gentrification case study: morningside historic district, miami fl

DATAMAPPING + DATASCAPINGThe Influence of Historic Landmark Designation on

Gentrification

Morningside Historic District Miami, FL

Spring 2015Shane O. Batchelor

PROFESSOR T.J. MARSTONLAA 5993 DATAMAPPING + DATASCAPING

Florida International UniversityCopyright, 2015

Shane O. Batchelor

able of ContentT s

1.1 Abstract4

2.1 Location

3.1 Morningside Overview

The Question of Historic DesignationGentrificationThe Inception of the Historic Landmark Designation

Miami UDB Base MapMorningside AdjacenciesContributing Properties

44

567

Historical TimelineHistoric Designation

89

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010Median Household IncomePopulation DistributionEducation LevelsHome Ownership

10-1213-1617-2021-24

4.1 Data Syntheses25

4.2 Stimulating Factors

5.1 Conclusion

Visualizing GentrificationQuantifying Gentrification

Historic Preservation GuidelinesHome Ownership CostsThe Economics of Gentrification

26-27

2829-31

The Urban Invisibles 33

6.1 Sources + LinksSources + Links 34

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1.1 Abstract

The Question of Historic Designation

Historic Landmark Designations exist to protect symbolic cultural and his-torical heritage monuments on a National, State and Local Level. However, does designation have significant impact beyond protection of the landmark, specifi-cally on owners, occupants, and residents at large? It then becomes paramount to consider whether there are important economic benefits to be gained from Historic Designation, or are there instead, unintended consequences in displace-ment of the underprivileged who lack the means to adhere to stringent stipula-tions that often accompany Historic Landmark Designations.

Gentrification

In the broadest of senses, Gentrification refers to the phenomena by which a group of people or segment of the population is invariably displaced, often as a result of urban renewal. The displacement closely follows class lines, where wealthier residents and/or affluent businesses move into previously derelict areas undergoing renewal, forcing the ‘original’ occupants to move to other areas. Gentrification is common in large cities, which have a history of investing in their communities in an effort to continually increase the standard of living. As cities invest in their communities through real estate development, economic development, improving access to services, culture and the arts, as well as low-ering crime, they increase their appeal to the population living outside these cities, especially among affluent citizens who may see the increasing develop-ment and thriving culture as an opportunity to invest or relocate. The resulting influx often increases the cost of living for the existing residents, driving them out of the newly ‘gentrified’ area into more affordable living conditions. The case of Morningside Historic District, illustrates another potential trig-ger for gentrification. In this case, in an effort to protect and preserve cultural and historical significance of the homes within the district, and ultimately to the benefit of the city at large, Morningside was issued Historic Landmark Designa-tion in 1984. However, with this designation comes additional cost consider-ations for the residents in how they maintain and upgrade their homes over

time. The result however, is hardly dissimilar to any of the aforementioned provoking factors, in that the resident population was effectively replaced with a consistently wealthier, more affluent, well educated populous, better able to cope with the imposing costs of ownership of Historic Homes.

The Inception of the Historic Landmark Designation

Historic Landmark Designations were conceived of in order to recognize

Aerial View Morning Side Homes along Biscayne BayImage Courtesy of Greater Miami

Convention and Visitors Bureau

Morningside Mediterranean Revival Style Home Image Courtesy of Miami Urbanist

and preserve historical, architectural and cul-tural heritage assets Nationally, Statewide and Locally. Landmarks are widely varied, and range from buildings, sites, structures, objects, historic districts. Districts typically cover large geographical areas, and may include groups of buildings, properties or sites designated by one or more Local, State or National entities to possess historical or architectural significance. Designation as a Landmark includes important protections for the landmark in the form of tax incentives, grants, and other measures. However, designation often also includes significant restrictions on how property owners may use their property, including standards on maintenance and rehabilitation of the designated property. For this reason, in the case of National Historic Landmarks (NHL), many property owners often decline nomination as a NHL, in which case, the property is simply listed as

‘eligible for designation.’ Challenges may then arise for the end parties involved, including owners of Designated Land-marks, or residents living in Historic Dis-tricts, who may then have to adhere to strict stipulations for care, maintenance and upkeep of their properties, as a result of the properties’ designation.

