giakoumis k. (2011), “the perception of the crusader in late byzantine and early post-byzantine...
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ISBN 978-960-466-069-8
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THEPERCEPTIONOFTHECRUSADERINLATEBYZANTINEANDEARLYPOSTBYZANTINEECCLESIASTICALPAINTINGINEPIROS
KonstantinosGiakoumis*WhatJeremiahwilllamentourwoes,orwhatisthetimethatwilldrawaway through oblivions current allwhatweweredestined to live andsuffer?Captures of cities,desertionsof churches, sacrilege ofmostholyutensils,menswails,womensululations,lootings,migrations1
When Niketas Choniates, an eyewitness to the tragic events that followed the fall of
ConstantinopleintothehandsoftheCrusadersoftheFourthCrusadeinApril1204,wrotethisstatementoflamentation,verylittlehadhewitnessedofthesufferingsthattheformersubjects
oftheByzantineEmpirewouldexperiencethereafter,asaconsequenceoftheeffectedpolitical,
administrativeand religiouschanges2.Yet, thedisintegrationofagrarianandurbaneconomic
structuresfromtheeleventhcenturythereafter3,whichresultedinanincreasinglyrevolutionary
attitudeoftheByzantinesubjects,especiallyduring the twodecadesof theruleof theAngeli
(11851204)4, eventually paved the way to the Fourth Crusaders, who found the Byzantine
subjects almost as well prepared for the implantation of their feudal institutions as its
mountainousterrainprovedtobesuitedtotheconstructionoftheirfeudalcastles5.However,
both,theeventsofApril1215,12046,aswellasthoseafter1204,includingheaviertaxationfor
thepeasantry,augmentedforced labour(angary),distributionof landsas feuds toCrusaders,
strict limitations of trade favouring Latin states and, last but foremost, the onerous anddetestableslavetradeofOrthodoxwarcaptivesbywesterntraders7,weresocrucialastoform,
inthewordsofBishopKallistosofDiokleia,thedeepdisgustandlastinghorrorwithwhich
* AmoreconcisedformofthispaperwaspresentedintheTenthInternationalCongressofGreekOrientalandAfrican
Studies held in Kryoneri, Attica in 2528 August 2005. I thank Dr. Angeliki Lymberopoulou, Lecturer of Byzantine
Studiesat theOpenUniversity,UK,forreviewingmyarticleandhervaluablecommentsandsuggestions,aswellas
Mr.PeterPanchyforhisthoughtfulobservations.
1 K. Sathas, , Reprint: New York 1972, v. 1, p. 104. Cf. A. PapadopoulosKerameus,
,
,v.3(1889),p.454,citedinN.G.Ziangos(1974),p.49andnote5onpp.4950.2Fortheseissues,seeE.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861,wherereferencestofurtherrelevantliterature.3Forthedeclineofeconomicandagrarianforcesfromtheeleventhcenturythereafter,seeroughlyK.M.Setton(1953),
pp.225259(253259);andP.Charanis(1953),pp.412424(418424).4 In Niketas Choniates words , , (there were
those who revolted in one place or another, again and again, and it is not possible to say how many times this
happened)[NicetasChoniates,DeIsaacioAngelo,v.III/2,Bonn,p.553;citedandtranslatedinK.M.Setton(1953),p.254andnote51].5K.M.Setton(1953),p.259.6On thehistoryof theFourthCrusadeIamherebycitingaselectionofcomprehensivesecondarysourceswhichuse
extensivelybothByzantineaswellaswesternprimarysourcesontheissue:E.Bradford(1967),TheStoryoftheFourthCrusade,N.J.EnglewoodCliffs,reviewedbyE.Velde(1969),TheHistoryTeacher,v.2/2,pp.6162;D.E.Queller(1977),TheFourthCrusade:TheConquestofConstantinople,12011204,Philadelphia,reviewedbyJ.Folda(1979),inSpeculum,v.54/3,pp.620622andbyJ.RileySmith(1979),inTheEnglishHistoricalReview,v.94/372,pp.624625;andW.B.Bartlett(2000),AnUngodlyWar:TheSackofConstantinopleand theFourthCrusade,NewYork,reviewedbyR.A.Sauers (2001), inThe
JournalofMilitaryHistory,v.65/1,pp.169170.Foraselectionofprimarysources,seeE.Hallam[ed.](1989),pp.198245.
7E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861.
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KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS
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Orthodox regard the sackofConstantinopleby theCrusaders, so difficult tobe realizedby
Christiansinthewest8.
Psychologically, the issue of slave trade poisoned irremediably the relationsbetween
the eastern and western worlds. After 1204, Byzantiums enemies, including Christians like
Catalans,VenetiansandGenoese,seizedincreasinglyOrthodoxChristiansfortheslavemarkettotheextentthatEmperorAndronikosII(12821328)formallyprotestedtheGenoesepracticeof
capturing Byzantine subjects for sale in Italy and Spain9. Furthermore, in 1339, when the
ByzantineemperorsentmonkVarlaamasanambassador to thepapacy inorder tonegotiate
possibilities of common action against the Turkish threat and of a possible union of the two
Churches, he set forth a number of conditions, one of which was the liberation of all of the
Orthodox slaves keptby Latins and the virtual abolition of slave trade10. In the eyes of the
Orthodox, the issue of trading slaves capturedby Catholic Christians and sold to Catholic
ChristiansmusthavebeenfeltatleastasonerousasthetradeofslavescapturedbyTurksand
soldtoCretanOrthodoxGreeks11.
TheOrthodoxChurch,whoretainedauthorityandinfluenceovertheByzantinepeople,
wasanotherprincipalfactordeterminingtherelationsbetweentheOrthodoxandtheRomanCatholic worlds. Beyond dogmatic and liturgical disagreements12, there further were deep
contradictions related to the daily role of the clergy. While clerical participation in military
campaignswasforbiddenbytheOrthodoxChurch,theexistenceofLatinpriestsoldiersinthe
ranksof theCrusaderarmies13,whocouldhold lancesandshieldsandalsoprepare theHoly
Communion, shocked the Orthodox Christians14. In addition, since 1204 the Latins, after
abolishingthePatriarchateofConstantinople,continuedtodisplacetheOrthodoxecclesiastical
administrationfromthelandstheyconquered.Metropolitansandbishopswerenotacceptedin
those regionsandonly lowermembersof theclergy could remain. Yet, their ordinationwas
impossible within the occupied territories and candidates for priesthood had to travel to the
zonesofanOrthodoxprelatewheretheywereordainedandsentbacktotheirparishes,suchas
priests from Venetianoccupied Crete, who were obliged to travel as far as Methoni to getordained. Last,but not least, a considerable part of the church properties was confiscated15,
whiletheeconomicdeclineoftheByzantineEmpirefromthe11thtothe13thcentury16and,after
1204, the decrease in population, economic indigence, and lack of new endowments
8T.Ware(1964),TheOrthodoxChurch,Baltimore,p.69.ForByzantinenegativeliteraryreactionstothesecondcrusade,seeE.JeffreysM.Jeffreys(2001),TheWildBeastfromtheWest:ImmediateLiteraryReactionsinByzantiumtothe
SecondCrusade,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.101116;cf.ibid.p.117.9The issueofslavesandslave tradeafter1204was treated inD.J.Constantelos (1992),pp.103114,reviewedbyT.S.
