gerlach - corporate groups and movement networks in urban america

8/10/2019 Gerlach - Corporate Groups and Movement Networks in Urban America

1/24

Corporate Groups and Movement Networks in Urban AmericaAuthor(s): Luther P. GerlachSource: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 3, Urbanism and Corporate Groups (SpecialIssue) (Jul., 1970), pp. 123-145Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3316685.

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2/24

CORPORATE

GROUPS

AND

MOVEMENT

NETWORKS

IN

URBAN AMERICA

LUTHER

P.

GERLACH

University

of

Minnesota

Black

Power,

Neo-Pentecostalism

and

ecology

activism

are

examples of

Movements

of

Personal

Transformation

and

Revolutionary

Change.

Each

of

these movements

consists

of

diverse local

groups

which interact in

a

poly-

cephalous

and reticulate

organization.

An

examination

of

the structure and internal dynamics of any single local

group,

treated as a

separate

corporate

entity,

has limita-

tions.

In Pentecostalism

this

approach

leads to

an

unpro-

ductive

concern

with the

sect-denomination

dichtomy.

In

Black

Power

it

over-emphasizes

disorganization

and

fac-

tionalism.

In

environmental activism this

approach

incor-

rectly

treats local

groups

as but

special

interest associations.

We

suggest

that

such

groups

be

examined as

cells within

the body of a total social movement. That is, the best

strategy for

the

study of

social

movements is

to

examine

various

local

movement

groups

as

interrelated

segments

within

a

system

of

groups.

In this

context,

we

shift

focus

to

group

interaction,

interdependence

and

function.

I.

INTRODUCTION

A.

Movements

of

Personal

Transformation

and Social

Change.

For

the

United

States

of

America,

this

is

a

time of

system-

changing

and

identity-transforming

movements

in

social,

eco-

logical

and

religious spheres.

Some

examples

of these include:

Black

Power,

the

New

Left,

Women's

Liberation,

Ecology

Ac-

tivism,

and the Charismatic

Renewal, neo-Pentecostalism,

pirit-

ualism and

the

Underground

Church.

Participants

n

these

and other movements

are

engaging

in

various

different

but

po-

tentially

converging

collective

endeavors

to

protest

established

conditions,

o

challenge

conventional

wisdom,

and

to

promulgate

attitudinal

and structural

change

across

the

range

of our

social

and

cultural

system.

These

movements are

individually

signifi-

cant,

have

the

potential

of

converging

nto

a

multi-revolution,

nd

123

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3/24

124

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

represent

a

class

of

events

which

we can

term Movements of

Personal

Transformation

nd Social

Change.

These contemporary ocial movements and other movements

through history

have occasioned much

popular

and

scholarly

speculation

about

their

presumed

causes

and

consequences.

One

popular

view

has

it

that

movements

are

spontaneous xplosions

S.

.

of

mindless,

often fanatic

crowds,

led

by

charismatic

prophets

.

. . who

appear

suddenly

and

inexplicably

out of

nowhere

. . .

and

generate

an

ever-increasing

orce

by

some

strange

process

of

attraction.

(Moorehead

1960:

222-3)

In

contrast,

another

popular approach

is to believe that

establishment-challenging

movements are

too well

organized

and

thereforemust

be

secret

conspiracies

nderthe

control

of an

alien

mastermind.

The

movements

which

we have

studied

through

field

research,

namely

Black

Power,

the Charismatic

Renewal,

and

Environ-

mental

Action

(since

1968 we

call

it

Participatory

Ecology)

are

neither

unstructured

nd

mysterious

spontaneous xplosions

of

hysteric crowds, nor are they the products, respectively,of a

master

planner

and his devoted

disciples.

We

regard

hese

system-

changing

movements

as

themselves

developing

socio-cultural ys-

tems.

Most

significantly,

they

have

(1)

an

identifiable

social,

political

and

economic

organization;

(2)

a

means

of

recruiting

new

members;

(3)

a

process

by

which members are

encul-

turated

and committed

o

the

movement; (4)

a

developing

deol-

ogy;

and

(5)

a

boundary

establishing

and

unity-generating

process

by

which

participants

dentify

and stand

together

against

real or

perceived

opposition.

We

have discussed

these char-

acteristics

in

detail

in other

publications.

With

this focus

on

movement

structure

and

function,

we

are more concerned

with

movements

as

producers

of

change

than movements

as

products

of

change

or of

conditionsof

disorganization

nd

deprivation.

As

such

our

approach

is different

from,

but

complementary

o

the

approach of Aberle (1965), Hoffer (1951, 1963), Lanternari

(1963),

Linton

1943),

and Gurr

1967).

Our

major

concern

has been

the

analysis

of the social

organi-

zation

of

the

movements

we studied.

In our

analysis

we have

de-

scribed

the

organization

of these movements

as

essentially

seg-

mentary-that

is

composed

of

many

proliferating

groups

or

cells;

polycephalous

and decentralized-that

is,

led

by many

heads

and



4/24

CORPORATE

GROUPS

IN

URBAN

AMERICA

125

not directed

by

a central command

structure;

and

reticulate-

that is

having

a network-like structure

within which the

various

cells intersect and overlap.

B.

Level

of

Analysis;

the

Corporate

Group

or the

Relationships

Among Groups

in

a

System.

This concern

with

organization

brings

us

to

the

subject

of

this

special

issue that

is,

to

the

study

of

group

structure and function.

As

I understand

it,

our

main focus should

be

the

study

of

urban

groups which have the qualities of corporation. That is, we are

concerned with

groups

which

are

more

than

mere

statistical

aggregates,

or

social

categories.

We

seek

to

determine

the extent

to

which

groups

in

urban

settings

have

such attributes

as

(1)

in-

volvement

in

some

corporate

action,

(2)

leadership

with

the

authority

to

represent

the

group

as

a

whole,

(3)

control

of

property

as a

group,

(4)

group

identity,

or consciousness of

kind,

(5)

shared

or similar

beliefs

and values

(6)

a

system

of

shared

rights,

duties

and

obligations

which are distinct

from and

persist

beyond

those

of the individuals who

make

up

the

group.

