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NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV

THE DEAD WITH GOLDEN FACES: DASARETIAN,PELAGONIAN, MYGDONIAN AND BOEOTIAN FUNERALMASKS

Summary. Eleven gold and one gilded silver funeral masks have been

discovered in the southern parts of the Central Balkans. They can be dated in

the last decades of the 6th–early 5th centuries BC and belonged to the dead

nobles of the tribal aristocracy of Dasaretioi, Pelagones and Mygdones.

Another gold funeral mask was accidentally discovered in Boeotia and it

could be dated to the Archaic period. Although these masks are reminiscent of

earlier Mycenaean ones, and although there are several Etruscan and Celtic

bronze masks of the 7th century BC, the origin of the Balkan funeral ritual is

still obscure. The covering of the faces of the dead aristocrats with gold masks

could be connected with their heroization and even deification, and strong

belief in the afterlife and rebirth.

In 1876, during the famous excavations in

Mycenae, Heinrich Schliemann discovered

gold funeral masks of the 16th century BC in

Grave circle A (on the masks see

Kehnscherper 1986, 92–93, 95 with

bibliography; Papahatzis 1978, 75, Fig. 52).

The spectacular finds immediately produced

a sensation and raised numerous questionsabout their origin, purpose, and the

identification of the dead nobles (cf. a recentdiscussion in Rieth 1973). From the second

decade of the 20th century onwards, many

gold masks of the mid-1st millenium BC

have been found in burials located in the

southern parts of the Central Balkans, but

they have never become as world-famous asthe Mycenaean ones. Although having many

common elements, the Central Balkan

funeral masks have some local characteristics

and could be clearly divided in several

regional groups.

The first group includes four masks of gold

sheet, found in extremely rich aristocratic

male rectangular pit-graves, filled with

rubble and earth. The funeral rite was

inhumation. The rest of the burial offerings

include gold, silver and bronze jewellery andvessels, weapons, etc. The graves belong to a

flat necropolis, excavated near the village of Trebenishte to the north of Lake Ochrid

(ancient Lychnitis). All the masks were made

by local goldsmiths especially for the burials,

and can be clearly dated by associated finds

to the last decades of the 6th or the beginning

of the 5th century BC. The masks seem to besomewhat realistic, and it is even possible to

seek individual portrait features in the faces.

The noses were separately attached to the

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 17(3) 1998

Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1998, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UKand 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 345



main parts of the masks. The well preserved

masks (Nos. 1–3) have little holes in theangles, obviously used for tying to the heads.

The masks were found on the faces of the

buried noblemen, or close to the heads,together with bronze helmets.

Mask No. 1 (Figure 1) measures 22 2

20 cm (Filow 1927, 4, 9–10, 13) and was

found in grave No. 1. The mask is irregular in

shape, resembling a human face. There arebands with geometric decoration on its

periphery. Very interesting is an image of a

bee, represented on the forehead above the

nose.

Mask No. 2 (Figure 2) measures 18.5 2

17.5 cm (Vulic 1933; Popovic, L. 1975, 100).

It was discovered in grave No. 9. The shape

and decoration are similar to No. 1. Mask No. 3 (Figure 3) measures 16.5 2

20.5 cm (Vulic 1932; Popovic, L. 1975, 100).

It was found in grave No. 8. Decorative band

surrounds the oval periphery.

Mask No. 4 (Figure 4) is partly preserved.

It measures 13 2 13.2 cm (Filow 1927, 8, 12–

13). The mask was discovered in grave No. 5.

Its shape and decoration seem to be close to

No. 3.Figure 1

Mask No. 1 from grave No. 1 at Trebenishte.

Figure 2


Figure 3


DASARETIAN, PELAGONIAN, MYGDONIAN AND BOEOTIAN FUNERAL MASKS

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

346 Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1998



Archaeological situation in the region of Trebenishte is relatively clear (Vasich 1987a

with bibliography). Both necropoleis (flat

cemeteries and low tumuli) and settlements

have been excavated. The imported Greek

black-figure vases and de luxe bronze vessels

from the graves at Trebenishte clearly show

that strong trade and cultural contacts betweenthe local tribes and the Greek colonies along

the Adriatic and Aegean coasts already took

place in the second half of the 6th century BC,

because of the optimal geographic location

close to the later Via Egnatia (Filow 1927,

passim; Popovic, V. 1964; Vasich 1987a;

Konova 1995 with op. cit.). The ethnonymicsituation in the region of Lychnitis lake during

the 6th–5th centuries BC is most important

when trying to identify the local tribes, but it isvery obscure, as there are not particular

historical informations by Greek and Roman

authors on this period, and all the writtenevidence concern later events. It is known that

the Macedonian king Philip II conquered the

Illyrians close to Lychnitis in 358 BC

(Diodorus XVI 4, 3 et 8, 1, ed. Vogel). The

name of the local tribe Dasaretioi appeared

relatively late — around 200 BC (Livy XXXI

33, ed. Mueller; Polybius V 108, 2 et 8, ed.