Miller(1994),inSpeculum,v.69/4,pp.11431145(1144).10E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861.Forthetreatmentofslavesin14thand15thcenturyEurope,seetheusefulcasestudy
of I. Origo (1955), The Domestic Enemy: The Eastern Slaves in Tuscany in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,
Speculum,v.30/3,pp.321366.11Forthisissue,seeA.M.Stahl[ed.](2000),TheDocumentsofAngelodeCarturaandDonatoFontanella.VenetianNotariesinFourteenthCenturyCrete,DumbartonOaksResearchLibraryandCollection,WashingtonD.C.,passim;thisphenomenonwaskindlybroughttomyattentionbyDr.A.Lymberopoulou.12Forthesedifferencessetintheirhistoricalcontext,Icitetwobasicsources:A.Papadakis(1994),TheChristianEastandtheRiseofthePapacy.TheChurch(10711453A.D.),CrestwoodNewYork:StVladimirsSeminaryPress;T.Ware (1964),EustratiosArgenti:A studyof theGreekChurchunderTurkishRule,Oxford:ClarendonPress; and T.M.Kolbaba (2001),Byzantine Perceptions of Latin Religious Errors: Themes and Changes from 850 to 1350, in A.E. Laiou R.P.
Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.117143.13See,forexample,thescenefromtheBayeuxTapestryinterpretationoftheBattleofHastings(1066).Ontheextreme
leftisBishopOdo,wearingwhatmaybeahauberkofscalearmourandcarryingamaceofcudgelform,whileonthe
extremeright,WilliamofNormandyraiseshishelmetbyitsnasal[D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.31].14E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.3132.15E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861.16Seenote3.
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THE PERCEPTION OF THE CRUSADER IN ECCLESIASTICAL PAINTING IN EPIROS
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contributed to the decline of monasticisms social functions17 to the extent that organized
charitableactivitiesbecamealmostimpossible.
Sensibly, the inhabitantsof severalnonVenetiandominatedcitiesandvillagesunder
the guidance of Orthodox prelates or monks gradually adopted an intense hostile attitude
towardstheRomanCatholicworld,which,later,pavedthewaytotheOttomanoccupationoftheBalkans18.Yet,wearestillunawareofthepopularfeelingsofOrthodoxChristianstowards
westernChristianityinVenetiandominatedterritories19.
Lyingbetween East and West, Epiros20 were among the remotest provinces of the
Balkans. Their limited natural resources, inaccessible shores, swampy plains and compact
mountainchainscutthemofffrommostofthearterialroadsoftheBalkanPeninsulaandmade
themaprovinceofsecondaryimportance.ItwasonlytheIonianIslands,theEpiroticportsand
theOtrantostraitsthatwereEpirosconstantbridgeheadtowardstheApenninepeninsula.For,
whenaBalkanstateassumedpower,itattemptedunceasinglytocontroltheEpiroticcoastsin
ordertokeepaneyeontheoppositeshore.Correspondingly,wheneveragreatpowerrosein
the Italian peninsula, it felt the urge to take control of the passages and the opposite coasts.
AccesstotheBalkancentreswaschieflymadepossiblebytheViaEgnatia21
,whosemajorportsin theAdriatic,DurrsandVlor,wereamong themost importantcitiesofEpiros.Thus, the
provinces of Epiros were before all a border district of great strategic importance, whose
populationsfavourmusthavebeenadistinctpolicyofbotheasternandwesternpowers.
ThispaperaimsatpenetratingintothenebulousrelationsofEpiroswiththeLatinWest
after 1204. In so doing, I shall take into consideration representations of Latin soldiers, in
general,andCrusaders,inparticular,inecclesiasticalpaintingsoftwolateByzantinechurches
andseveralearlypostByzantinechurchesandcatholica.InlateByzantinepaintings,Crusaders
are identified in the soldiers from the scene of the Marys at the Tomb in the frescoes of the
Church of St. George at Dhivr, Sarand (S. Albania, last quarter of the 13th century), in the
sceneofChristsBetrayalbyJudas inthechurchoftheNativityoftheVirginonthe islandof
Maligrad (W. Albania, 1369), as well as in scenes related to Christs Passion and to severalmartyrdomsofsaintsinthenarthexofthecatholiconofPhilanthropenonMonastery(1560),the
naos of the Diliou Monastery (1542/3), the naos of Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of 16th
century),onthe Isleof Ioannina,aswellasseveralother16thand17thcenturymonuments in
moderndayAlbania.Pursuingiconologicalandperceptivemethodsofarthistoricalinquiryin
one particular casestudy, the Marys at the Tomb in the church of St. George at Dhivr and
correlating seeming similarities of lateByzantine and early postByzantine examples from
Epirosandbeyond,IshallattempttounveilthedarkandbasememoriesleftoverbyCrusaders
and other Latin armies and to weave the historical stage that shaped collective memory in
17D.Constantelos(1992),pp.8889.18Seenote12.19Dr.A.LymberopoulouinformedmethatinanupcomingarticleofhersatTheWarburgJournalshetakesadifferent
line of arguing on this issue using cases from Crete. Sharon Gerstel has attributed certain distinctive elements of
FrankishinfluenceinthemonumentaldecorationofmedievalMoreatoanartisticsymbiosiswhichplacesMoreain
the midst of a number of Mediterranean locations where indigenous populations were confronted by Crusader
overlords and where hybrid art forms arose from the interaction of two, and perhaps more, cultures [S.E.J. Gerstel
(2001),ArtandIdentityintheMedievalMorea,inA.E.Laiou R.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.263285(264,280)].20With respect to thegeographyandclimateofEpiros,aside frompersonalobservations, Ihavealso referred to:M.
Arapoglou (19934), , , v. 1516, pp. 4452; P. Halstead (1996),
, in
, , pp. 6364; M. Kiel (1990),OttomanArchitecture inAlbania 1385 1912,Istanbul,p.14andV.Psimouli(1998), ,Athens,pp.1921,whereadditionalliterature.Thetermin
itsuseinthisarticleisirrelevanttothepoliticalconnotationsgiventoitattheendofthe19thcenturyandmostpartsof
the20thcentury.Inourtimes,theregionsofEpirosaresituatedinbothGreeceandAlbania.21
ForthemostrecentstudywithrespecttotheviaEgnatiainOttomantimessee:E.Zachariadou[ed.](1996),TheViaEgnatiaunderOttomanRule,13801699,Rethymnon.
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KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS
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peripheralregions, likeEpiros.Lastbutnot least,Iwillendeavourto trace thebeginningand
thegradualfadingofhostileandantiwesternvisualstatementsinEpiros.
ThecavechurchofSt.GeorgeatDhivr issituatedonthefootofa limestonecliff, in
whichsomeextensivecavernshavebeenformedpartlynaturally,partlyartificially.Duringthe
Byzantine period, the most inaccessible among them, placed to a higher plane, weretransmuted tohermitagesofanchoritemonks.Considering that in someof thesecaveswere
found traces of fresco paintings, it is sensible to suggest that these caves once constituted a
widermonasticcell.