4

2.1 Location Miami UDB Base Map

Morningside Historic District

Morningside Historic District is located on the Biscayne Bay Shoreline just to the north of the City of Miami. It falls direct-ly on the eastern edge of the Urban De-velopment Boundary (UDB). It is a small , beautiful Single Family Home commu-nity, lined with mature trees, and as one would imagine, beautiful historic homes with architecture ranging from Mediter-ranean -Revival to Art Deco. It offers a quiet refuge for residents and visitors alike, from the hustle and bustle of city living. In December, 1984 Morningside became Miami’s first Historic Disctrict, with approval from the Miami City Com-mission. Originally known as Bayshore, it was developed between 1922 and 1941, and contains a preponderance of archi-tecturally significant treasures among the many architectural styles represent-ed in the Miami Metropolitan area. Morningside features the work of over 40 well known local architects, including Marion Manley, South Florida’s first known female architect.

Miami International Airport

Florida International University

Turkey Point Nuclear Powerplant

Miami

Key Biscayne

Miami Beach

Kendall

Hialeah

Homestead

Cutler Bay

Coral Gables

Doral

Miami Lakes

5

2.1 Location Morningside Adjacencies

Targeted Urban Areas and Community Redevelopment Areas are identified as pre-dominantly low-income and depressed areas, by the Mayor’s Urban Revitaliza-tion Task Force.

Bi s

ca

yn

e B

l vd Across the dividing line of

Biscayne Blvd, living condi-tions could not be more dis-parate. Affluence abounds within the Morningside Dis-trict, whereas poverty reigns in the adjacent areas.

6

2.1 Location Contributing Properties 7

3.1 Morningside Overview Historical Timeline

“Historic Designation is intended as a tool to preserve the character of Morningside and protect it from undesirable encroachments” Morningside Designation Report, 1984

8

3.1 Morningside Overview

On the Edge of Change

Though the Morningside district was well suited to the parameters of a Historic District, it was never a fore-gone conclusion that it would end up officially designated as such. Some of these stated criteria for designation included:1. Being associated in a significant way with the life of a person important in the past - Morningside had been home to many of the most influential and well known Miami residents including Congressman William H. Lehman, early Miami Mayors including Perrine Palmer and Frank Wharton, as well as educators such as Laura Cushman.2. Portrays the environment in an era of history characterized by one or more distinctive architectural styles - Morningside features a profusely diverse collection of Architectural styles, including Art Deco, Masonry Vernacu-lar, Mission and Mediterranean Revival. 3. Is an outstanding work of a prominent designer or builder - The breadth of Architects whose works are repre-sented in Morningside stands at over 40, including local architects such as Marion Manley, L. Murray Dixon, and H. George Fink. These were just a few of the many stipulations that morningside had to meet prior to its consideration for designation. In addition to these an extensive catalogue of all the homes was required, which residents stepped up to complete in order to expedite the process. Their motivations stemmed from the destruction of similar sites, particularly in Downtown Miami, which was experience rapid development after being rezoned for multi-family dwellings. Similar efforts had been undertaken in the district, however the residents sought to put a permanent stop to any continued development by seeking Historic Designation. One resident remarked “It wasn’t really on anybody’s mind --and this was across the nation -- but in Miami’s situation, as the interstate system took hold and

Aerial view of Morningside Park, 1955Image Courtesy of Biscayne Times

The mature facade of a Mediterranean Revival Home in the Morningside District

Image Courtesy of Jill Penman Group

the shopping malls were built way , way out and suburbia kept spreading west, downtown became abandoned ” (Biscayne Times). The requirements were subsequently submitted to the Historic and Environmental Preservation Board for review. After a lengthy review process, Morningside was offi-cially designated an Historic District on December 20, 1984. LEFT:

CENTER:

RIGHT:

Northeast corner of N.E. 59 Street and N. Bayshore Drive

North Bayshore Drive between N.E. 59 Street and N.E. 60 Street

Northeast corner of N.E. 56 Street and N.E. 6 Avenue

All photos, ca. 1984

Images Courtesy of Morningside Designa-tion Report

Historic Designation 9

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Median Household Income 10

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Population Distribution

Legend

1990 Population Distribution

1 Dot = 1

WHITE_NH

BLACK

HISPANIC

Morningside Boundary

13

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Population Distribution 14

Legend

2010 Population Distribution

1 Dot = 1

WHITE_NH

BLACK

HISPANIC


3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Education Levels

Legend

1990 Education

1 Dot = 1

9TH OR LESS

H.S. GRAD

COLLEGE


17

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Education Levels

Legend

2010 Education

1 Dot = 1

9TH OR LESS

H.S. GRAD

COLLEGE


18

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Education Levels 19

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Education Levels 20

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Home Ownership

Legend

1990 Home Ownership

1 Dot = 1

OWNER

RENTER

VACANT


21

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Home Ownership

Legend

2010 Home Ownership

1 Dot = 1

OWNER

RENTER

VACANT


22

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Home Ownership 23

3.2 Analysis Maps 1990-2010 Home Ownership 24

4.1 Data Syntheses Visualizing Gentrification

Rising Neighborhood Household Income

Low Income and Mi-nority Displacement

Gentri�ed Historic Neighborhood

BISCAYNE BAY

BISCAY

NE BOULE

VARD

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4.1 Data Syntheses

Analyzing the Data As had been the case throughout the Miami metropolitan area before, the face of Morningside had begun its transformation. Powerful external forces including booming population growth, expansion of the Interstate Highway System, an influx of immigrants both domestic and foreign, among many other factors, had cemented he demand for housing to accommodate the growth in population. Areas of the city including the downtown had been rezoned for multi-family dwellings, and Single family residences were carved up into rooming houses, to accommodate more residents. Many of the homes in Morningside were similarly altered prior to designation, in order to accommodate the growing need for housing; this was the catalyst that pro-pelled the district’s residents to seek Historic Designation in the early 1980s. However, to understand the impact that the subsequent designation has had on the Morningside community, it is necessary to evaluate the neighborhood’s many characteristics using quantifiable parameters such as Income and Education Levels, Population Distribution as well as rates of Home Ownership. Using data taken from three Censuses immediately following the district’s designation, 1990, 2000 and 2010, it is possible to clearly see a shift in the population by class across the effective line of mediation, Biscayne Boulevard, over the ensuing years. Regardless of the metric used, the results remain consistent, with wealthier and more affluent residents living inside the Morningside community (also known as the Upper East Side), vs lower income and less privileged residents who live in the adjacent neighborhoods of Little River and Little Haiti, despite being geographically delineated by nothing more than a widened Boulevard. In analyzing the Median Household Income between 1990 (just 6 years following designation) and 2010, we can see that over 70% of the district (be-tween N.E. 55 Terrace and N.E. 60 Street) maintains an average household income between 0 - $18,000. The neighborhoods on the west of Biscayne Bou-levard is comprised of similar income range families, between 0 - $18000. By 2010 however, that same geographical portion of Morningside (between N.E. 55 Terrace and N.E. 60 Street) now earns between $42,000 - $70,000. The lower portion between N.E. 55 St and N.E. 53 Street contains higher income families at between $70,000 - $130,000. Across Biscayne Boulevard, the income bracket falls between 0 - $28,500. When adjusted for inflation, we can see that the 0 - $18000 income bracket has remained the same for the neighborhoods west of Biscayne Boulevard, however for the northern geo-graphical region of Morningside (between N.E. 55 Terrace and N.E. 60 Street), the income level has grown by over 89%. The geographical area between

N.E. 55 St and N.E. 53 Street has seen its income remain fall slightly by and inflation adjusted 3%. Using these figures alone paints a picture of growing affluence in the Morningside community, versus one of stagnation for residents living just across Biscayne Boulevard. However, it would be premature to draw sweeping conclusions based on a single metric, so the commu-nity was evaluated using other measures available, to further illustrate the phenomenon of gentrification. Evaluating the racial and ethnic distribution of the population of the district, we see an even distribution be-tween Black, Hispanic and White Non-Hispanic residents within the Morningside community in 1990. That racial commingling extended west of Biscayne Boulevard as well, with similar distribution of Blacks, Hispan-ics and White NH residents. However, after 20 years, each neighborhood (Morningside to the east and Little Haiti on the west) even while still being heterogeneous, has seen a change in density and distribution be-tween the disparate races. Morningside has experienced a drastic thinning in population density, Whites and Hispanics making up the majority, with a small contingent of Blacks also residing within the community. The scene is quite different west of Biscayne, where Blacks, Hispanics and a small number of Whites live not only

Generously appointed homes within the Morningside District Photo Credits, Various