It

is to be

expected

that

as

anthropologists

become more

involved

with urban studies

some

will be interested

in

ways

in

which

peo-

ples

migrating

to

the

city

from tribal societies

do or

do not

form

such

urban-based

associations

of

varying corporateness

in

order to

help

them

cope

with

city

life.

A

number of

studies

about

such associations are available, of which Little's West African

Urbanization

(1965)

is one

example. Papers

in

this issue

consti-

tute other

examples.

At first

consideration

it

would

seem that the

study

of social

movements

should

also be

facilitated

by

the

examination

of

spe-

cific local

groups

according

to

criteria

of

group corporateness.

Indeed,

I

had

originally

intended that

my

paper

would focus

on the

internal

workings

of

a number

of

such

groups, particularly

as

they

appear

in

Black

Power,

and more

generally

in the

Black

community.

This

would

represent

a

departure

from our other

papers

about social

movements,

for

in

these other

studies

we were

more

concerned

with the

movement

as

the unit

of

analysis,

rather

than its

local

groups.

1

See

Yinger

1930,

Troeltsch

1950,

Pope

1953,

Niebuhr

1957,

and

O'Dea

1960.



5/24

126

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

Meaningful

local

groups

do exist in the Black

communities

we

studied.

It

is

true that

some

influential studies

have

focused

on

the presumed disorganization in poorer Black communities and

have

suggested

that in such communities there is

a

minimum

of

organization

beyond

the

level of

the

household.

But

our own

studies

support

Valentine's

(1968)

proposition

that

in

urban

Black

communities there are a

range

of social structures.

These

include Black

Power

groups,

conventional

political

organizations,

community

centers,

store-front and devotional

church

congrega-

tions,

youth

groups, friendship

associations,

personal

social

net-

works,

networks

linking

the

groups

of the last mentioned and

juvenile

gangs

(although

none

come close

to the size

and

signifi-

cance of those in

Chicago,

as

discussed

by

Keiser

1969).

Many

of

these diverse and

sometimes

conflicting

groups

are

now

becoming

involved

in

the drive of Black

Americans to

achieve

Black

pride

and

power

and to combat

racism.

In

effect,

they

are

becoming

or have become

cells

in the

body

of

the Black

Power movement, nodes in its reticulate structure

Given

this

condition,

it

is

not

the

specific

nature

of

such

in-

dividual

groups

which

is

to us of

paramount

interest,

but rather

the

way

in

which these

segments

contribute

to the overall

goals,

capabilities

and limitations

of the Black

Power movement.

This

leads

us

away

from

the

study

of

local

groups

according

to

criteria

of

corporateness,

and

brings

us

again

to

consider how

the

groups

complement

and

supplement

each other

synergistically

and

how

they

are linked

together

in a network of

groups.

This

approach

parallels

the

way

in which we have found

it

necessary

to

analyze

both

the

Charismatic

Renewal movement

and

the

Participatory

Ecology

movement.

In the

balance

of this

paper

I shall

summarize

some

of the

chief

characteristics

of two

specific

groups,

namely

a Pentecostal

group

(essentially

Black),

and

a

Black

Power

group.

I shall

then

show how in each case these groups and their participants inter-

relate

with

other

movement

groups

and

supporters

in

a reticulate

structure,

and

then I shall

briefly

compare

these

characteristics

with

the

stucture

of

groups

in

the

Participatory

Ecology

move-

ment.

In

doing

this,

I

will

suggest

why

a

focus

on the

local

group

as

a

corporate

entity

is not

the best

way

to

approach

the

anatomy

of

social

movement

and

why

a

better

strategy

is

to

study

such

groups

as

interrelated

segments

within a

system

of

groups.



6/24

CORPORATE

GROUPS

IN URBAN AMERICA

127

Case

studies

will be drawn

from our

research

in

a

large

Mid-

western

city

in which

blacks constitute

about

3%

of the total

urban population.

II.

EXAMPLES

OF

GROUPS

AND THEIR INTERRELATIONSHIPS

A.

The House

of

Deliverance

Pentecostal Church

Group.

The

House

of

Deliverance is

a Black controlled

and

led,

but

integrated

Penetcostal

church. It

is

located in an

inner

city

neigh-

borhood

where the

population

is about

60%

White,

35% Black,

and

5%

Indian.

By

conventional

standards residents

would

be

classified

as

ranging

in

socio-economic class

from

lower-middle

to

lower. The church

was

founded

(in

1949)

as

a branch of a

national

Negro

Pentecostal denomination but

by

1956

became

essentially

autonomous under the

aggressive

leadership

of its

founding

minister

and

his wife.

This

minister

divides his

church

membership

into three

categories:

Charter

members,

Visiting

members, and Supporting members.

Some

fifty

Black

adults,

and five

White

adults are listed

as

charter

members,

and

of

these about

thirty

Blacks and five Whites

are

truly

a

hard

core

of

committed members.

Officially,

charter

members must

have

professed

the doctrine

of

the

church,

and

have

participated

in

rituals

of

confession,

salvation

and

Baptism

by

the

Spirit.

Officially

only

such charter

members can

take

communion and

hold church

office,

and

officially

only

such

charter

members have

a

voice

in

the

handling

of

the two build-

ings,

parsonage,

and two

automobiles

and

bus which

constitute

church

property.

Many

of the

hard core

are

kin,

affines

and

close

friends of

the

minister.

The

minister,

who

grew

up

in

a

Mississippi

village,

encouraged

and

helped many

of these

hard core

members

to

mi-

grate

from

Mississippi

to the Midwest

city,

just

as he

migrated

after World War II. He established useful contacts in White

church

and

business

circles,

city

government

and

police,

and

used

these

contacts

to

help

him

secure

employment

and

other

assist-

ance

for

these

migrants.

The

members of the core

group

spend

much

time

together.

A

number

now

live

some

distance

from

the

church,

but the church

serves as

a

convenient locus

for

many

of their

joint religious

and



7/24

128 ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

social

activities. These

activities intertwine so

that

it is hard to

draw a

clear

distinction between them. The

minister

regards

all

as the Lord's Work. The members of the core group help each

other meet

pressing

economic and

social

problems, although

less

on the

basis of

reciprocity

than

on

the

basis

of

redistribution

handled

through

the

minister,

his wife and

several

top

assistants,

including

a

middle

aged

White

spinster.