Oneofthesecaves,twentyfeetabovethebaseofthecliff,hasbeenfittedupasachapel
builtonaprotrusionoftherock,approachableonlybyanarrowpathcarvedonthestone.The
walls of the hermitage arebased on a rocky platform, on which a slanting, supportive wall
ascends.Thewallscovermostlythewesternpartofthechapelandtoalesserextentitsnarrow
northernandsouthernsides.To theEastnowallswerebuiltand thealtarwascarved in the
rockyfrontofthecavern.
Threeinscriptionswerelocatedinthechurch.Twoofthemaredisplayedinthenarthex
andarewritten theoneon the topof theotheranddividedbyared lineon the lintelof theentrance to thenaos.Theupperone reads:[][] [rebuilt],while
thelowerone: [saint].Finally,thethirdinscriptionisplaced
belowthesceneofChristtheSaviour:
() [Prayer of your servant, Isidore priest, along with his wife and
children]. The last inscription refers to the patron of the frescoes, a certain priest named
Isidore,whoappearstohavehadthemeanstosponsorsuchanundertaking.
Theinternalspaceofthechapelisarticulatedinthreedistinct,builtparts:thenarthex
totheNorth,thenaosinthemiddleandacrampedshrinetotheSouth.Themiddlepartbearsa
carvedaltarintheeasternside,whereanaltarbaseofrockdecoratedwithoverlaid13thcentury
marbleentablaturespolia.
All three parts of the monument are painted with frescoes made in three pictorialphasesdatedtothe11th(Sts.KosmasandDamianintheParabema),thelastquarterofthe13th
century(remainingscenesfromshrine/parabema,theDodekaortoncycle,Sts.Nikolaos,George
and Demetrius)22, and the last quarter of the 14th century (narthex) respectively23. The
22 Apart from arguments tobedeveloped indealing with thesceneof theMarysat theTomb, the Dormitionof the
VirgininourchapelbearssimilaritieswiththesamesceneinthechurchofSt.NikolaosofKasnitze(11601180)interms
oftheVirginsrightwardtimeonthebier,thescenesarrangementandthebierscoverdecoratedwithrhombuses[M.
AcheimastouPotamianou(1994), ,Athens,fig.43onp.71andp.220andS.Pelekanidis M.
Chatzedakis(1992),,fig.16onp.63andpp.5065],whiletheoverallscenesarrangementresembleswiththat
of the Virgin at Assinou (11051106) [M. AcheimastouPotamianou (1994), op. cit., fig. 27 on pp. 5657]. The mostremarkableresemblance,however,iswiththesimilarsceneatthechurchoftheVirginMavriotissainKastoriadatedto
thebeginning of the 13th century [M. AcheimastouPotamianou (1994), op. cit., fig. 7577 on pp. 102103, 230 and S.
PelekanidisM.Chatzidakis(1994),op.cit.,pp.6383].Archaicrenderingisalsofollowedintherepresentationoftheconchshierarchs,whoselinearityisreminiscentofthehierarchsoftheapseoftheSts.Anargyroichurch,Kastoria,or
St.Danielthestylite,alldatingtothefirstpictorialphaseofthechurch,inthesecondhalfofthe10thcentury[op.cit.],with several saints of the church of St. Nikolaos Diarosite [M. AcheimastouPotamianou (1989),
,inM.Chatzidakis(1989),,Athens,pp.6679]andinparticularwithSts.Vlasios[fig.1314onp.76]
and Nikolaos [fig. 6, on p. 71] dating in the middle of the 11th century, and with saints placed in medallions in the
churchoftheVirginArakos,Lagoudera,Cyprusdating1192[M.AcheimastouPotamianou(1994),op.cit.,fig.61onp.88andpp.226227].23ForthedatingofthisthirdpictorialphaseIambasedonsimilaritiesbetweentheportraitofthefemaleofthedonorin
our church with that of Kalia in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on the island of Maligrad, dating 1368/9.
TheofanPopamistakenlydatedthechapelinfourpictorialphases:I.ThenarthexsDormitionoftheVirgin[mistaken
identification] to the end of the 9th century. II. The naos Dormition of the Virgin and Sts. George, Nikolaos and
Demetriostothe15thc.III.TheMarysattheTomb,theAscensionandDavidtothe17thcentury.IV.TheArchangels
Michael,St.GeorgeandChristinthetypeoftheEldestofDaystolaterthanthe17thcentury[Th.Popa(1965),pp.88
89,fig.20].
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iconographic programme follows the established patterns of fresco decoration in cave
churches24.
Studying the iconographic programmes of ecclesiastical monuments provides several
hints to understand a past, whose creators were mostlybearers of a rich oral culture who
however left only few written records. Every image in ecclesiastical paintings is an exegesis,literallymeaningleadingout,aninterpretationofareligiousevent.Eventhoughimagesshape
visualmemoryofhowthepastlookedlike,theuseofimageasexegesischangedovertime.The
Byzantinesintheirwritingsshowthemselvestobefullyawareofthepowerofimagetokeep
memories alive and interpret the past in a way that texts didnt (i.e. visions of saints, etc.).
Sylvester Syropoulos records an objection, raised by the Byzantine emperors confessor,
GregoryMelissenos, tousingaLatinritechurch forOrthodoxservicesduring theCouncilof
Ferrara(1438)asfollows: WhenIenteraLatinchurch,Idonotrevereanyofthesaintsthataretherebecause Idonotrecognizeanyof them.At themost, ImayrecognizeChrist,but Idonot revereHimeither,sinceIdonotknowinwhattermsheisinscribed.SoImakethesignofthecrossandIreverethissignthatIhavemademyself,andnotanythingthatIseethere.25Hence,asoftenimagescondition
thewaywehearnames(i.e.theVirginHodeghetria)andfeel,GregoryMelissenoscouldhavenodevotionalexperiencewithouttheidentificationofthedepictedfigureoritsinscription.
OnthenorthernwallofthenaosofSt.GeorgeatDhivr,inthesecondzoneoffrescoes,
there are two scenes, one of which is of great interest for our ends. It concerns the
representationoftheMarysattheTombinthewesternpartofthewall.Thepicturesleftpartis
entirelydamagedandonlyitsrightispreservedinrelativelydecentcondition.Atthetopright
cornerappears an empty cave,belowwhicha sarcophagus withan open top containsJesus
cerement.At the leftof thesarcophagus,astandingangelpointsat thesarcophaguswithhis
rightindexfinger.Atthebottomrightcornersevencustodysoldiersinfullpanoplyappearto
bepetrifiedoutofterrorfortheangelsappearanceandtheremovaloftheSepulchresstone.At
their left,twostandingfemalefigures, turningawayfrom thesarcophagusoutoffear,canbe
identified from the lower parts of their mantles. The subject renders visually Mathewsdescription of the meeting of the two Marys with the angel at the Sepulchre, alternatively
knownasRejoice[Mt.27:5928:15;cf.Mk.15:4416;Lk.23:5324:7;John19:4020:18].