Quantifying Gentrification

in higher numbers, but in greater densities as well. It should be noted however, that Gentrification may only be one of several factors influencing this trend, and may in fact not even be the most significant factor. Because of its designation, the Morningside community has a restricted zoning of T3-R (Sub-Urban Residential) which limits the homes to single family residences, whereas without similar restrictions on those neighborhoods to the west, zoning ranges from T3 (Sub-Urban) to T6 (Urban Core) which allows for multifamily construction, such as apartment complexes and townhouses (Miami Planning Department). This would account for the densities displayed within those communities versus those seen in the Morningside community. Evaluations of Education Levels and Rates of Home Ownership paint a similar picture as seen above. The distribution of residents at three distinct ed-ucational levels, Less than 9th Grade, High School Diploma and those with a College Degree, were considered; in 1990 in the areas west and east of Bis-cayne Boulevard, there was an even allotment among the three groups, however over the next two censuses, a clear divide again emerged. In the Morn-ingside community, there were virtually no residents who had not received a high school diploma, and there was a split between those with a high school diploma and those with a college degree, with a tendency towards those with college degrees. In Little Haiti, a preponderance of residents remain with-

out high school diplomas, however the majority of residents had completed high school. A small proportion of residents had obtained a college degree. The proportion of owners, renters and vacant homes in 1990 was again evenly spread throughout the district, and across Biscayne Boulevard, however, by 2010, the vast ma-jority of homes in Morningside are owned, and a small percentage is rented. In Little Haiti, renters make up the majority of residents, followed by owners and a sizable number of vacant homes. The image that then emerges considering the numbers, proportions and representations in the data is one of a divide between neighboring communities. On the east side in Morningside, lies a consistently wealthier and better educated citizenry, whereas on the west, in Little Haiti, residents are less prosperous, less likely to be educated and live in far more congested arrangements than their neighbors to the east.

26

Analyzing the Data As had been the case throughout the Miami metropolitan area before, the face of Morningside had begun its transformation. Powerful external forces including booming population growth, expansion of the Interstate Highway System, an influx of immigrants both domestic and foreign, among many other factors, had cemented he demand for housing to accommodate the growth in population. Areas of the city including the downtown had been rezoned for multi-family dwellings, and Single family residences were carved up into rooming houses, to accommodate more residents. Many of the homes in Morningside were similarly altered prior to designation, in order to accommodate the growing need for housing; this was the catalyst that pro-pelled the district’s residents to seek Historic Designation in the early 1980s. However, to understand the impact that the subsequent designation has had on the Morningside community, it is necessary to evaluate the neighborhood’s many characteristics using quantifiable parameters such as Income and Education Levels, Population Distribution as well as rates of Home Ownership. Using data taken from three Censuses immediately following the district’s designation, 1990, 2000 and 2010, it is possible to clearly see a shift in the population by class across the effective line of mediation, Biscayne Boulevard, over the ensuing years. Regardless of the metric used, the results remain consistent, with wealthier and more affluent residents living inside the Morningside community (also known as the Upper East Side), vs lower income and less privileged residents who live in the adjacent neighborhoods of Little River and Little Haiti, despite being geographically delineated by nothing more than a widened Boulevard. In analyzing the Median Household Income between 1990 (just 6 years following designation) and 2010, we can see that over 70% of the district (be-tween N.E. 55 Terrace and N.E. 60 Street) maintains an average household income between 0 - $18,000. The neighborhoods on the west of Biscayne Bou-levard is comprised of similar income range families, between 0 - $18000. By 2010 however, that same geographical portion of Morningside (between N.E. 55 Terrace and N.E. 60 Street) now earns between $42,000 - $70,000. The lower portion between N.E. 55 St and N.E. 53 Street contains higher income families at between $70,000 - $130,000. Across Biscayne Boulevard, the income bracket falls between 0 - $28,500. When adjusted for inflation, we can see that the 0 - $18000 income bracket has remained the same for the neighborhoods west of Biscayne Boulevard, however for the northern geo-graphical region of Morningside (between N.E. 55 Terrace and N.E. 60 Street), the income level has grown by over 89%. The geographical area between