Paton, mentioned Dassaretis area; cf. Petrova1996), being mentioned also in connection

with later historical events (Strabo VII 5, 12,

ed. Meineke). Their geographical location isspecified most clearly by Ptolemy

(Geography III 12, 29, ed. Muller): in the

region of settlements Lychnidos and Euia

close to Lychnitis lake. Dasaretioi can be

determined as an Illyrian tribe (Russu 1969,200 et passim; cf. discussion on their ethnicity

in Garashanin 1988, 139–140 with biblio-

graphy), although according to a recent study

they had been a ‘separate’(?) Illyrized tribe

(Petrova 1996), which is a very controversialconclusion in the context of the clear his-

torical sources about their Illyrian ethnicity.Actually, all the numerous northern Balkan

tribes could be seen as ‘separate’ communities

when their political history and cultural

features are outlined, but in fact they belonged

to one of the main ethnic groups: Illyrians and

Thracians (though of course some of thembore mixed Illyro-Thracian elements.)

As to the earlier ethnonymic situation in theregion of Trebenishte, it can be supposed that

Dasaretioi lived there still in the 6th–5th

centuries BC. On the other hand however, it

seems that the enigmatic tribe of Enchelees

could be localized in that region of Illyria(Petrova 1996) following Herodotus (V 61 et

IX 43, ed. Hude), who mentioned them

separately from the Illyrians and explained

that the expatriate successors of Kadmos had

departed Thebes for the Enchelean lands, butwithout specifying their exact location. It isclear that the tribal name Enchelees originated

from the Greek ‘eel’ (Russu 1969,

208 et passim on their Illyrian ethnicity) and

in this unusual way the ancient authors had

named part of the local Illyrians. So, it is

possible to suppose that the Illyrian tribes,

possibly located near Lychnitis, called ‘Eeels’

by the Greeks (maybe because of similar fish

Figure 4


NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV


Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1998 347



in the lake?; cf. Polybius V 108, 8, ed. Paton,

who mentioned the settlement Enchelaneclose to Lychnitis), could be identical to the

later Dasaretioi, which name had still not been

familiar to the ancient writers of 6th–5thcenturies BC. In the later sources however,

Enchelees and Dasaretioi were described as

different Illyrian tribes (Pomponius Mela, De

chor . II 55–56, ed. Frick), but being closely

connected in the mythological tradition of the2nd century AD, concerning Illyria

(Appianus, Illyr. 1–7, eds. Viereck-Roos-

Mendelssohn). Simultaneously, Strabo (VII

7, 8, ed. Meineke) wrote that in the ancient

times Enchelees had been ruled by kings whowere successors of Kadmos and Harmonia,

and were localized close to Damastion, being

known by another name as Sesarethioi. Therare tribal name Sesarethioi obviously is very

close to Dasaretioi, and could even be its

corrupted form, although Stephanus

Byzantinus (s.v. Sesarethos, ed. Meineke)

mentioned that after Hecataeus the polis

Sesarethos had been located in the lands of

Taulantioi, another Illyrian tribe to thesouthwest of Dasaretioi (Russu 1969, 247 et

passim on Taulantioi). So, taking in mind this

very complicated ethnonymic picture, once

again I could suppose that Dasaretioi

inhabited the region of Lychnitis still in the

6th–5th centuries BC, probably known to the

Greeks like Enchelees and certainly beingconnected with them, as the Illyrian name of

Enchelees had been Sesarethioi.

In the second place, a single gold mask,accidentally discovered in a funeral construc-

tion of stones (maybe a cist grave or low

tumulus piled of stones?) in Petilep locality

close to the village of Beranats, should be

considered. The grave finds are quite rich

again, including gold and silver jewellery, and

imported Greek bronze and ceramic vessels.

The burial could be dated to the end of the 6th

to the beginning of the 5th centuries BC. The

funeral rite was cremation, but the sex of the

deceased is unknown. It was supposed to be

female, because of the absence of weapons,

which obviously is not well grounded (cf.

Theodossiev 1995; Fol, V. 1993, 120). Mask No. 5 (Figure 5) is very fragmentary

and only partly preserved (Mikulchik 1964–

1965). Its decoration is quite rich, including

bands with geometric ornaments, rosettes,

etc., while the shape seems to be similar toNos. 1 and 2.