Anygivenimagenotonlyconstructsorreconstructsvisuallythebiblicalpast,butalso
envisageslinksbetweenthispastandtheperiodspresent.Sinceatthetimewhenourfrescoes
were made (last quarter of the 13th century) there was no living eyewitness memory of the
biblical event,while no writtenaccount of the Marys at theTomb records minutiaedetails,
suchastheangelsphysiognomy,clothing,andtheappearanceofthecustody,therenderingof
suchdetailsreliesontheinitiativeoftheartistoritspatron.Aswillbeshown,intheMarysat
the Tomb, the representation of the soldiers of the Sepulchres custody manipulates visual
memory of the distant past to condemn a newlycreated visual memory of the very recent
present.The panoply of the soldiers presents realistically explicit features of Latin knights
panopliesthatalsoprovideaterminusforthedatingofourfrescoes.Thebodyarmourconsists
firstlyandforemostofascalehauberkwithanintegralcoif;similarexamplescanbetracedin
the first half of the 12th century, such as in a stone relief dated ca. 1128, from Angoulme
Cathedral(withanintegralcoif)26andinametalreliefofaknight,partofthedecorationonthe
24Duetothespatial limitationsofcavechurches,the iconographicprogramme is limitedtoonlyafewChristological
scenesverybasicfromatheologicalviewpoint,suchastheAnnunciation,theBaptism,andtheTransfiguration,from
thehistoricalcycle,theCrucifixionandtheDescenttoLimbo.Similarlylimitedisthenumberoffulllengthsaints.25 C. Mango (1986),TheArt of theByzantineEmpire,3121453:Sources andDocuments, Toronto: University of TorontoPress,p.254.26
D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),figonp.45.
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KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS
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GrossComburg chandelier, ca. 1140 (without a coif)27. A cylindrical helm is wornby five
soldiers over the coif, whose sides taper slightly towards thebase, as in the helmets of the
knightsofMacchabeesBattleintheBibleofRhodes,datinglate10thor11thcentury28,whileits
top is delicately domed, rather than conical, resembling examples from the late 12th and 13th
century,asafterthemiddleofthe12th
centurytheskullofthehelmbecameroundedratherthanpointed29,while inourcaseanasalbar isalso fitted.The legsofour soldiersarecoveredby
chaussesmadeof fullmailstockinggarteredat theknee,similar tosomechurcheffigiesand
sculptural monuments dating from the early part of the 13th century30. They alsobear long
sleevesofthescaledhauberk,aphenomenonobservedinarmoursfromthelastdecadesofthe
12thcentury31,yetnotcoveringthepalmsandwrists,asthiswouldhaveimpededonesgripofa
weapon.
Thesoldiersofthecustodyarealsoequippedwithshieldsandlances.Theshieldsare
triangular,rathershortanddecoratedwithstraightorundulating,verticalorhorizontalstrips
colouredalternativelyinredandwhite.Thesearesimilartolate12thcenturyexamples32,while
theirupperedgeisalmoststraight.Thisformpertainstolate12thcenturymodificationsofthe
shieldssizeand form from largewitha roundedprofile to theupperedge, tostraighterandshorter, modifications that took place in the second half of the 12th century33. According to
DavidEdgeandJohnMilesPaddock,throughoutthe12thcenturytheknighthadusedthekite
shapedshieldtothevirtualexclusionofallothertypes.However,atthebeginningofthe13th
centuryitwasshortenedandthetopoftheshieldlostitsveryprominentcurve.Inconjunction
withthistheprofileoftheshieldbecamelessconvexandtookonatriangularshape.However,
untilthe1250stheshieldwasstillmoderatelylargeanditwasonlywithinthenext20years
thattheshieldbecamesmalleranditssidesconvex,probablybestexemplifiedinarelieffrom
thetombofGulielmoBeradi,inthechurchofSantaAnnunziata,Florenceanddatedca.128934.
The lance appears tobe the sole weapon of theseknights. Their form resembles13thcentury
ratherthan12thcenturylances,sincetheirheadsarecomparativelysmallerastheirprofilemore
sharplypointedandconsequentlymorepenetrative35
.Alloftheaforementionedelements,inmyview,donotpointtoasingularprototype,
butrathertovariouspartsofaknightspanoplydatingfromthesecondhalfofthe12thcentury
to1270s.ThisisamongthereasonswhyIhavesuggestedthelastquarterofthe13thcenturyas
themostlikelydatingofthefrescoesofthesecondphase.
HavingshowntherealisticsimilaritiesofthesoldiersofthecustodywithLatinknights,
it becomes evident that the image as exegesis is not necessarily an objective, or neutral
interpretation (otherwise the soldiers would present Roman or the very common Byzantine
features),butitcouldbetailoredtosuitbeliefsofthepresent.Moreover,whilethecombination
ofthescenewiththeonetoitsright(theDescenttoLimbo)isverycommon,theplacementof
two of the soldiers outside the scenes red frame and closer to the personified Limbo can
promote multiple layers of interpretation. Using perceptive and iconographic methods of arthistoricalenquiry,itiscomprehensiblethatintheevangelicalexcerpt[Mt.28:1115]thesoldiers
of the custody are portrayed negatively: having eyewitnessed Christs Resurrection
27Op.cit.,bottomrightfigureonp.48.28Op.cit.,figureonp.29.29Op.cit.,p.44;IdidnotmanagetotakeintoconsiderationtheEnglishPsalterofSt.Louis,ca. 1200.30Op.cit.,p.45.31Op.cit.32SeeforexampleaninitialfromtheWinchesterBible,ca.1170inop.cit.,figureonp.46.33Op.cit.34Op.cit.,fig.onp.62.35Op.cit.,p.46.Forthis,comparethelancesrepresentedintheinitialfromtheWinchesterBible,ca.1170inop.cit.,figure
onp.46withthoseinapanelfromtheSilverShrineofCharlemagneinAachenCathedral,ca.1207,inop.cit.,p.55.
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notwithstanding,theylateracceptedabribebyJewishprelatesandelders,whoalsopromised
tosupportthembeforethelocalruler,iftheyupheldthefictionthatJesusdisciplesseemingly
stoleHisbodyovernight.Matthewevenstatesthatthisfictionwas thenceforthupheldbythe
JewstodenyChristsResurrection.HavingdeniedtoprofessChristsResurrection,thesoldiers
ofthecustodywerecertainlyconsideredasdeniersofthedivinenatureofChristand,therefore,in collectivebeliefs must havebeen condemned to Hell alike other disclaimers of faith. This
assumptionisreinforcedbybothhymnographicalandhagiographicalevidence.
The liturgical hymnographers36 treat the soldiers of the Sepulchres custody in
dissimilar ways. In most cases the soldiers are presented as eyewitnesses of Christs
Resurrection,yetinanonnegativeway,contrarytotheJews37.Inoneoccasionthesoldiersare
portrayed as if they had not eyewitnessed the Resurrection38. Yet, in the Matins of Sunday,
Sound 5, in the first kathisma following the second stichologia, Sound 5, the soldiers of thecustodyareliterallycalledenemiesofChrist: , , , , [(While)Lifelaid intheTomb,andthestonewas
sealed; soldiers guarded Christ as a sleeping king; and, afterblinding his enemies, the Lordrose].Thereisno literarycontextallowingforadifferent interpretationastowhoareChrists
enemies.