Several members of the

hard

core,

including

this

spinster

and

her

mother,

spend

some time

in

Haiti as

lay

evangelists

for

the

Deliverance

outreach

of

the church.

The

visiting

members constitute

a

more

amorphous

collectivity

of

those,

both Black

and

White,

who

visit

the

church

during

various

f

its

weekly

and

Sundaymeetings

ut

who,

among

other

things,

have

not

indicated desire o

pay

the

higher

dues

required

of charter

members r

to

profess

hurch

doctrineand

manifest

its

commitment

ituals.

Some

attend

servicesrather

regularly,

contribute

egularly

o

church

ollections,

ut

manage

o

remain

apart romthe more ntensive nd extensivenvolvementf the

charter

members.

ome

n

this

category

ppear

o be

quite

casual

in

their attendance.

The minister

eels

that

he

has

about 100

visiting

members.

According

o the

minister,

he

supporting

members

ategory

s

used for those

hundreds

f

persons

who

help

the

minister

r

the

work

of

his

church

n

a multitude

f

waysalthough

hey

do

not

attend

his

church ervices.

Many

orm

part

of his

radioaudi-

ence,

many

have heardabouthimor havemet him withinthe

diverse

roups

nd

churches

which

orm he

Pentecostal

etwork.

Most

are

White,

and

many

are

middle

class. t

is

from

hem

and

through

hem

hatthe minister nd

hischurch btain ital

money,

goods

and

services.

t is

through

hem,

and

certain

f the

visiting

members

often

former

supporting

members

who moved into

more

open

involvement)

hat

the minister btains

esources nd

contacts o helphimhelphis core followers.Forexample, t is

through

uch

assistance

hat the minister btained

obs

for new

migrants

rom

Mississippi,

btained

help

for

parents

f

juveniles

who

got

into trouble

withthe law

or in

school,

and secured

unds

to establish

carpentry

chool

or

young

people.

Although

ontributions

rom

supporting

members

fficially

e-

come

church

property,

o be administered

y

the charter

mem-



8/24

CORPORATE GROUPS IN URBAN

AMERICA

129

bers,

in

fact

a

few

generous

supporting

members

do

informally

monitor

the

use

of

these contributions.

Chartermembersand probablysome of the visiting and sup-

porting

members

do have

an awareness

of

themselves

as con-

stituting

a

special community.

The

ministerworks

to

develop

this

group

consciousness

and

spirit.

Where

possible

he

will

seek to

involve

supporting

members

openly

in church activitiesand

give

them

fulsome

praise

for

any

help

they

give.

In all of his

various

community

and

overseas mission

activities

he identifies

himself

as

leader

of

and

representative

f his

church and

congregation.

As

his fame

and

outside

success

grows,

church members

appear

to welcome

and

be

proud

of such

identification.

But

the

church

is

certainly

not a

closed

community.

It sees

its

role

in

the

broader

Pentecostal

community.

Also,

it

welcomes

recruits

and

growth.

It has

succeeded

in

attracting

to church

services

growing

numbers

(thirty

in one

night

out

of a total con-

gregation

of

120)

of

White

college

and

university

students.

Re-

portedly, they are attractedby the Pentecostal soul music, by

the

forcefulness

of the

minister,

the

excitement

of

being

in

an

integrated

church,

and

the

enthusiasm of

worship. Similarly,

White

adults,

many

of them

participants

n

other Pentecostalde-

nominations

or home

meeting

groups

are

attracted

o

the

church.

The minister

and

apparently

his charter

members

would like

to

see these visitors

become

chartered,

but

accept

them in

temporary

capacity.

In

theory,

the

church

could

outlive the demiseof the found-

ing

minister.

His

wife

is

capable

and forceful

enough

to

carry

on.

But it

is

questionable

f it could outlive the

passing

of both of

these

persons.

Their

daughter

has no

great

interest

in

running

the

church,

and indeed resides

n

another

town.

Their

other kin

do

not demonstrate

he interest

or

especial capabilities

to

lead

the

church.

One

young

man

is

being groomed

for the

ministry,

but his ambition is to establishhis own church in a neighboring

area.

On

the

other

hand,

the

church

does

control

property

and

other

resources

sufficient

to

motivate

especially

the hard

core

members o

retain control.

In

short,

the

core members of

the church

are involved in

corporate

action,

and

the

church itself

is

legally

a

corporate

entity.

It

has leaders

who

can and

do

represent

he

group

as a



9/24

130

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

whole.

Core

members,

at

least,

have

a

sense of

group

identity;

they

exchange rights,

duties

and

obligations

apparently

in

re-

spect to such group membership.A more detailed study could

spell

out in

detail the characteristics f

this

church

and

its

vary-

ing

levels of

membership,

according

to criteria

of

corporateness.

This would be

an

interesting

exercise.

In

fact,

to some

extent this

church was examined in

this

manner

by

an

anthropology

gradu-

ate

student

(Rooth 1967),

just

as similar

types

of

religious

and

other

groups

in and of

themselveshave been

subjects

for

study.

This

approach

uses

and adds to

knowledge

about

groupdynamics

and the

relationship

between individual

personality

and

group

structure.

But

if we limit

our

study

of

the church

and

its members

to

this

approach

we have

but describeda variant

of

the

store front

Pentecostal

church.

Conventionally,

his would be classified

as a

sect

(i.e.

Yinger

1957;

Troeltsch

1931;

Pope

1942;

O'Dea

1960),

although

the defects n

church-sect

ypologizing

are

recog-

nized (Eister 1967). If we do this, then the readerwould cer-

tainly

have

no reason

to

believe that

Pentecostalism s

a social-

religious

movement,

indeed

a movemcnt

which

is

a member

of

a

class

of

events which includes

Black Power

and

Participatory

Ecology.