Some discoveries in the region of Beranats

give a clear archaeological picture (Vasich

1987b with op. cit.). Settlements, flat graves

and tumuli have been excavated there, andimported materials have been found,

testifying to the links with the Greek

colonies. The village of Beranats is locatedin the upper river valley of Cherna Reka

(ancient Erigon). The ethnonymic situation in

the region became relatively clear to the

Greeks very early: Homer (Il. XXI 139–187,

ed. Bude) already described the mythical

eponym of the local tribe — Pelegon, king of

Paeonia and offspring of Axios and Periboia,the nymph of Erigon. In the second half of

the 360s BC the Pelagonian king Menelaus

received Athenian proxenia and became

Figure 5

Mask No. 5 from Beranats.






euergetes of Athens (Petrova 1996). Later, in

the context of Homeric epic, Strabo (VII frg.38, ed. Meineke) testified that Paeones had

been called Pelagones, which identification is

confirmed also by Pliny ( Nat. hist . IV 10, 33–35, ed. Mayhoff), who mentioned Pelagonia

and Pelagones like a Paeonian tribe. After

Strabo (VII 7, 8–9 et frg. 20, ed. Meineke)

again, Pelagonia and Pelagones were located

in the river valley of Erigon, before itsflowing in Axios (present-day Vardar). In the

Roman period two main settlements were

known in the lands of Pelagones: Audaristos

and Stoboi (Cl. Ptolemy, Geography III 12,

31, ed. Muller).Actually, Pelagones and Pelagonia became

familiar to the Roman authors earlier, being

mentioned in connection with the Romanmilitary expansion in that part of the Balkans

from the end of the 3rd century BC onwards

(Livy XXVI 25; XXXI 33–34 and 39; XLV

30, ed. Mueller; Polybius V 108, 1, ed. Paton;

Diodorus XXXI 8, 8, ed. Vogel). Following

all these evidence, Pelagones can be clearly

localized in the river valley of Cherna Reka tothe west of Vardar, and between the towns of

Prilep and Bitolja, being strongly related to

the Paeonian tribes (Fol & Spiridonov 1983,

50–51, 87, 89, 105). To the south, Pelagonian

lands bordered on the Macedonian tribe of

Lynkestai. Pelagonian onomastics show both

Thracian and Illyrian features, similarly to theneighbouring Paeones (Russu 1969, 35–36).

The tribal name of Paeones has been

identified as a Thracian linguistic relict, andthese people were considered to be Thraco-

Illyrian (Detschew 1976, 351–353 with

bibliography and the ancient sources). Onthe other hand, similar to Enchelees, the

ethnonym

o

is a Greek word again,

meaning ‘born from clay’ (cf. also

o ). So, it could be supposed that

in this unusual way the ancient Greeks had

designated specific religious ideas concerning

the divine mythological origin of the tribe, i.e.

Pelagones had been considered to be‘offspring of the Goddess Earth’ (on these

notions cf. Fol, A. 1990a, passim; Popov

1995, passim; Theodossiev 1994; 1994–1995;1995; 1997).

It is very interesting however, that during

the Late Hellenistic and Roman periods,

several other tribes were attested and can be

localized in the upper river valley of Erigon,in the lands around Beranats: Geneatae,

Dostoneis, Derriopes (Deuriopes) and

possibly Derrioi (Deuri, Deurisci), the last

three bearing Paeonian (non-Greek) tribal

names (Russu 1969, 30, 94, 101, 205, 207,211 with bibliography; Strabo VII 7, 8–9, ed.

Meineke, who described Deuriopes separatelyfrom Pelagones; Pliny, Nat. hist . III 143, ed.

Mayhoff; Ptolemy, Geography II 16, 5, ed.

Muller). Moreover, the ethnonyms Derrioi

and Derriopes are linguisticly related to

Derraioi (Dersaioi), a Thracian tribe located

in the lower river valley of Strymon (onDersaioi see Detschew 1976, 120; Fol &

Spiridonov 1983, 31, 78; the main sources:Herodotus VII 110, ed. Hude; Thucydides II

101, 3, ed. Smith; Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v.

Derraioi, ed. Meineke). So, maybe one of the

ethnonyms mentioned above was the real

local name of the tribe at Beranats still in the6th–early 5th centuries BC, known as

Pelagones to the Greeks of that time. Most

probably, this tribe should be Deuriopes

described by Strabo (VII 7, 8–9, ed. Meineke)

like inhabitants of the upper Erigon valley forthe period before the 1st century BC.Deuriopes had been ruled by autochthonous

kings, while three settlements were known in

their land: Alalkomenai, Bryanion, and

Styberra. Simultaneously, in the time of

Strabo, Deuriopes and Pelagones were known

as different Paeonian tribes, although their

lands were considered to be part of Pelagonia(e.g. Livy XXXI 39, ed. Mueller).

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





The next group of funeral masks has been

discovered in the region of Thessaloniki. Fivemasks (four gold and one gilded silver) were

found to the west of river Gallikos (ancient

Echeidoros) in the flat necropolis at thevillage of Sindos. All the 121 rectangular

pits, or rarely cist graves and sarcophagi, in

the cemetery are with inhumation burials and

the funeral gifts are extremely rich (gold,

silver and bronze jewellery and vessels,weapons, etc.). Numerous Attic, Corinthian

and Ionian black-figure vases were rested in

the graves also, and they allow chronology of

the burials to be specified. Two other gold

masks were accidentally discovered inChalkidiki peninsula, one of them found

together with some remarkable objects. The

both burials most probably were inhumations.All the masks are without any decoration

(with the exception of No. 12), but have quite

different shapes. They were placed on the

faces of the dead nobles, sometimes together

with bronze helmets. The masks obviously

had been made especially for the funeral rites.