This interpretation is in line with patristic evidence which, while not naming the
custodysoldiersasChristsenemies,clearlyindicatedacommonbeliefthattheyweredeniers
oftheResurrection39.InhisXChomily,St.JohnChrysostome,afteremphasizinginhowmany
waysthesoldiersexperiencedthedivinenatureofChrist40,portraysthemnotonlytobemore
corruptthantheJewishpeopleandPontiusPilate,butalsomoremoneythirstythanJudas:Do
you realize that all of them were corrupted? (Pontius) Pilate? For he was convinced. The
soldiers?TheJewishpeople?Donotwonderhowmoneycorruptedthesoldiers.Ifmoneywas
sotemptingforthedisciple(=Judas),howmuchmorewoulditbeforthem(thesoldiers)?41.
36IfollowedthestandardGreekversionoftheParakletike,whichwasstandardizedinitscurrentversionasearlyasthe8thcentury.For thecompilationof theParakletike,seeJ.M.Neale (1850),AHistoryof theHolyEasternChurch,GeneralIntroduction,partI,2,London,pp.887ff.;C.Paranikas(1871),AnthologiaGraecaCarminorumChristianorum,Leipzig,pp.LVIILXX;J. Pargoire (1905),LgliseByzantine de 527 847, Paris; Tillyard H.J.W., The Hymns of the Ochtoechos,M.M.B.Transcripta,v.III (1940),pp.XVXIVandv.V (1949),pp.XIXX;andE.Wellesz (1971),AHistoryofByzantineMusicandHymnography,Oxford37 Sunday Matins, Sound 1, First kathisma following the first stichologia; Sunday Matins, Sound 1, Fourth sticheronanatolikon of the Lauds; Sunday Matins, Sound 2, Second sticheron of the Lauds. Sunday Matins, Sound 2, Fourthsticheronanatolikonof theLauds;SundayMatins,Sound3,Secondsticheronof theLauds;SaturdayVespers,Sound5,Third sticheron anatolikon; TheApolytikion of Sound 6; Sunday Matins, Sound 6, Second kathisma following the firststichologia;SundayMatins,Sound6,SecondsticheronanatolikonoftheLauds;SundayMatins,Sound8,Fourthsticheronof theLauds; theSynaxarionofEasterSunday;Matinsof theMyrrhBearers,OdeVII,Fourth troparionof theMyrrhBearersinSound2;MatinsoftheMyrrhBearers,OdeVII,FifthtroparionoftheMyrrhBearersinSound2;Matinsofthe
MyrrhBearers,OdeVIII,FourthtroparionoftheMyrrhBearersinSound2.38SundayMatins,Sound5,FirststicheronoftheLauds.39ItisinterestingtorelatethatinmodernGreekthereisstillinuseanexpressionrelatingthecustodysoldierswiththe
silencedknowledgeoftheResurrectionand,inwidercontext,anysilencedknowledge;cf.
(theguardsknow);comparealsowiththeFourthSticheronAnatolikonoftheSound5SundayMatinsLaudsinSound2: . . .
, , . .
, , , ,
. , ; ,
. , , ,
, , .40 Chrysostome maintains that the earthquake during the Crucifixion took place only for the sake of soldiers:John
Chrysostome(1979),HomilyXC,in , ,v.12,Thessaloniki,p.392,verses1117.41 ; ; ; ;
.
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To various degrees the custody soldiers were also negatively treated by other 4th century
ChurchFathers,likeSt.CyrilofJerusalem42,St.AmphilochiosofIkonion43,EusebiosofEmesa44
andApollinariosofLaodikeia45.Last,butnotleast,St.JohnofDamascus,towhomweshould
probablyattributetheauthorshipofthefirstkathismainSound5followingthesecondstichologia
ofSundaysMatinsinSound5,enjoinsthefaithfultohateChristsenemies,aswhoeverdoesnotconfessChristasLordandSonofGodisanantiChrist46.
Isuggestthatinthevisualmemoryandreligiousbeliefsoftheartist,patronand/orthe
viewersoftheCustodyattheSepulchre/Rejoicesceneinquestion,bothLatinknightsandthe
soldiers of the Sepulchres custody, shared a common condemnation to Hell. Pursuing
iconologicalmethodsofinquiry,thissuggestionisreinforcedbytheapproachingofthesoldiers
with the Limbo/Hades represented in the next sceneby their depiction outside the pictorial
, . [John Chrysostome (1979), Homily XC, in ,
,v.12,Thessaloniki,p.398,verses1115].42 , .
,
, , , , .
, ,
. ,
, .
,
, ,
, ,
;
, ,
, ,
,
[Meretakis E. [ed.] (1994), : ()
,v.2,Thessaloniki,p.90,92].43 .
. ; ;
;
[ ] .
. ,
, , ,
, . ,
, , . [Papachristopoulos K.
(1992), ,
,v.71,p.91(134136)].44 K. Bonis (1968), : . . . /. . . . . ,Athens,p.209.45ThelinkbetweenJudasandthesoldiersisalsoevidentinthecommentariesofApolinariosofLaodikeia:
, ,
, [Judas
betrayedJesus for money putting aside all of the miracles that he witnessed, while the soldiers after accepting a
considerablebribe,having announced thearchpriestswhat theysaw, theysilenced inaprofound wayandspread
rumoursofwhathadnothappened].SeeK.G.PapachristopoulosG.P.Kounavi[ed.](1994), ,
firstpart, ,v.72,Athens,p.306(section149).46 . ,
[I. Sakalis (1991), , in
,v.9,Thessaloniki,p.150(section37,verses12)].
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frameoftheirscene47.Indeed,intheadjacentsubjectoftheDescenttoLimbo,Christtramples
down Death48, or captivates Limbo49. In provincial, popular fashion, Death, Limbo or Hades
(Devil), is personified in the form of an unkempt, old, dark and chained man. The Latin
knights/custodysoldiersof theborderingsubjectnotonlyare representedat thesameheight
withDeath/Hell,butalso transcend the red linedividing the two scenes furtherapproachingDeath/Hell. In no other place has the artist repeated this transgression, while in spite of his
provincialtraining,hisdrawingabilitiesleavetomenodoubtthattheproximityofthesoldiers
with Hades and the transcending of the dividing lineby the former to further approach the
latterareutterlyintentionaltointensifythelinkbetweentheLatinknightsandHell.
Thisbeen shown, two more questions remain unanswered. First, since the different
panoplypiecesofoursoldiersbelongtodifferentperiodsoftime,wheredidthelocalartistor
thepatrondrawhismodels?Isuggestthatthepanoplypartsofthescenesknights(datingin
differentperiods)couldbeseenlocally.Beingaplaceofgreatstrategicimportance,Epiroshad
repeatedlybeen used as springboards of Latin expeditions against the East, as during the
ByzantineNorman wars (10811185)50, the First (Raymond of Toulouse and Hugh of
Vermandois,10961099)51
andtheFourthCrusades(BonifaceofMontferrat,12021204)52
.Yet,asAngeliki Laiou relates, The Crusades were a frequent phenomenon of the twelfth and
thirteenthcenturies.Weareaccustomed to taking intoaccountof themajorcrusades,,but
crusadingexpeditionstookplaceoften,andcertainlytheChristiansandMuslimsofthearea
wereawareof the fact53. Itcanbemaintained that theartistor thepatron had seenknights
with their own eyes. Perhaps the painter might even have kept sketches of them or some
knightshadlosttheirlivesinthebattlesoftheregionandtheirpanopliesweretakenasbooty
andusedasmodelsfortheartist.