On

the

contrary,

he

might

call

this

particular

House

of

Deliverance

a

part

of

the

established

order

of

things

which

has

contributed

to the

pacification

of

Black Americans and dis-

couraged

them

from

fighting

for

social

change

in

the here

and

now.

In

short,

this

focus

on the

group

itself,

according

to

criteriaof

corporateness,

nternal

rights

and

duties,

status

and

personality

of

members

is more

than

just

limiting,

it is

misleading.

For,

as

we

have demonstrated

(Gerlach

&

Hine

1968,

1970)

Pente-

costalism

is a

widespread

and

growing

movement,

and it

does

advocate

and

promote

fundamental

change,

particularly

n

re-

ligious behavior and structure. In so doing, in the United

States

and

elsewhere

(Willems

1964,

1966)

it conflicts

with

conventional

wisdom

and established

religious authority.

As

we

have

reported

(Gerlach

&

Hine

1968,

1970a)

participants

have

risked

ridicule,

displeasure,

economic and social

position,

and

in

other

lands,

even

death.

Most

members

of

the House

of Deliverance

have

not

personally

been

on

the

revolutionary

edge

of

Pentecostalism

n the

United



10/24

CORPORATE GROUPS IN URBAN

AMERICA 131

States,

although

the

minister and a

few

of

his

lay

evangelists

have

taken Pentecostalism

as a

revolutionarymessage

to

Haiti.

In Haiti they were involved in some very real conflicts with

Voodoo

and

Catholic

opponents.

The House

of Deliverance

n-

terconnects

with

a

range

of other

Black

or

White

Pentecostal

groups

in

the

United

States,

some

of

which

are

actively

in

con-

flict with

established

church

doctrine

and

authority.

The

activist,

cutting edge

of

Pentecostalism

n the

U.S.A.

is

found

among

the

numerous

independent

groups

springing up

among

middle

and

upper

class

Americans,

many

of

whom are

simultaneously

ctive in established

Episcopal,

Lutheran,

Metho-

dist,

Presbyterian

and,

most

recently,

Catholic

groups

(Kelsey

1964;

Plog

1964;

Hoekema

1966;

Nouwen

1967).

These

are what

some observers

have

labeled the

tongues

movement,

and what we termed

hidden Pentecostals.

They

are

somewhat

analogous

to the

underground

church

among

the

Catholics.

They

often

refer

to

themselvesas

Spirit-filled

Chris-

tians. In additionto such hidden groups,the Pentecostalmove-

ment

includes

more

established

ndependent groups

of

varying

size and

duration,

both White

and

Black,

and

then

the

long-

established

and

highly

routinizedPentecostal

denominations,

uch

as the Assemblies

of

God,

and

the Church

of Christ

in

God.

We have

found

it

useful to

range

these diverse Pentecostal

groups

along

an institutional

continuum

with

the

long-estab-

lished

denominations

at one

end;

the

larger

independentgroups

of some fifteen or

twenty

years'

duration

next;

then the

smaller,

more

recently

organized independent

groups;

and

finally

the

Spirit-filled

Christians

till

hidden

n

non-Pentecostal hurches.

We have described

how

these various

groups

are interconnected.

In

brief,

this

is done:

(a)

experientially,

through

the

same

Baptism

of

the

Holy

Spirit

and manifestation

of

such Gifts

of the

Spirit

as

Tongues speaking;

(b)

ideologically, hrough

a common

interpretation f that experienceas an empoweringgift of God

as

recorded

n

the

Acts

and

First

Corinthians;

(c)

organization-

ally,

in a

network,

accomplished

hrough

1)

overlapping

mem-

bership

in one or

more

of

the

various

groups,

2)

personal

rela-

tionships

or

networks

among

members of

the

various

groups,

3)

exchange

of

the

leaders

of

various

groups,

4)

networksof

the

traveling

evangelists

who criss-cross

he

country,

and

the

world,



11/24

132

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

holding

revivals

and

prayer

sessions

across

the

range

of

groups,

5)

involvement

of

the

various Pentecostal

groups

in

one

or

more

of the severalnational and international arge scale associations

of

Pentecostals,

such

as

Full

Gospel

Businessmen's

Fellowship

International,

which link

organizational

units within the

move-

ment much

as

Rotary

Clubs link

local business

organizations.

It

is

through

such

experimental,

ideological,

organizational

linkages

that the House

of

Deliverance is

articulated to

groups

across

the

range

of

the Pentecostal

movement.

Visiting

and

Sup-

porting

members

provide

some of

the

important

organizationallinks of the

overlapping

membership

and

personal

network

type.

Even the

significance

of

these

linkages might

be

neglected

if

the

researcher

were to focus

on the charter

members

of

the inner

core

members

and

their

corporate

rights

and

duties.

For ex-

ample,

through

the White student

visitors the minister and

his

church articulate

to an

aggressive

group

of

university

students

who seek

to

bring

active

Christianity

to a

large University

campus. Similarly, through relationshipswith a leader of an

upper

middle

class

White

hidden

prayer group,

the minister

and

his

church

articulate

o

this

prayer

group

and to

some

of the

other

groups

within

the

personal

networkof

this

leader and

his

fellow

hiddens.

Both

the

House

of Deliverance and

its

Haiti

mission

have

received

financial assistance

hrough

such contacts.

Indeed,

the leader of

the

prayer

groups

has

visited

Haiti

with

the

minister

and

subsequently

urged

other

hidden

and inde-

pendent

Pentecostals o contribute o the missionof the House of

Deliverance.

In

turn

the

reputation

of

this

prayer

group

leader

has

been

enhanced

among

Pentecostals

hrough

the

reports

about

his

achievements

nd

experiences

n

Haiti.

The

relationships

of this minister and

his church

ramify

far

more

widely

throughout

the

Pentecostal

movement.

The above

examples

are

meant

to

give

but

an

impression

of

such

reticula-

tion.

The

minister

and

his

church

also

articulate

o

the

Black Power

and

earlier

Civil

Rights

movements.

The

minister

had

overtly

been

very

conservative

n civil

rights

ssues

and

had

opposed

mili-

tant Black

Power.

Militants called

him

an Uncle Tom.

Indeed,

he

conflicted

with the BlackPower

community

center

to

be

de-

scribed

next.