22.2 cm ( ı 1985, 196). It was found in

grave No. 67 of c. 510 BC at Sindos,

determined to be female because of the rich

jewellery and absence of weapons among the

finds. This suggestion should not be regarded

as confirmed, since the skeleton itself was

not sexed. It is well known that gold andsilver ornaments (earrings, bracelets,

necklaces, etc.) were worn also by noblemen

among many ancient people (Theodossiev1995). Mask No. 6 is with circular shape and

strongly reminiscent of earlier Mycenaean

ones. The nose was separately attached.Some individual features of the dead person

even could be seen.


13 cm ( ı 1985, 174). It was discovered

in grave No. 56 of c. 510 BC at Sindos,

considered to be female(?) again. The mask

Figure 6

Mask No. 6 from grave No. 67 at Sindos.

Figure 7







is biconic in shape and the nose was

separately attached. Some portrait featuresare visible.


20cm ( ı 1985, 80). It was found infemale(?) grave No. 20 of 510–500 BC at

Sindos. The masks is with irregular triangular

shape, the nose being separately attached. Mask No. 9 (Figure 9) measures 16 2

12.5 cm ( ı 1985, 148). It was

discovered in male grave No. 115 of c. 520

BC at Sindos. The mask is with irregular oval

shape. The nose was attached from the inner

side. Individual features of the dead person

are visible. The mask was placed on the faceof the nobleman together with a bronze

helmet on his head. Mask No. 10 is quite fragmentary ( ı

1985, 276). It was found in male grave No.

62 of c. 520 BC at Sindos. The mask was

made of gilded silver sheet, while only the

nose, separately attached, is of gold. It was

placed together with a bronze helmet.


13.5 cm (Amandry 1953, 49–50, No. 110;Collection H. Stathatos 1951). It is with

rectangular shape, the nose being separately

attached. The mask was accidentallyuncovered in Chalkidiki, obviously in an

inhumation grave. It was found together with

a bronze helmet, and had been placed on thehead of the dead nobleman in a way similar

to Nos. 9 and 10. The mask can be dated in

the last two decades of the 6th century BC. Mask No. 12 (Figure 11) measures 17.5 2

14.8 cm (Buitron 1979; Hassel 1967 on the

grave finds). It is with irregular oval shape.

The nose and a band with geometric

ornaments on the forehead were separately

attached. The mask originated from anFigure 8


Figure 9Mask No. 9 from grave No. 115 at Sindos.

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





inhumation grave in Chalkidiki, accidentally

excavated. Some other precious finds are

known from that aristocratic burial, which

allow the mask to be dated in the last quarter

of the 6th century BC. Similarly to the

previous ones, it was discovered together

with bronze helmet.In the recent decades numerous

archaeological excavations have been

conducted in the region of Thessaloniki.Many settlements and flat graves of the

6th–5th centuries BC are investigated there

(Vokotopoulou & Koukouli-Chrysanthaki1988; Koukouli-Chryssanthaki &

Vokotopoulou 1993). Archaeological data

clearly show the strong trade and cultural

contacts of the local people with the nearby

Greek colonies along the northern Aegean

coast and with some other centers in the

mainland Greece, Ionia and Aegean islands.

Very interesting are the investigations of the

settlement on Dipli Trapeza near Sindos.

Local pottery (including imitations of

Geometric vases) has been found there,together with imported Greek vases of the

Geometric, Archaic and Classical periods

(Tiverios 1990; 1991–1992). The most

important flat cemeteries in the region havebeen excavated at Sindos of c. 560–450 BC

(Despoini 1993) and at Aghia Paraskevi of c.

570–500 BC (Sismanidis 1993) on the borderbetween Anthemous and Mygdonia, where c.

500 inhumation cist graves, monolithic

sarcophagi and rectangular pits have been

discovered.