Second, why must western knights have locally a negative reputation? While the
Normans were considered by the Byzantine elites as little more than barbarians54, their
reputation was furtherblackened in Epiros after they seized andburnt Kanina, Vlor and
Jerichoin108155
andCorfuin108456
. Moreover,theFirstCrusadersunderBohemund(1096)en
47Since thecouplingofMarysat theTombwith theDescent toLimbo is quitecommon inByzantinepaitnings, this
argumentisraisedpreciselybecausethesoldierstranscendthepictorialframeoftheirsceneapproachingtheadjacent
scene.48Check,forexample,theApolytikionofEaster:Christisrisenfromthedead;bydeathtramplingdownDeathandtothoseinthetombsgivinglife.49IcanroughlyciteaTheotokionfollowingSundaysLaudsYouaremostblessed,VirginMotherofGod,forthroughHimwho took flesh fromyouHellhasbeen takencaptive,Adamrecalled, thecurseslain,Eveset free,deathput to
death,andwegivenlife.Thereforeinpraisewecry:Blessedareyou,ChristourGod,whohavebeenthuswellpleased.
Glory to you [Ephrem Archimandrite, Matins for Sundays and Feasts, in accessedin11March,2006].50ForabriefaccountoftheByzantineNormanwars,seeN.Ziangos(1974),pp.3336;E.Hallam[ed.](1989),pp.5255
(whereextractsfromWilliamofApuliasGestaRobertiWiscardi).51DurrsandVlora,twomajorbridgeheadsoftheEastwereusedby theFirstCrusadearmiesasa transitstation to
proceed to the Byzantine capital with a special permission grantedby Emperor Alexius I Comnenus. From western
primarysources,seeFulcherofChartres,HistoriaHierosolymitana,accessibleinEnglishinE.Hallam[ed.](1989),pp.6466.From Byzantine sources,seeAnnaComnena,Alexiad, 10:7, in A.C.Krey (1921),TheFirstCrusade:TheAccountsofEyewitnessesandParticipants,Princeton,pp.7879[digitallyreproduced inMedievalSourcebook,AnnaComnena.TheAlexiad.OntheCrusades,,accessedin07March,2006].52 As Villehardouin relates,by April 1203 most of the Fourth Crusade army had embarked at Corfou, a few miles
opposite the region of Sarand. For Villehardouins account [Geoffrey of Villehardouin (1938), La Conqute deConstantinople,editedbyE.Faral,Paris],seeE.Hallam[ed.](1989),p.213.53A.Laiou(2001), ByzantineTradewithChristiansandMuslimsand theCrusades, inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh
[eds.](2001),p.160.54AnnaComnena,Alexiad,Book10:347citedinHallamE.[ed.](1989),pp.69,72.55W.Miller(1917),Valona,TheJournalofHellenicStudies,v.37,p.185.56
S.Runciman(1999),p.74.
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route from the Epirotic coasts to the east, while endeavouring to refrain from pillage and
disorder57,causedno littledisturbance,asaccountedbySt.TheophylaktosofOchrid58.While
theFirstCrusadersadvanced to theMiddleEast, theywerehideouslydefamed,even though
theirallegedactsofcannibalismwasmoreoftenrumoured thanpractised59.Havingsaid that
theCrusaderexpeditionswerefarmoreoftenthanwecustomarilytakeintoaccount,itisworthmentioningthatthe1120swerepunctuatedbycrusadingexpeditionsundertakenbyPisansand
Genoesebysea,whilein1122aVenetianCrusaderfleetonitswaytoPalestineattackedCorfu
inretaliationfortheattemptofJohnIIKomnenostoreduceVenicescommercialprivileges; it
pillagedByzantinelandsonthewaytoandfromPalestineandextractedtheconfirmationand
expansion of Venetian commercial privileges in the Byzantine Empire60. As for the Fourth
Crusade,WilliamMillerstates thatBonifaceofMontferratmannedhisarmywith the ragtag
andbobtailofWesternEurope,whofought forhimtoreceivefeudsandtitles61.Even though
therearenowrittenaccountsthatIknowofrecordingtheimpressionsleftbytheCrusadersto
the local populations, it is highly likely that the local inhabitants of Sarand region felt no
different thanotherOrthodoxpeople,whose impressionsweredescribed in thebeginningof
thepaper.Itmayalsobeallegedthat,sinceEpiroswasamongtheprincipaltargetterritoriesofimmigrants from Constantinople62, the immigrants must have also shaped or influenced
populardarkandbasememoriesabouttheCrusaders,especiallythoseoftheFourthCrusade.
Lastbutnotleast,theregioninquestionwasformostpartsofthesecondhalfofthe13thcentury
awesterndominion,eitherintheformofadowrygivenbytheDespotofEpiros,asinthecase
ofthemarriageofKingManfredofHohenstaufenwithHelenAngelina(1259)63,orintheform
ofoccupationbyforceofarms,asinthecaseoftheexpeditionofCharlesIAnjouwhotookhold
ofCorfuandthemainlandfortressesin1266andkeptthemuntilhisdeathinJanuary128564.As
impliedby the representation of the soldiers of the Custody in the church of St. George at
Dhivr,theirpresenceintheregionmusthavebeendistastefultothelocals.
Similar conclusions canbe drawn in the case of the subject ofJudas Betrayal in the
church of the Nativity of the Virgin on Maligrad. The church was rebuilt and redecoratedunderthepatronageofCaesarNovakin1368/965.InthesceneofJudassBetrayal,twosoldiers
flankJesus,bothofwhomwearkettlehelmetswithbasinets,alternativelycalledchapeldefer,
57Op.cit.,pp.155156.58PG126,col.324;this wasonlyaccessibletomeinanAlbaniantranslation,cf.K.Bozhori(1978),DokumentetPeriudhsBizantineprHistorineShqipris.Shek.VIIXV,Tiran,extractNr.XV.59A.Maalouf (1984),TheCrusadesThroughArabEyes,trans.ByJ.Rothschild,London,pp.39ff.;M.Billings(1987),TheCrossandtheCrescent,NewYork,p.55.60A.Laiou (2001),ByzantineTradewithChristiansandMuslimsandtheCrusades,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh
[eds.](2001),p.160;cf.J.RileySmith(1986),TheVenetianCrusadeof11221124,inG.AiraldiB.Kedar[eds.](1986),IComuniItalianinelRegnoCrociatodiGerusalemme,Jerusalem,2428May1984,CollanaStoricadiFontieStudi48,Genoa,pp.337350.
61W.Miller (1960), ,12041566,Athens,p.70,citedinN.Ziangos(1974),p.74andnote8.62N.Ziangos(1974),pp.4950,6971.63S.Runciman(1984),p.51.64Op.cit.,pp.136,146(1271),253254(1285).65 For the church of Maligrad, see Th. Popa (1998),Mbishkrime t kishavenShqipri, editedby Nestor Nepravishta Kostandin Gjakumis, Tirana, Inscriptions Nr. 287288 (pp. 149151), 289 (p.151 ), 299 (p. 155), 301 (p.156); Th. Popa
(1961),Piktortmesjetarshqiptar,Tiran,p.27andfig.17inp.19;Dh.Dhamo(1963),KishaeShnMerisnMaligrad,BuletiniUniversitetitShtetrortTirans:seriaeshkencaveshoqerore,v.2,pp.154198;Dh.Dhamo(1965),PikturamuraleekishssShnMerisnMaligrad,AktatKonferencssPartStudimeveAlbanologjike,pp.562566;Dh.Dhamo(1974),p.13abandfig.inpp.2833;Dh.Dhamo(1974),LapeinturemuraleduMoyenAgeenAlbanie,Tiran:8NntoriEd.,pp.4,56and fig.onpp.2833;Dh.Dhamo (1984), Vepradhe tipare tpiktursn Shqiprinshek.VXV (Valeurset
caractristiquesdelapeintureenAlbanieauxVXVesicles),StudimeHistorike,v.1,pp.141158,Frenchsynopsisinpp.158160.