But since late 1969 he has

publicly spoken

out

for



12/24

CORPORATE

GROUPS

IN URBAN AMERICA

133

Black

Pride

and

against

White racism.

He

argues

that

the

only

answer is

for

Whites

and Blacks to work

together

as com-

plete equals in social change activities under Christ. His position

offers

more

conservative

and

religious

Whites

an

acceptable

ave-

nue

to

help

Blacks

and

to

feel a

sense

of

proper

reward.

Through

such

White

support,

he

has established

a

carpentry

school for

Black

and

White

youth.

Through

this

he also has

led

a

spirit-

filled

White

family

to contribute

their skills

and

time

to re-

decorate

his

church,

and

in

so

doing

to work

together

with

Blacks

in

ways

which

demonstrated

their stand

against

racism

and

for

Christian brotherhood.

The

minister

has become one of

the

first

Blacks

in

the

area to

speak

about

pollution

and

anti-pollution protest.

In

sermons,

radio

messages

and

a

church

pamphlet

he has

pointed

out

that

all

Americans

must

fight

together

to

improve

the

quality

of the

environment.

He

urges

Whites to

realize

that

Blacks

suffer

more from

pollution

than

any

other Americans. He calls

their

attention to the way most urban Blacks live under the cloud

of

industrial

waste,

amid

urban

decay. They

cannot

so

easily

escape

to the

cleaner

suburbs.

But

he

implores

Whites

not

to

neglect pressing

religious

and social

problems

while

fighting

pollution.

As

yet,

the

groups

in

Participatory

Ecology

have

not

forged

any

links

with

this

minister and the House of

Deliverance,

but the

potential

is

there. For

example,

Zero

Population

Growth

(ZPG)

groups

across the

country

wish

to

allay

Black

fears that

the

attempt

to control

population

growth

is but a White trick

to

reduce

the

Black

population.

ZPG has

urged

its

members,

al-

most all

of whom are White

and

apparently

middle

class,

to

es-

tablish

coalitions

and alliances

with

Blacks,

and

to

help

Blacks

(for

example,

the Black

Panthers)

in

Black Power

struggles

in

order to

win their

support

for

ZPG

goals.

Thus

far,

most

Black

Power

groups

have either

ignored

the environmental

activitists,

or

have in fact opposed their campaigns as but a red herring to

divert

people

from

the real issues

of

racism,

poverty

and

the

Vietnamese

war.

Hence,

the House of

Deliverance

and

its

minis-

ter

might

stand

as

a welcome

beachhead

for environmentalists

in

the

Black

community.

In

sum,

the

House

of

Deliverance,

in fact or

potential,

inter-

relates

with

at least

three

movements,

Pentecostalism,

Black



13/24

134

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

Power and

Participatory

Ecology.

While not

part

of the radical

wings

of

any

of

these

various

movements,

it does

play

a

role

in

the

total endeavor. Certainly, it is but one example of a type of

Pentecostal

group.

Examination

of

other

groups along

the

Pente-

costal movement

continuum

would

reveal different characteris-

tics,

different

concerns,

different

relationships.

A

perspective

which

focuses

on

this

as a

specific

Pentecostal

group

rather

than

on its

role

in

the

Pentecostal

movement

or

perhaps

the multi-

revolution

may

be more

traditionally

anthropological,

but

it

is

also

limiting

and

misleading.

B.

A

Black

Power

Community

Center

It

is

equally

limiting

and

misleading

if

we

focus on the internal

structure

and function

of

specific

Black

Power

groups,

instead

of

focusing

on the role

of these

groups

as

parts

of the total Black

Power

movement.

It

is

generally

recognized

that

there

are

many

different

types

of

Black

groups

which seek

in

varying ways

to im-

prove

conditions

for

and

capabilities

of

Black

Americans.

And

it

is

generally

appreciated

that Blacks

have

indeed

experienced

real

deprivation.

Thus,

the examination

of

one

such Black

self-

help

group

will

not

easily

lead

an observer

to

believe that

it

is

representative

of

all

Black

groups

or to

explain

membership

in

the

group

as a

function

of

strange

sectarian beliefs

or

deviant

personality.

However,

focus on one

group

but realization that

it

is but one of many varied, seemingly uncoordinated and com-

peting

groups

is

likely

to lead

the

unwary

observer

to believe

that

Black

social

change

efforts are

hopelessly

fragmented.

If

the

observer

who has

such an

opinion

also

believes,

as

so

many

do,

that

centralized,

bureaucratic

and

large

scale

corporate

organiza-

tion

is

the

most

efficient

form

of

organization

for

getting things

done,

then the

observer

is

likely

to

believe that

Blacks

will

not

accomplish

their

objectives.

Indeed

he

may

listen

to the

Moyni-

hans

of

the

country

and

explain

this

seeming

failure

of Blacks

to

unite

as

a

consequence

of their

apparent pre-existing

fragmented

social

structure,

atomistic,

matri-centered

families

and the

like.

In

contrast,

if

he

focuses

on

the

dynamic,

synergistic

interrela-

tionship

of

diverse

groups

in a total and

very

effective

movement

network,

he

might

instead

search for the excellent

pre-existing

capabilities

which

Blacks

have for

establishing

effective

networks



14/24

CORPORATE GROUPS

IN URBAN AMERICA

135

which

criss-cross

Black

and

White

society

and

penetrate

the

es-

tablished

structures

of

power,

communication and wealth.

With this in mind, let us examine a single Black community

center

in

our

midwest

city.

This

community

center,

which

we

will

call

Action

Forward,

is itself located

in

an

inner

city neighbor-

hood

when

the

population

is

over

half

Black,

and

conventionally

classed

as

ranging

from

lower middle to low.

The Center

was

established

in

1966

through

the diverse efforts

of

activist

Blacks,

White

liberals

with

money

and

influence,

and assorted White

uni-

versity

students,

church and

city

officials. The

Center is incor-

porated

under

the

state

charter,

and

is

officially

directed

by

a

large

Board

of

Directors,

White

and Black.