The ethnicity of the dead buried in the

cemeteries at Sindos and Aghia Paraskevi is

Figure 10

Mask No. 11 from Chalkidiki. Figure 11

Mask No. 12 from Chalkidiki.






still very debatable, mainly because of the

numerous imported objects, testifying to thestrong contacts with the Greek world, and the

later conquest of these territories by the

Macedonian kingdom in the mid 5th centuryBC. Of course, the Greek presence in the

region after the colonization from the 8th

century BC onwards is well attested and

absolutely undoubted (on the earliest Greek

colonies see Boardman 1980, 229–232). It isvery uncertain however, to attribute the flat

necropoleis mentioned above to the

Macedonians, simply because similar

jewellery is known in the lands of Macedonia

during the 6th–5th centuries BC, or becausesimilar pit and cist graves have been

excavated there (e.g. at Vergina, Aiani and

Kozani). The same gold and silver jewellery,and imported bronze and black-figure Greek

vessels, have been found in Pelagonia (e.g.

the grave at Beranats) and Illyria (e.g. the

necropoleis at Trebenishte and Radolishte) as

well (cf. Filow 1927, passim; Vulic 1932;

1933; Mikulchik 1964–1965; Vasich 1987a;

1987b). Simultaneously, similar flat pit andcist cemeteries of the 8th–5th centuries BC

are known in Illyria (Vasich 1987a with op.

cit.), Paeonia and Pelagonia (Vasich 1987b

with op. cit.; Mikulchik 1964–1965;

Mitrevski 1991, passim), and Southwestern

Thrace (Gergova 1989; Aljakova 1980).

On the other hand however, there are enough

ancient historical sources, well revealing the

ethnic and political situation in the region of

present-day Sindos and Chalkidiki during the6th–5th centuries BC, when the Greeks

obviously knew this territories very well. The

probable eponym of the local tribe — the

Paeonian aristocrat Mydon (corrupted form of

Mygdon?), killed by Achilleus during the

Troian war, was mentioned still in the Homeric

epic ( Iliad XXI 209–211, ed. Bude), asdistinguished from Mygdon (III 185–187, ed.

Bude), the eponym of the Anatolian Mygdones

(the literary evidence on this tribe in Detschew

1976, 321–324). Later, Herodotus described in

details the campaign of Xerxes against Greecein 480 BC. According to this ancient historian,

the Persian navy had entered into Thermaicgulf and had navigated alongside Mygdonia,

securing the settlements Therme, Sindos and

Chalestre, while to the west the river Axios had

divided Mygdonia from Bottiaiida (Herodotus

VII 123, 3, ed. Hude; it is very interesting thatHecataeus (Period. ges frg. 147, ed. Jacoby)

mentioned a Thracian tribe called Sindonaioi

with unclear location, who possibly could be

the inhabitants of Sindos, and described

Therme as a town of Greeks and Thracians,and Chalestre — of Thracians (Period. ges frg.

146, ed. Jacoby). Another river — Echeidoros,

had flowed across Mygdonia, coming from thelands of the Thracian tribe Krestonaioi

(Herodotus VII 124, ed. Hude; the sources on

Krestonaioi in Detschew 1976, 266–267). The

enormous army of Xerxes had camped in

Mygdonia and Bottiaiida, the last being

delimited to the west from Macedonia by the

rivers Haliakmon and Lydios (Herodotus VII127, 1, ed. Hude). During these eventsBottiaiida became or already had been under

Macedonian control, after Diodorus (VII frg.

16, ed. Vogel), Herodotus (VIII 127, ed. Hude)

and Thucydides (II 99, 3, ed. Smith), the last

two historians testifying that Bottiaioi had

inhabited the region of Olynthos in Chalkidiki,

being turned out from their homeland by

Temenidai. Actually, Thucydides (II 99, ed.

Smith) gave a full description of theMacedonian expansion in the lands of the

other tribes (Paeonians, Thracians, etc.; cf.

recently collected written evidence on the early

Macedonian expansion in Thrace: Poulaki-

Pandermali 1997). The same author noted, that

the Argead kings, predecessors of Perdikkas II

(c. 452–413 BC), had drived out the Thraciantribe of Edones from Mygdonia, between the

rivers of Axios and Strymon (Thucydides II 99,

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





4, ed. Smith). These events took place in the

second quarter of the 5th century BC during

the reign of Alexander I (c. 495–c. 452 BC), as

Herodotus (VII 123, 3; 124; 127, 1, ed. Hude)

clearly described Mygdonia like a separateterritory from Macedonia during the campaign

of Xerxes in 480 BC, and did not mention it

like a Macedonian possession. So, it is clear

that in the times before the Macedonian

conquest of Mygdonia, i.e. in the period when

the cemeteries at Sindos and Aghia Paraskevi

had functioned, the local Mygdones were joined to the Edonian kingdom (the sources

on Edones in Detschew 1976, 105, 197–199,

and especially both the numismatic andhistorical evidence on their kings Getas and

Pittakos; on the mythical Edonian king

Lykourgos see Griffith 1983 with all theevidence). Moreover, there is a later evidence

by Strabo (VII frg. 11, ed. Meineke), who

specified that part of Edones had been called

Mygdones, which clearly testifies to their

ethnic relationship. The ancient geographer

even identified the Anatolian Mygdones (in

Eastern Bithynia and around Kyzikos) as aThracian tribe, who had emigrated fromEurope (Strabo VII 3, 2; and XII 3, 22; 4, 4;

8, 10–11, ed. Meineke), which however seems

to be a historical speculation, seeking to

explain the presence of identical tribal names

in the Balkans and Anatolia. Actually, the late

lexicographer Stephanus Byzantinus (s.v.