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rather usual as from the beginning of the 14th century66. While both soldiers extend
threateninglytheirswordstowardsJesus,theoneattherightcovershisbackwithatriangular
shieldcurvedtothebodyofthetypecalledthe heater,whichfollowsthecurveofthebody.
Thisshieldtypebecamecommonafter1270s,similarinformtotheoneshowninthebrassof
Sir Robert de Bures, ca. 1331, in the Church of All Saints, Acton, Suffolk67
. It is needless, Ibelieve,toarguewhythesesoldierswouldbeverynegativelyperceivedbythepublic.
While in late Byzantine paintings at Mistra there is a deliberate absence of Latin
influences68,theLatinizationofmilitarycostumesinnarrativescenesisalsoobservedinother
formerLatindominatedregions.InthecontextofmedievalMorea,Gerstelmentionsvaguely
that some evidence hasbeen found in the details of narrative scenes, from the occasional
embossing of haloes to unusual representations of soldiers at the Arrest and Crucifixion of
Christ69.EventhoughGerstelidentifiesaFrankishcoatofarmsthatmarkstheshieldofoneof
the custody soldiers in the scene of the Marys at the Tomb of the church of St. John
Chrysostome,Geraki,ca.1300,therebyassociatingRomansoldierswithLatins70,yet,shedidnt
itwiththethesisIhaveherebyattemptedtouphold.Lymberopoulouhasidentifiedanumber
ofsimilarcasesin14th
centuryCrete;therepresentationofsoldiersinwesternarmourinscenesliketheMarysattheTomb,theBetrayal,theCarryingoftheCross,orthemartyrdomofsaints
wasconsideredbyherasahostileandantiwesterncomments71.
Several postByzantinechurches and catholica in Epirosprovide substantialevidence
thatsuchhostile,antiwesternvisualstatementsconsciouslypersistsuptothefirsthalfofthe
17thcentury,afterwhichthephenomenongraduallyfadesoutinmechanicalrepetitionofearlier
postByzantinemodels.
Themostimpressivecases,however,canbeviewedintheearlypostByzantinemural
paintingsoftheLiteofPhilanthropenonMonasteryscatholiconontheIsleofIoannina(paintedin 1560), subject already discussed by the late Miltos Garidis72. There, a great number of
torturers, represented in different scenes of martyrdoms,bear the form of western knights73.
66D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.73andfigureonthesamepagedepictingaknightwearingakettlehat,detailfroma
14thcenturyilluminatedaddressfromthetownofPratotoRobertofAnjou.67D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.83andfigonp.84.68D.Mouriki(1987),PalaeologanMistraandtheWest,inByzantiumandEurope:FirstInternationalByzantineConference,Delphi,2024July,1985,Athens, p. 239. I did not manage to consultA.Grabar (1984), Lasymtrie des relations deByzanceetlOccidentdansledomainedesartsaumoyenge,inI.Hutter[ed.](1984),ByzanzundderWesten:StudienzurKunstdeseuropischenMittelaltres,Vienna,pp.924;cf.S.E.J.Gerstel(2001),ArtandIdentityintheMedievalMorea,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),p.264andnote7.69S.E.J.Gerstel(2001),ArtandIdentityintheMedievalMorea,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.264
265andnote6onp.264.70Op.cit.,pp.278279andfig.15.71 Such Latinized soldiers appear in at least the following churches: 1) Archangel Michael at Kavalariana Selinou,
1327/28,scenesoftheBetrayal,CarryingoftheCrossandMarysattheTomb;2)HagiosNikolaosatMazaApokoronou,
1325/26,sceneoftheMarysattheTomb;3)andHagiosGeorgiosatAnydroiSelinou,1323,sceneofSaintGeorgebeforeoftheGovernor.Forthesescenes,seeA.Lymberopoulou(2002),TheChurchoftheArchangelMichaelatKavalariana:Artand Society on FourteenthCentury VenetianDominated Crete, doctoral thesis submitted at the Centre for Byzantine,OttomanandModernGreekStudies,UniversityofBimirngham,Birmingham,passim.Iamindebtedtotheauthorforbringing these monuments into my attention. I did not manage to consider M. VassilakisMavrakakis (982) Western
Influenceson theFourteenthCenturyArtofCrete,Jahrbuchdersterreichischen Byzantinistik,v.32/5 [XVI. InternationalerByzantinistenkongress (Wien, 4.9. Oktober 1981), 2, 5], pp. 301311; and S. PapadakiOekland (1992), 14 . o ;,inKypraiou[ed.](1992),.
,v.2,Athens,pp.491516.72M.Garidis(1999),
. ()
, 1560,in M. Garidis A. Paliouras [eds.] (1999), . 700 12921992,Ioannina,pp.6575.73AmongtheseveralexamplesthatcanbementionedhereIchooseonly:1)ThemartyrdomofSt.Tarachos[M.Garidis
A. Paliouras[eds.] (1993), p. 95, fig. 144], whose torturers helmet is comparable to 14th century examples [e.g. the
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Exceptionallyinteresting isthemartyrdomofSt.Vincent,representedonthesouthernwallof
theLite; the saints executioner is engaged into chivalric dancing figurebefore he effects thefinalattackthefatalattackagainstthesaint74.InthemartyrdomofSt.Babylasandhisdisciples,
afigure,identifiedbyGaridisasaSpanishmerchant,standsbeforetheruler75.Verysimilarto
an equestrian harness of Otto Heinrich, Count Palatine of the Rhine, dating 1530s and otherGermanarmoursdatingfromthefirstquarterofthe16thcenturyarethemountedknightwho
tortures St. Amphilochios, Bishop of Ikonion,by dragging himbehind his galloping horse76.
Similarmodelshave,undoubtedly,beenutilizedtorepresenttheexecutionersofSt.Stephenthe
Younger,theConfessor77.PatronizedbytherenownedfamilyofPhilantropenoi,whomigrated
from Constantinople due to its growing proLatin support, the Monastery of St. Nikolaos of
Philanthropenon virtually provides the most palpable examples of antiwestern pictorial
statements.
