrona de alcurnia de aguilas, de sangre de selvas y voz de montanas; mujer hecha simbolo que subraya el paso de nuestras campanas.

Soldadera: Se enrosco en tu brazo el rebozo tipico de "Santa Maria". Y sirvio de cuna al "chilpayatito" que nacio a la vera de la serrania.

Pura mexicana, grande en su miseria, inmensa en su amor, unica en la historia, magnifica y fuerte llevando ignorado un sello de gloria, marcado en el campo con su andar ligero, la brillante huella de cada victoria.

Soldadera noble que lleva la heraldica de sus cicatrices, que reta la vida junto al moribundo, que lo mismo arrulla que abre una fosa, que lo mismo canta que asalta un reten.

Soldadera hermana; ha llegado el tiempo de soltar la carga

102

ha llegado el tiempo de soltar la carga de las amarguras, ya sono la hora de los triunfos hechos,

ya trillan el campo los nuevos barbechos, ya el maiz se dora en la sementera.

Ven, de nuevo al rio aver como juega tu pequeno "Juan", el chiquillo alegre que naciera un dia a la sombra eterna de la serrania, sobre tu rebozo de "Santa Maria".

Soldadera: ingenua Adelita de la Division del Norte, Valentina tragica, "albures de amor" sobre las llanuras blancas de coahuila; cancion hecha vida en la augusta hora de las rebeldias.

Hermana gemela de Josefa Ortiz; atiento en el pecho de los oprimidos, adorno en las fabricas, grito en las trincheras gesto hecho bandera en las manos tremulas de la venerable Lucrecia Toriz.

Madre soldadera que cayo enredada con una bandera, coagulo la boca, con una palabra bendiciendo al hijo, recordando al paria.

Fecundo la tierra tu sangre y crece una amapola que se ofrece al sol.

Ya despierta el dia con la diana en vuelo, ya se apago el fuego . que alumbro la tienda de tu batallon.

soldadera hermana, soldadera madre, ardiente figura de los cuadros rojos que pinto en la sierra la Revolucion.

Lazara Meldiu

103

Soldadera

Woman of my race, your body vibrates with beauty and strength, tender are your lips, and passion in your chest, weary lines on your forehead.

In your eyes a long peregrination of dreams, and inside your soul a hidden song that blooms in the night close to the watchman. At the foot of the battallion's tent, she sang of her city, she sang of her blood, from her heart a plastic figure of the red portraits that the Revolution painted on the mountain.

Soldadera, Heroic matron of an eagle's image and ancestors of the jungle and voice from the mountains; woman made a symbol that strengthens the path of our campaigns.

Soldadera: Around your arm is the typical shawl of "Saint Mary", and it served as a cradle to the "chilpayatito" who was born at the foot of the hill.

Pure Mexican, great in her misery, with an immense love, the only one in history, magnificent and strong her seal of glory she carries with her is ignored, marked throughout the camp with your nimble footsteps, the brilliant vestige of every victory.

Noble soldadera who takes with her the heraldry of her healings, that challenges the dying life in the wounded person, that cradles him as they open his grave, that sings reinforcements are attacking.

Sister soldadera;

104

the time has come to release the ammunition of bitterness, the hour of triumphs is ringing, the countryside is thrashed for fallowing,

the corn is turning gold in the cultivated field.

Come again to the river to see how your small "Juan" plays, the young boy is happy that one day he will be born again in the eternal shadow of the hill, over your shawl of "Saint Mary".

Soldadera: genuine Adelita of the Northern Division, tragic Valentina, "games of love" over the white plains of coahuila; song made into life in the august hour of the rebellion.

Twin sister of Josefa Ortiz; you are the breath in the breast of the oppressed, ornament in the fabrics, a scream in the trenches, a gesture made a banner in the trembling hands of the venerated Lucretia Toriz.

Mother soldadera who fell wrapped in a flag, coagulated blood in her mouth, with one word blessing her son, remembering his birth.

Your blood fertilized the land and it grows a poppy who offers itself to the sun.

The day is awakening with the diana in return, the fire is out that lit the tent of your battallion.

sister soldadera, mother soldadera, passionate figure of the red portraits that the Revolution painted on the mountain.

Lazara Meldiu

105

APPENDIX B

SCATTERPLOTS

106

1 ')7

MEXICAN IMMIGRATION

Code book

Field Column Code

Year 1-2 1=1905 4=1908 5=1909 6=1910 7=1911 8=1912 9=1913

10=1914 11=1915 12=1916 13=1917 14=1918 15=1919 16=1920 17=1921 18=1922 19=1923 20=1924 21=1925

Total Male Immigration 6-13 l=TOTALM

Total Female Immigration 15-21 2=TOTALFM

Total Mexican Male Immigration 24-30 3=TOTALMXM

Total Mexican Female Immigration 33-39 4=TOTALMXF

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