Edonoi, ed. Meineke) wrote that Edonos had

been a brother of Mygdonos, which

information could be interpreted as anotherconfirmation to the ethnic relations between

the two tribes.

After Thucydides (I58, 2, ed. Smith), in the

beginning of the Peloponnesian war the

Macedonian king Perdikkas gave lands to the

Chalkideans from his landowning around the

lake Bolbe (present-day Volvi) in Mygdonia.In the ancient historiography on the 5th–early

4th centuries BC events, this territory of

Chalkidiki was described as part of Thrace

(Thucydides I59, 1; II 95, ed. Smith,

describing Chalkidiki in Thrace; Xenophon, Hell. V 2, 11–13, ed. Marchant, for Olynthos,

Apollonia and Akanthos entering the Thracianarea in 380 BC; Strabo VII frg. 11, ed.

Meineke: ‘Chalkideans in Thrace’). Several

centuries later, Strabo (VII frg. 36, ed.

Meineke) also testified that Mygdones had

inhabited the region of Bolbe in Chalkidiki.Again Thucydides (II 100, 4, ed. Smith) wrote

that the Odrysian king Sitalkas had devastated

Mygdonia in 429 BC, during his campaign

against Macedonia. Some other later authors

of the Roman period noted that in the past partof Macedonia had been Mygdonian land (C.

Iul. Solinus, Coll. rer. memor . IX 1, ed.

Mommsen) and described the settlements of Mygdonia (Pliny Nat. Hist . IV 10, 38, ed.

Mayhoff; Ptolemy, Geography III 12, 33, ed.

Muller).

So, all the clear literary evidence

mentioned above, together with linguistic

analysis of the onomastics, allow Mygdones

to be determined as a Thracian tribe, closelyrelated to Edones (Duridanov 1971;

Detschew 1976, 321–324). On the other

hand, according to Pliny ( Nat. Hist . IV 10,

35, ed. Mayhoff), the Mygdones had been a

Paeonian tribe in the lower Axios valley,

mentioned side by side with the Pelagones.

Strabo (VII frg. 41, ed. Meineke) also wrotethat Paeones had controlled Mygdonia, which

events however could not be dated. This is

why the Mygdones were considered to be aThracian population, related to Paeones and

being under Paeonian dependence (Fol &

Spiridonov 1983, 41–43, 69–71). But it is notpossible for the Mygdones to be defined as a

‘separate’(?) non-Thracian and non-Illyrian

ethnic community, and simultaneously the

graves at Sindos to be determined as a

Paeonian cemetery (Petrova 1996). It is clear

that the both necropoleis (Sindos and Aghia






Paraskevi), were Mygdonian and that these

cemeteries were not used by the localinhabitants after the Macedonian conquest

in the mid 5th century BC. The other two

graves with gold masks from Chalkidiki alsobelonged to Mygdonian nobles.

The last gold funeral mask, now in the

Ashmolean Museum, was found accidentally

in a Boeotian ‘tomb’ (Michael Vickers, to

whom I am deeply grateful, has called myattention to this mask and provided the

photograph). Unfortunately, no other finds

are known from that burial, and its date is

highly debatable. There is no more

information on the architecture of the tombor the funeral rite as well, although the last

seems to be inhumation.


13.5 cm (Evans 1929, 8–10, 12–13). It has

rectangular shape with four little holes in the

angles, possibly being tied to the head of the

dead noble (Evans 1929, 8–10 supposed that it

had been fixed to a wooden coffin, but cf. Nos.

1–4 with similar holes, and also the

dimensions of all the masks mentioned above,

comparable to No. 13). The mask represents abearded man in a quite realistic way, and the

individual features are well visible.

Of course, it is possible to suppose that the

gold Boeotian mask is contemporary with the

Mycenaean ones (Evans 1929, 8–10). Its shape

and iconography however are very different,which allows some other date to be proposed.

The face of the dead nobleman has a calm

expression with artificially hard-set smile,

typical to the Archaic Greek art. The mostimportant parallel is a Late Archaic Boeotian

terracotta mask of Dionysos, with similar smile

and identical way of representing the hair andthe beard — through by wavy and upright lines

(Simon 1983, 103, Pl. 32.1). Two other

Mygdonian masks (Nos. 9 and 12) have a very

similar expression, although the hair and

beards were not represented. The rectangular

shape of the Boeotian mask is identical to No.