Actual

operational

control is effected

by

a

small number

of

very

active

board mem-

bers,

known

as the Little

Board,

in

cooperation

with

the

ap-

pointed

staff officers

of

the center. The

members

of

the

Little

Board,

both

White

and

Black,

are

highly sympathetic

to

the

Black cause and endorse the

leadership

of the Black staff

mem-

bers. Technically, the board can veto the decisions and actions

of the

staff,

but in

fact

they

have

not

done

this,

believing

that

the

Center should

be

Black-run,

and

believing

that the

staff

mem-

bers

are

quite

capable.

The Action Forward

Community

Center

is located

in

a sub-

stantial,

renovated

single story

building,

with

basement.

Much

was

spent

on its renovation

and

equipment.

Money

and

supplies

were

donated

by

a

number of

city

firms,

churches

and

other

groups.

Several White

persons,

who wish to remain

anonymous

meet

the

monthly

mortgage

payments

of

the

building,

but

legally

it is owned

by

the

community

center

as

a

corporation.

Similarly,

its

operating

expenses,

including

salaries for

its

staff,

have

been

met

by

a

variety

of

government,

foundation

and

individual

grants.

In

short,

most

of

its

economic

support

has

come

from

established,

affluent,

White

society

but it

is run

by aggressive

change-oriented

Blacks, many of whom have been considered radical militants by

the

established

society.

A Black husband

and

wife team were

the

driving

forces

be-

hind the

development

of this

center,

and held

the

key

staff

posts

throughout

much of

its

history.

The

husband remains

executive

director,

although

the

wife

has since led a

number

of other

ven-

tures,

and

is now

forming

a

special

education

school for

Black



15/24

136 ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

and

White

youths

who,

though

talented,

do

not do

well

in

con-

ventional

nner

city

schools.

A

numberof

other

Blacks

who

helped

establish he Centerand who were part of its earlystaffhave left

it,

frequently

ollowing

disputes

with

this

husband

and

wife team.

They

have been

successfully

eplacedby

Blackswho do

get along

with each

other

and

with

the

husband

and

wife team. This

pres-

ent

staff forms

a

fairly

tight

hard

core

of

people

who

do

help

each

other

emotionally,financially,

and

socio-politically.

n

turn,

this

staff also

has established

good

relationships,

and

in

some cases

strong

bonds,

with

key

members

of the

Little Board.

Key

mem-

bersinclude White

inner-city

church

leaders,

Whites

with

money,

influence,

and

good

contacts

in

established

and affluent white

society.

And

this staff

also has

effective

working

relationships

with

some

Blacks,

White

radicals

and

liberals,

including university

students

and residents

of

neighboring

suburban areas.

Further-

more,

the Center attracts

a

range

of Whites to assist

it

in

its

various

projects,

such

as

art

and theater

education,

youth

work,

community organization.Many of these Whitesmay come and

go,

and

have not established

close

relationships

with the Staff or

the

Little

Board,

but

for a

time at least

they

do

provide

useful

links

to

the broader

society.

On

the

other

side of

the

ledger,

this

Action

Forward

Community

Center conflictswith or is

opposed

by

a

number of

other Whites

and

Blacks,

including

some other

local

community

center

and

community

action

groups.

In

some

cases,

this

conflict

arises from

competition

for

funds

and follow-

ers,

in othercasesover a

range

of

personal

and

philosophical

dif-

ferences.

It

can be

demonstrated

in

detail

(Gerlach

& Hine

1969,

1970a,

b)

that

even this conflict

among groups

and individuals

respecting

Black

Power

means

and

goals helps

the total

Black

cause.

In

brief,

it

spurs

the

supporters

of

Action

Forward

to

greater

effort and

contribution

n favor

of

the

Action Forward

approach; it offers alternativesto those who would help the

Black

cause,

but

who

find

Action

Forward

either oo radical

or

too

conservative.

For

example,

some Whites

aided Action Forward

primarily

because

t

appeared

o offer a

moderately

militant

alter-

native

to

some

seemingly

much more

dangerous

activities.

It

will

get

the

angry

kids

off

the

streets

this

summer

aid

some;

If

we

do

not

give

them

something

ike Action

Forward

others

said

in



16/24

CORPORATE

GROUPS IN URBAN

AMERICA

137

so

many

words,

they

will line

up

with that

Mau

Mau

bunch

led

by

that

fanatic

...

On the

other

hand,

it

was militant

enough

to frighten some Whites and conservativeBlacksand stimulate

them to build

or

support

more

moderate

communitygroups

and

action

programs.

ndeed,

it

was

from

motives

of this

type,

it

will

be

remembered,

hat the

minister

of the House

of

Deliverance

obtained some

of the

support

he

needed

to build

his

carpentry

school.

The

leaders

of the

community

center

ike

so

many

Blackshave

been skilled in

establishing

inks with

White

society

which

help

them achieve not

only

their

personal

goals

but also the

goals

of the

group

or

groupsthey represent.

n

the Civil

Rights

days

before he

explosion

of

Black

Power,

they

could count

upon

some

Whites

helping

them

out of do

good

motives. After

the

rise of

the

Black

Power

movement,

Whites found

it

advantageous

o

have

Blacks as

acquaintances.

Liberal Whites were

pleased

to

show

their friends that

they

were

on

speaking

terms

with

militant

Blacks.Whites could enhancetheir positionin city government,

university

and

business

by

claiming

to be

able to

communicate

with

Black

spokesmen.

White,

radical

studentsused

Black

causes

to

give

them a

legitimate

focus

for

confrontationwith the

estab-

lishment.

In

short,

the

relationship

between

Black and

White

shifted

from

one

in

which

Blacks

were

forced

to

be

supplicants

o

one

in

which

Whites

gained

as

much

or more than

they

gave.

The leaders of Action Forward

utilized

this

situation,

as

did

in-

deed,

the

minister

of

the

House

of

Deliverance.

Blacks

will

be

sensitive

to

any

shift

in

this

pattern.

For

example, they

can

be

expected

to

resent

increasing

White student

and

liberal

concern

for

environmental

ssues,

or

this will

be

seen

as a

divergence

rom

the

issues of

racism and Black

development.