Similar, yet far less impressive examples can also be found in other 16th century
monumentsoftheregion.ThesceneoftheBetrayalofJesusinthechurchofSt.Athanasiosat
Goranxhi,Dropull(Gjirokastrregion)datesin1524andimitatespanopliesofthe12thand13th
centuries78
.InthecatholiconofNtiliouMonastery,ontheIsleofIoannina(1542/3),thescenesofChristsDerision,theRoutetoGolgotha,theCarryingoftheCross,theAscenttotheCrossand
theMarysattheTombcontainsoldiersdepictedinawestern14thand15thcenturyfashion79;yet,
westerninfluencesinthearmouryofseveralmilitarysaints indicatestrendsthatmayshadow
thestrengthoftheherebypresentedthesis80.However,thepersistenceofsuchexamplespoint
tothecontrary.CasesindicatingtheLatinizationofsoldierscanalsobefoundinthethird16th
century monastery on the Isle of Ioannina, the Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of the 165th
century), in therepresentationsofChristsDerision,PilateandHisSuite, theCarryingofand
AscenttotheCross81.Fromother16thcenturymonumentsintheregionsofEpiroswecancite
thechurchoftheTransfigurationatVeltsista(1568)82,thatofSt.NikolaosatKrapsi(1563)83,the
narthexofBarlaamMonastery,Meteora(1566)84,thechurchofSt.DemetriosatVeltsista(1558
representationofSirGeoffreyLuttrellfromtheLuttrellPsalter,ca.1340,D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock (1988),p.67;cf.the
openatthefrontandloweringatthesidesItaliansalletca.1480,op.cit.,p.121,figureabove,ortheKnightsTilting,fromthe Ordinance of Chivalry, 15th century English illuminated manuscriptby St.John Astley, op. cit., p. 159]. 2) ThemartyrdomofSt.Epicharis[M.GaridisA.Paliouras[eds.](1993),p.113,fig.170,172],whosetorturersovercoatand
helmetiscomparableto16thcenturywesternharnesses[e.g.theequestrianharnessofOttoHeinrich,CountPalatineof
theRhine,ca.153.0s,D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.175].3)ThebeheadingofSt.JohntheBaptist[M.GaridisA.
Paliouras [eds.] (1993), p. 174, fig. 291], whose executioners helmet and overcoat is comparable to 14th century
examples.74M.GaridisA.Paliouras[eds.](1993),pp.9697,fig.145146.Forsimilarfigures,seetheexecutionerofSt.Marcianus,
op.cit.,p.103,fig.161.75Op.cit.,pp.7879,fig.112,116.76Op.cit.,pp.105,107,fig.160,162incomparisonwithD.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.142(up),143(up),and175.77M.GaridisA.Paliouras[eds.](1993),pp.114115,fig.174,176incomparisonwithD.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),
pp.142(up),143(up),and175.78Thechurchinquestioninunpublished.Forthecomparison,seeD.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.79T.LivaXanthaki(1993),figs.385,387and293onpp.231,232and238respectively;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),
pp.84ff.].80Op.cit.,figs.391and408onpp.235and244.81B.Papadopoulou(1993),figs.455459onpp.277279;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.82 See the scenes of the Massacre of the Innocent, the Betrayal, ChristsJudgementby Annas,Caiaphas and Pontius
Pilate, theDerisionand theCarryingof theCross, theAscent to theCrossand theCrucifixion,JosephofArimatheia
beforePilateandtheMarysattheTomb[seeA.StavropoulouMakri(1989),figs.14b,19b,20,21ab,2224,26and2829
(details),31aand33b;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].83MartyrdomofSt.Demetrios[A.StavropoulouMakri(1989),pp.137153,fig.54a;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),
pp.84ff.].84Martyrdomsofsaints.[A.StavropoulouMakri(1989),pp.157167,figs.56a,57;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.
84ff.].
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THE PERCEPTION OF THE CRUSADER IN ECCLESIASTICAL PAINTING IN EPIROS
443
1568)85,thenarthexofDryanoMonasteryscatholicon(lastquarterofthe16thcentury)86andthe
churchofSt.NikolaosatDhuvjan,Dropull(endofthe16thcentury)87.
The17thcenturyalsoofferssomegoodexamples,whilethephenomenonclearlyfades
out inunsophisticated imitations towards the18thcentury.Onecancite theMartyrdomofSt.
TheodoreStratelatesinthechurchoftheDormitionoftheVirginatzervat,Dropull(1603)88
,theMassacreofthe Innocents inthecatholiconofRaveniaMonastery,Dropull(secondquarterof
the 17th century)89 and the Carrying of the Cross in the naos of the catholicon of the
Transfiguration Monastery at Mingul, Gjirokastr (1666)90. From distant memories of the
phenomenon in the18thcenturywecouldcite themartyrdomsofsaints in the thirdzonesof
frescoes, western wall of the church of St. George at Libofsh, Fier (1782), which seemingly
reproduce17thcenturymodels.
Inhisauthoritative MemoryandProofofAge inEngland (12721327),JohnBedell91
statesthathistory,whenitisnotinvention,ismemorywrittendown.Althoughtheenormous
attention paid to memoryby philosophers, psychologists and neurologists has led to little
certainty,wedoknow thatmemory isacomplexprocess,nota recordingdevice,and that it
involvesmanypartsofthebrainandaspectsoftheself.Weconstructourmemories,choosingconsciously or unconsciously to emphasize some experiences and impressions and disregard
others,and,overtime,wereshapethem,reorderingourpaststomeetthechangingneedsofthe
present.Ourmemoriesareshapedbyourinteractionswithothers,especiallybyconversations
wehavehadaboutsharedexperiences.Weeachhaveourownhistories,whichwehavemade
as muchby thought asby need. With this in mind, in this paper, taking into consideration
representations of Crusaders in ecclesiastical paintings of late Byzantine and early post
Byzantine churches and catholica, I attempted to interpret expressions of collective base
memoriesoftheCrusadesinperipheralregions,asEpiros,Creteand,possibly,Morea.Further
research inothercontemporarymonumentsof former Latinoccupied territoriescouldcheck
the theory that such antiwestern attitudes reflectgeneral feelings, rather than isolated cases,
especially in former westerndominated Orthodox provinces. Last but not least, the paperintroducesanempiricalmethodologyinwhichahistoriancanunveilcollectivememoriesofthe
pastattheabsenceoftextualsourcesbylookingatandinterpretingartworks.
85TheJudgementbyAnnasandCaiaphas [A.StavropoulouMakri(1989),pp.153157, figs.60and61a;cf.D.Edge
J.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].86 Martyrdoms of Sts. Demetrios and George; cf. D. Edge J.M. Paddock (1988), pp. 84 ff. The frescoes of the this
monumentdateinthelastquarterofthe16thcentury,withsubstantialoverpaintingfromthe17thandthe19thcentury
[G.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,pp.7981andfigs.160162;G.Giakoumis(1994), ,Athens,pp.2833andfigs.2943].87SeethesoldiernexttoLonginusinthesceneoftheCrucifixion[seeG.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994),
,Ioannina,p.150,fig.300;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].88G.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,pp.5355and56andfig.105
onp.56;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].89G.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,p.144,fig.287;cf.D.Edge
J.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.Forthemonastery,seeG.Giakoumis(1995), ,Athens
wherecitationstotherelevantliterature.90Forthemonastery,seeG.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,pp.
114117;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.91J.Bedell(1999),MemoryandProofofAgeinEngland12721327,PastandPresent,v.162,pp.327(p.4);cf.G. Duby(1980),MemorieswithNoHistorian,trans.byJ.WickeandD.Moschenberg,YaleFrenchStudies,v.59(RethinkingHistory:Time,MythandWriting),pp.716.
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