11 from Chalkidiki, and it is possible toconclude that the Boeotian item should bedated in the 7th–6th centuries BC. One may

consider that mask No. 13 was discovered in a

chamber(?) tomb, which really could be an

argument to the Mycenaean date. It is well

known however, that Late Helladic bee-hive

and other chamber tombs had been re-used in

the later periods also, and many traces of cult

practices and even burials of the Geometric,

Classical and Hellenistic periods have beendiscovered in some of them (Alcock 1991;

Antonaccio 1995, passim). So, in our case it is

possible to think that during the Archaic period

(or maybe still in the Dark Age, if the mask is

earlier?) the dead Boeotian aristocrat with

funeral mask was rested in an earlier

Mycenaean tomb. Moreover, cult activities of the 1st millenium BC have been registered in

several Late Helladic chamber tombs inFigure 12

Mask No. 13 from Boeotia.

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





Boeotia (Alcock 1991, Nos. 10, 33–35;

Antonaccio 1995, 130–133). I could even

suppose an eventual existence of later

Boeotian chamber tombs, e.g. of the Dark

Age, similar to Thessalian tholoi, built duringthat period (Kurtz & Boardman 1971, 184,

277–278; Snodgrass 1971, 154–155, 205–

206). As there is not any clear information on

the grave construction where the gold mask

was discovered, we do not know if it consisted

of burial chamber with entrance; and it is

possible that the term ‘tomb’ was used todesignate some other type of monumental

grave, e.g. cist or slab-covered shaft. Similar

cist tombs and shaft graves of the Dark Ageand Archaic period have been excavated in

Boeotia (Kurtz & Boardman 1971, 182–183;

Snodgrass 1971, 158, 207). So, my conclusiononce again is that gold mask No. 13 is later

than the Mycenaean ones, and should be dated

to the 7th–6th centuries BC, being approxi-

mately contemporary with Nos. 1–12. Of

course, less probably, the mask could belong

to the Dark Age.

As all the known Balkan funeral masks of the late 6th to the beginning of the 5thcenturies BC have been found in the territories

of Illyria, Paeonia and Thrace, I could even

speculate about the ethnic identity of the gold-

masked dead nobleman buried in Boeotia. It is

well known that during the Dark Age the tribe

of Boiotoi settled the lands of Boeotia, where

they found some non-Greek people: Thracians

and Pelasgians (Buck 1979, 78–81). From that

period onwards, the Thracians and the othernon-Boeotians were gradually assimilated and

driven out to the mountain regions, where

some of them survived as segregated tribes

down to the 5th century BC (Buck 1979, 78–

81). During the process of assimilation,

however, the Thracians had left clear traces

in religious life, cults and onomastics of Boeotia (Buck 1979, 78–81; Janakieva 1994,

passim on the mythological links between

Boeotia, Thrace and Illyria, and Boeoto-

Thracian onomastic parallels). Maybe the dead

man buried with mask No. 13 was a Thracianaristocrat inhabitant of Archaic Boeotia? Of

course, I do not exclude the possible Boeotianethnicity of the deceased nobleman as well. I

believe that future discoveries in that part of

Greece, some day will bring to light new data

for more definite conclusions about the unique

Boeotian gold mask.Some other later finds should be

mentioned also, when studying the Balkan

funeral masks. A hoard of gold, silver and

bronze applique s of the 4th century BC,

some of them with represented cult scenes,was discovered in the sanctuary of Demeter

at Zone (Mesembria) on Aegean coast of

Thrace in the Samothracian peraia (Vavritsas1973; Triandaphyllos 1994, 85). Most

attention here deserve seven small votive

human masks: three silver (one of them

measures 4 2 3.7 cm, Fig. 13), two gold (one

of them has long rectangular shape with five

human faces each to other), and two silver-

plated bronze. The iconography iscomparable to some of the funeral masks

(especially Nos. 1–5), which may testify to

the local Thracian origin of these dedication

Figure 13

Silver votive mask from Zone.






objects. On the other hand, however, there is

a marble votive plaque from Eleusis of theClassical period, which shows a face (mask)

and goddess Demeter above it (Clinton 1992,

90, Fig. 78). The iconography of the mask isidentical to the human faces represented on

the metal applique s from the sanctuary of

Demeter in Zone, which may show common

features in the mystery cult of the goddess.

The votive masks from Zone in Thracepossibly represented the images of the

worshippers, who had participated in the

different rites of the sanctuary. Moreover, the

use of a mask is attested in the mystery cult

of Demeter among Pheneatai in Arkadia(Pausanias VIII 15, 1–4, ed. Jones). Similar

personal masks of worshipers: Melan and

Boiskos, are known in the sanctuary of Amphiaraos at Oropos, after an inscription

of c. 240 BC (Blinkenberg 1931, 589).