On

the

other

hand,

if

leading

participants

n

the

ecology

movement

sought

to

involve

Blacks

of

Action Forward in

ecology,

and if

these

Blacks

could

be made to see that it furthers heirBlackPowerobjectives, hey

like the ministerof House of

Deliverance,

might

well

join

in

this

aspect

of

the

multi-revolution. n

short,

the Action

Forward

net-

work links with

the broader

networks

of

Black

Power

and

White

community

response.

It

will

resist

anything

which

reduces

its

ability

to

use

this

network or

its

advantage,

and

will

join

in

that

which

expands

the

network o its

advantage.



17/24

138 ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

It is

clearlypossible

o

study

Action Forward

as a case

study

of

a

corporate

Black

community group.

But

it

is even

more

useful

to see it as an open and adaptive system, occupying a certain

niche

within the Black Power

movement,

the Black

community,

and the overall urban

community,

but

interacting

with

groups

and

individuals

across the

range

of

these communities.

In

this

sense,

then,

such

study

of Action

Forward,

or

House

of Deliver-

ance or

any

other

pertinent

movement

group parallels

the eco-

systemic

studies

of interculturaland

intertribal

relationships

ug-

gestedby

Sahlins

and

Service

(1960)

and Barth

(1958).

It

is not

meant to

imply

that

such an

approach

s

intrinsically

better than

a focus

on

the internal

workings

of

the

group,

simply

that it is a

more

strategicway

of

understanding

he social movement

and its

role

in

social

change.

Using

this

perspective,

we

can

see Action Forwardas but

one

of

a broad

range

of

groups

n the

Black

Power

movement,

groups

which

vary

in

size,

membership,permanence,

means and

goals,

groups which grow and die, divide and combine, proliferate n

number

and contract.

Many

of the

groups

we

described

in

earlier

publications

have

disappeared

while

others have

emerged.

Some

new

groups

had

their

origins

n Action Forward.

Some

par-

ticipants

in

Action

Forward started a similar

but

short-lived

community

center

in

another

part

of the

city.

The

wife

of the

Action

Forward

director

initiated

the

special

community

school.

Two

of

six

city para-policecommunityprotectionpatrols

were

started

by

Action

Forward

leaders

and

initially

based at the

center.

The

husband

and

wife

team are leaders

of the center

only

as

long

as

they

remainforceful

and effective.

Others

in the

center

or the

broader

community

could

move in to

replace

them.

In

any

event,

they

are

but

two

of

the

many,

often

competing,

eaders of

Black

Power

groups

in the

city.

No one leader

in this

typical,

polycephalousmovementstructure s the spokesman or the en-

tire

Black

community,

or Black movement.

Like

Pentecostalism

and

Participatory

Ecology,

the Black

Power movement

has

so

many

leaders

that

it

may

mislead

the

unwary

observer

nto think-

ing

that

it

has

no

leadersat

all.

Even

though

the BlackPower movement

n this

city

and in

the

nation

has no

single

command

structure,

ts various

groups

are



18/24

CORPORATE

GROUPS

IN

URBAN AMERICA

139

organized

by

means of a

network,

or. reticulate structure.

Just

as

the

House of

Deliverance is connected

to the rest of

Pente-

costalism, o is Action Forward inked to the Black Power move-

ment

and to

clusters of White

supporters

hrough

experiential,

ideological

and

organizational

ies. Action Forward

participants

are

linked

organizationally

o other

groups

through

(a)

over-

lapping membership,

(b)

personal

networks with

members of

other

groups,

(c)

networks

of the

traveling

spokesmen

of

the

movement,

and

(d)

joint

involvement

n

larger

scale

associations

or

activities.

We have found it useful to

range

the various

groups

in the

Black Power movement

along

a

continuum,

as

we

did

with

Pentecostalism.

n the Black Power

case,

a conservative

o

radical

continuum is most

appropriate.

Local

branches

of established

civil

rights

groups,

such as NAACP

and Urban

League

stand

at

the radical

pole.

Ranging

between these

poles,

we can

identify

a broad

array

of

technical

training

and

economic

development

groups, community informationcells, community centers, stu-

dent

groups, political groups

and

para-police groups.

Action

Forward s

but

one of a numberof

city community

centers

play-

ing

its own official

part

in this movement

system.

It

is

easy

to understand

why

those

who

do not evaluate the

Black

Power movement or other

movements

ecosystemically

will

indeed feel

that

characteristics f

segmentation,

actionalism,

di-

versity

of means and

goals

make it

inherently

weak.

Many

people

make this error.For

example,

a

group

of seniornewsmenwind-

ing

up

a

national

tour of

ghetto

areas

noted that

they

were

amazed

that Blacks

had

accomplished

so much in

spite

of

the

limitations

mposedby

factionalism

(Time

Magazine

1969:

June

6:

53).

Certainly

analysts

have

written

much about the

ways

in

which similar

segmentation

has

destroyed

he New Left.

Accord-

ing

to

Roger

Kahn

(1969),

SDS

has

practically

committed

sui-

cide throughsuchschism.

There

are

those,

however,

who take an

ecosystemic

view

and

who

see

capabilities

n what

looks

like

inefficiency

born of

seg-

mentation or

decentralization.

For

example,

Martin Landau

(1969),

a

political

scientist,

uses

the

work

of

the

mathematician,

von

Neuman,

to

show

how

duplication

and

overlap among

com-

ponents

of

system

function

to

produce

efficient

organizations.



19/24

140

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

In a

special

issue of

Ebony (1969)

magazine,

the

editors

and

their authors

ocusedon the black

revolution n

the U.S.A. On

the

one hand they graphicallyportraythe varietyof ways in which

Blacks

perceive,

generate

and

react to

this

revolution.

On the

other

hand,

they

emphasize

the

synergistic

unity

which exists

among

Blacks,

rrespective

f their

diverse

ndividual

approaches.

For

example,

they

noted

that while the

Black

Panthers

may

seem

poles apart

from

members

of

the

Urban

League

and

NAACP,

they

are,

in

fact,

bound

together

in

common

cause,

drawing

from

a common

heritage

of

Blackness,

of

White

oppres-sion and

discrimination.