4.1 Data Syntheses

N.E. 55 St and N.E. 53 Street has seen its income remain fall slightly by and inflation adjusted 3%. Using these figures alone paints a picture of growing affluence in the Morningside community, versus one of stagnation for residents living just across Biscayne Boulevard. However, it would be premature to draw sweeping conclusions based on a single metric, so the commu-nity was evaluated using other measures available, to further illustrate the phenomenon of gentrification. Evaluating the racial and ethnic distribution of the population of the district, we see an even distribution be-tween Black, Hispanic and White Non-Hispanic residents within the Morningside community in 1990. That racial commingling extended west of Biscayne Boulevard as well, with similar distribution of Blacks, Hispan-ics and White NH residents. However, after 20 years, each neighborhood (Morningside to the east and Little Haiti on the west) even while still being heterogeneous, has seen a change in density and distribution be-tween the disparate races. Morningside has experienced a drastic thinning in population density, Whites and Hispanics making up the majority, with a small contingent of Blacks also residing within the community. The scene is quite different west of Biscayne, where Blacks, Hispanics and a small number of Whites live not only

Quantifying Gentrification

A Multi-Family Housing Unit in Little Haiti, MiamiImage Courtesy of WalkScore

A row of Townhomes in Little Haiti, MiamiImage Courtesy of Trulia Real Estate

in higher numbers, but in greater densities as well. It should be noted however, that Gentrification may only be one of several factors influencing this trend, and may in fact not even be the most significant factor. Because of its designation, the Morningside community has a restricted zoning of T3-R (Sub-Urban Residential) which limits the homes to single family residences, whereas without similar restrictions on those neighborhoods to the west, zoning ranges from T3 (Sub-Urban) to T6 (Urban Core) which allows for multifamily construction, such as apartment complexes and townhouses (Miami Planning Department). This would account for the densities displayed within those communities versus those seen in the Morningside community. Evaluations of Education Levels and Rates of Home Ownership paint a similar picture as seen above. The distribution of residents at three distinct ed-ucational levels, Less than 9th Grade, High School Diploma and those with a College Degree, were considered; in 1990 in the areas west and east of Bis-cayne Boulevard, there was an even allotment among the three groups, however over the next two censuses, a clear divide again emerged. In the Morn-ingside community, there were virtually no residents who had not received a high school diploma, and there was a split between those with a high school diploma and those with a college degree, with a tendency towards those with college degrees. In Little Haiti, a preponderance of residents remain with-

out high school diplomas, however the majority of residents had completed high school. A small proportion of residents had obtained a college degree. The proportion of owners, renters and vacant homes in 1990 was again evenly spread throughout the district, and across Biscayne Boulevard, however, by 2010, the vast ma-jority of homes in Morningside are owned, and a small percentage is rented. In Little Haiti, renters make up the majority of residents, followed by owners and a sizable number of vacant homes. The image that then emerges considering the numbers, proportions and representations in the data is one of a divide between neighboring communities. On the east side in Morningside, lies a consistently wealthier and better educated citizenry, whereas on the west, in Little Haiti, residents are less prosperous, less likely to be educated and live in far more congested arrangements than their neighbors to the east.

27

4.2 Stimulating Factors Historic Preservation GuidelinesData Courtesy of City of Miami Historic Preservation Guidelines, Sept 2011Morningside Historic District Guidelines, March 2008

HEPB: Historic and Environmental Preservation Board

28

4.2 Stimulating Factors Ownership CostsData Courtesy of Homewyse Material Cost Calculators, 2015

29


30


31

4.2 Stimulating Factors

The Economics of Gentrification

Owing to the many stipulations imposed on homes that fall within any historically designated site, home-owners face important decisions in terms of cost, when it comes to owning and maintaining a designated home. Beginning with the cost of ownership, current home prices in the Morningside District range from $589K to $2.27M. In comparison to its neighbor, Little Haiti, to the west property values range in price from $110K to $995K (Zillow.com). These ownership costs delineate clear distinctions in the cost of ownership of a traditional Single Family Home compared to one that falls within the boundaries of an Historic District. However, there are underlying costs such as maintenance, that should also be considered as well, as they contribute significantly to the lifetime cost of ownership of any home. Comparing a traditional Single Family Residential Home using standard repair options, versus an Historically Designated Home requiring non-stan-dard repair options, repair costs can sometimes be as much as 75-165% greater. For example, for a typical roof replacement on a traditional Single Family residential Home, homeowners could expect an average cost of $11,186.11 using standard roofing options such as Asphalt Shingles or Concrete Roof Tiles. For the Historically Designated Single Family Home, where historical guidelines stipulate that existing roofing materials ‘shall’ be retained, homeowners could expect an average cost of $19,613.33 for non-standard roofing materials such as Terracotta Roof Tiles, Slate, or Wood Shingles. This represents an increase of more than 75% over the tradition-al options available for a traditional Single Family Residence. Driveways and walkways are required to maintain the original paving materials if known, according to the guidelines established by the Historic and Environmental Preservation Board. A traditional Single Family Resi-dence may opt for a plain or stamped concrete walkway or driveway. Average costs for either of these hover around $1,600.00. In the case of homes in historic districts, materials may include stamped concrete on the low end to brick pavers and flagstone on the high end. In these cases, average costs are around 1.5 times greater $4,300.00. This is a significant jump in price in standard versus non-standard repair options, of over 165%. In