They

constitute,

n

fact,

components

of

one movement.

Nathan Hare

(1968),

a

militant Black

sociologist,

notes

that

Black Power can

utilize

even

these

classed

as Uncle

Toms

to

accomplish

Black

Power

goals.

All

play

their

part

in

the

total

system.

In

an interview

with

Playboy magazine,

Jesse

Jackson

(1969)

denies that the civil rights and Black movement is truly frag-

mented,

confused

and

broken.

He

acknowledges

the

apparent

diversity

which

exists

in

the movement

among

such

groups

as

NAACP,

SCLC,

Urban

League

and

Panthers,

but notes that

each

is,

in

fact,

doing

its

thing

in

a

way

which shows

hat

the

movement

s

together.

He

says

hat

it is

Americawhich

has

prob-

lems

of

disunity,

nd

which

must

join

the variousBlack

groups

and Black

movement

n

order o

accomplish

he

resurrection

f

hersoul.

Examination

f

the Black Powermovementand

its

various

segments

romthis

ecosystemic

pproach

will

reveal

hat

instead

of

being

weak,

this

segmentary, olycephalous

nd

reticulate

movement

tructure

s

admirably

uited

to

achieve

exponential

growth

n

the

face of

opposition,

o

generatechange,

and

to

adapt

to

changing

conditions.

n

summary

of

these

adaptive

capabilities,we can notethe following(Gerlach& Hine 1969,

1970a,

b):

a.

Redundancy

and

multiplicity

of

leadership

and self-

sufficiency

of

local

groups

prevent

effective

suppression

r

cooptation

f

the totalmovement.

b.

Rivalry

and

competition

mong

these

leaders

and

groups

produces

n

escalation

f effort

and

forward

motion.



20/24

CORPORATEGROUPSIN

URBAN

AMERICA

141

c.

Diversity

in

all

type

and

function,

with

each

doing

its

thing,

maximizes

the

adaptive

capabilities

of

the

whole.

d. Factionalism and

segmentation

facilitates the

penetration

of the movement into a

variety

of

socioeconomic niches

...

A

type

of

sociological adaptive

radiation.

e.

Organizational

and

ideological diversity produces

a struc-

ture

which has

somebody

for

everybody,

no matter what

his

means or

goals

may

be.

f.

Finally,

this

type

of social

structure

encourages

inno-

vation, entrepreneurial experimentation and problem solving.

Some

of these

experiments

fail

and

pass

out

of

existence,

while

others

contributeto the total movement.

C.

The

Participatory

Ecology

Movement

The

points

made

above

may

be

further

supported

if

we

briefly

look

at

the

Participatory Ecology

or

Environmentalist Activist

movement. It is also composed of many different groups which

vary

in

size,

membership,

mission, means,

and

goals.

We

find it

useful

to

range

these

groups along

an

organizational

continuum

from established

and conservative

(i.e.

Isaac

Walton

League,

Audobon

Society)

to

new and more radical

(i.e.

Ecology

Action).

We

have conducted

a

series

of

case studies on

various

of

these

groups.

If

we

did not take these as

parts

of a

movement,

then

each

by

itself,

would

be

but another

example

of

a

typical

Ameri-

can middle class

voluntary

association,

a

typical

interest

group

or

pressure group.

Many

of

these

groups

have

become

legally

incorporated by

various

States. Others

have become

officially

recognized

as student

organizations.

A

few

have

remained

un-

incorporated,

essentially

ad

hoc,

specific

issue

activities. Thus

far

none

of

those

we

have

intensively

studied

own

significant

prop-

erty

as

a

corporate

group.

Some

were established

to

protect

the

property of individual members from the effects of some type of

environmental

exploitation

or

development

project.

For

example,

an association

to

protest

the

development

of an

airport

had

as its

initial

impetus

the wish

of

various

rural and

suburban

residents

to

escape

the

noise and

pollution

which

they

felt

an

airport

would

bring.

An association to maintain

the

quality

of

a

large

lake

and

oppose

the

dumping

of

industrial waste was

promulgated

by

lake-



21/24

142

ANTHROPOLOGICAL

QUARTERLY

shore residents

who

wished

to

keep

individual

property

as

pollu-

tion-free

as

possible.

Many

other

groups

have been established

to improve the quality of life of Americans in general, and some

of

the

groups

with more

personal

property

interest

have

taken

up

this broader

ecological

cry.

These

groups

are

not centralized under

one

command

struc-

ture,

and

have

various

leaders who come

and

go.

They

segment

and

proliferate

but

also reticulate.

They

intersect

with

each

other

through

a

myriad

of

overlapping

links,

joint

activities and

per-

sonal networks.

Experimental

and

ideological

bonds

also

begin

to

unite

them.

Together

they

constitute

neither an

amorphous

collection of

groups

nor

a

single

corporate

structure;

rather

they

form a network

organization,

like that

we

have discussed above

for

Black

Power

and

Pentecostalism.

As

in

these

other

move-

ments the

segmentary, polycephalous,

and

reticulate

organization

is effective

and

adaptive.

Incidentally,

its

presence

in

this move-

ment

tells

us that such

organization

is

not

simply

a

product

of

pre-existing characteristics of black society.

The

ecology

network is

expanding

to

include

more

groups

throughout

essentially

middle class White

society.

As

yet

Blacks

have

not

linked

with it

in

any appreciable

number,

and indeed

some

are

opposing

it as

a

divergence

from the

real

issues.

But,

potentially

it

could

interconnect

with

them,

as has been

suggested

above. The

New Left is

linking

with

and

becoming

the

radical

cadre

of the

ecology

movement.

Perhaps

in

a

short while

the

ecology

radicals will

seemingly

split

from the rest of the move-

ment,

demanding

that what

radicals

call hi-there liberals show

which

side

they

are

really

on-the side of

revolutionary

change

or

the side

of the

establishment.

According

to our

model,

such

a

split

would

not

destroy

the

ecology

movement,

but rather

ex-

tend

further

the

radical

side

of the

total movement

continuum.

In

any

gerlach - corporate groups and movement networks in urban america

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