The Economics of Gentrification

Terracotta roof tiles comprise the majority of roofs on homes in the Morningside District

Image Courtesy of Old houses.com

Terracotta roof tiles comprise the majority of roofs on homes in the Morningside District

Image Courtesy of Miami Dream Realty

addition to these costs, there are administrative costs, associated with historically designated homes, including permitting, certificates of appropriate-ness, transportation, material selection and consultation fees, that might not otherwise be associated with the typical Single Family Residence. While many fail to incorporate the cost of upkeep in their purchasing decision, it is an important consideration in the overall ownership cost of an Historically Designated home. These ownership costs, being considerably greater than those of traditional Single Family Residences present a sig-nificant barrier to entry for lower income individuals, who may be otherwise interested in these properties. In turn, this virtual barrier is a major con-tributing factor to Gentrification inside the Morningside Historic District.

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5.1 Conclusion The Urban Invisibles

The Urban Invisibles: Gentrification at Work

The Responsibilities of Cities

Ultimately, it is the duty and responsi-bility of the cities in which we live to contin-ually improve upon themselves for the ben-efit of its residents and visitors alike. How-ever, in their quest for self improvement and development, cities must be mindful of the potential negative impacts that result from self improvement. Gentrification is one of many potential downsides to this continuous improvement typically under-take by many cities. Gentrification cannot itself be consid-ered intrinsically bad, because it is an indi-cation that our cities are actively reinvest-ing in themselves for the betterment of the citizenry. However, recognizing the signs and understanding the causes and effects are the first steps in actively confronting the associated ill effects.

In the case of Morningside, the catalyst for Gentrification was its designation as an Historic Landmark Site; in turn, the push for designation stemmed from a desire to protect the valuable cultural, architectural and environmental significance of the community from the rapid encroachments of the developing City of Miami. The rigorous and sometimes onerous stipulations that accompany designation are undoubtedly prohibitive for many residents, and as a result, a stratification of the neighborhood occurs. Lower income, less educated residents are forced to seek more affordable and practical living accommodations, leaving the wealthier and consistently more educated residents in place. This scenario was born out in the Morning-side District where lower income residents migrated across Biscayne Blvd to Little Haiti and beyond, while the Median Household Income of the Morn-ingside neighborhood climbed in some cases, by as much as 89%. Even more surprising, is the speed at which the transformation took place; within 20 years, the transformation of the neighborhood was clearly evident, and at the 30 year window, the reality of Gentrification was undeniable. Even with significant potential downsides like Gentrification looming, cities have an obligation to improve themselves continually. However, they must be mindful of these downsides and consequently, take affirmative steps to counteract and/or mitigate the negative effects of Gentrification.

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6.1 Sources + Links 34

Approved Changes to the Morningside Historic District Guidelines. Miami, Fl: City of Miami Planning Department, Mar. 2008. PDF.

amiurbanist.com/historic-morningside-one-of-miamis-best-neighborhoods/>.City of Miami Morningside Historic District: Age of Buildings. Miami, Fl: City of Miami Planning Department, 25 May 2011. PDF.

City of Miami Morningside Historic District: Miami 21 Zoning. Miami, Fl: City of Miami Planning Department, 10 Oct. 2010. PDF.-

ty.com/realestate/communitygallery/Morningside-Miami-Estates/>.

-dataexplorer/explorer.jsp>.

-DGeographicData.html>.

-

-

-es.com/area/morningside/111175>.

Penman, Jill. "Monday Morningside Madness - The Jill Penman Group." Monday Morningside Madness. Jill Penman Group, 24 Feb. 2014. Web. 18

-sale/25.834959,-80.174779,25.819411,-80.198897_rect/15_zm/1_fr/?view=map>.

gentrification case study: morningside historic district, miami fl

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