Actually, the masks are well attested as

dedications in many Greek sanctuaries. A

‘gilded silver mask’ is included among the

sacred gifts of the temple, in an Attic

inscription of 434/3–407/6 BC, connected withthe rituals of Athena Polias at the Parthenon( Inscriptiones Graecae I, No. 276, 6). Another

inscription of the first half of the 4th century

BC, from the Asclepieum at Epidaurus, reveals

rationes aedis, where (metal?) masks are

mentioned among the inventory of the temple

( Inscriptiones Graecae IV/1, No. 102, 57–59,

68 and 77). Votive ‘silver masks’ are known in

an inscription from Loxida in Rhodos (Clara

Rhodos VI–VII, 428–429, No. 47). The listwith Greek dedication masks could be

prolonged, but we may only guess if the items,

epigraphically attested, were similar to those

from Zone. It seems however, that dedications

of masks, made of different materials, were

most typical to the cult of Dionysos, where the

sacred objects usually represented the god(Wrede 1928; Green, J.R. 1982; Simon 1983,

103; Vernant & Frontisi-Ducroux 1986;

Frontisi-Ducroux 1991, passim), although

similar rituals were known in some other

Greek cults as well (Blinkenberg 1931, 589–560 with op. cit. and list of other votive masks

in Greek sanctuaries: Athenian temple of Asclepios, sanctuary of Amphiaraos at Oropos,

a Theban sanctuary, and ‘silver masks’ again

from Rhodos; Vernant & Frontisi-Ducroux

1986 on the masks in the cult of Artemis).

Very important for the study of funeralmasks is a gold rectangular applique (Figure

14), discovered as a chance find in Republic

of Macedonia, which measures 6.4/6.1 2

4 cm and represents a schematic human face

with a Greek inscription on both sides(Mikulchik & Sokolovska 1990). Four little

holes are visible in the angles. Although the

inscription is in Greek, part of the text cannotbe translated, and it seems to be in some

dialect, or maybe Paeonian words were

included. The name of the Paeonian basileus

Dropion (250/240–225/220 BC), son of

Leon, is mentioned in the beginning of the

inscription, which clearly shows that the

applique was connected with him. It ispossible to suppose that this inscribed object

was a sacred dedication, or more probably it

was connected with the burial of king

Dropion. If the human face on the applique

is a death-representation of the Paeonian

ruler, then it is fully comparable with the

earlier aristocratic gold funeral masks Nos.1–12, found in the neighbouring lands.

When discussing the origin of the Balkan

funeral masks of the last decades of the 6th tothe beginning of the 5th centuries BC, most

scholars have cited and specified the famous

earlier Mycenaean masks of the 16th century

BC (Amandry 1953, 49–50; Popovic, V. 1964;

Fol, V. 1993, 118–130). In turn, the

Mycenaean tradition of covering the faces of

deceased nobles with gold masks seems tohave originated from Egyptian rites connected

with the Pharaohnic burials (Kehnscherper

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





1986, 95 with op. cit.; Popovic, V. 1964 withop. cit.), although gold funeral eye bands,

partly covering the face, are attested in the

earlier Helladic periods (Evans 1929, 13–14).

When talking about Mycenaean tradition,

another gold funeral mask of 1700–1400 BC,

found in a Neopalatial Minoan bee-hive tomb

at Mouliana in East Crete, should be

mentioned as well (Evans 1929, 13). The mask

is quite different from the Mycenaean ones,and covered the nose and part of the face of the

deceased, if not being affixed to a wooden

coffin (cf. Evans 1929, 13). It is not correct

however, to connect directly the Late Helladic

funeral masks with those of the mid 1st

millenium BC, and to seek Mycenaean

tradition in the later Central Balkan mortuarypractices, as a hiatus of about one thousand

years divides the two groups (cf. Popovic, V.

1964). The only possible connection could bethe disputable Boeotian mask No. 13, but most

probably it is also too late, belonging to the

7th–6th centuries BC. So, it is obvious that the

eventual link with the Mycenaean mortuary

practices is missing until now, and the origin of

the Central Balkan masks is still obscure.Actually, gold funeral masks were used in

the Roman world during the Imperial Age: in

the northern Pontic regions (Panticapaeum),Syria and Phoenica (Amandry 1953, 49–50;

Rieth 1973). Most attention here deserve the

bronze votive (or funeral?) mask fromOknitsa of the end of the 1st century BC,

the bronze and silver helmet-masks from

Vize, Plovdiv, Chatalka and Silistra of the

1st–2nd centuries AD, and the bronze masks

from Varna and Lovech of the 2nd–early 3rd

centuries AD, all of them found in Thracian

Figure 14

Gold applique with the name of Paeonian king Dropion.






territories (Kohlert 1980; Oppermann 1984,

206–207, 213–215). These objects mayindicate that during the Roman period, the

old Central Balkan funeral tradition of the

6th–5th centuries BC had been still preservedamong the Thracian aristocrats, who covered

the faces of some dead nobles with masks or

helmet-masks, obviously in connection with

their heroization (cf. Kohlert 1980).

It seems however, that the Balkan funeralmasks Nos. 1–13 are most related to several

similar objects from Iron Age Europe. Of

greatest interest are three Etruscan bronze

funeral masks (Figs. 15 and 16) of the first

half of the 7th century BC, found at Chiusi.They were affixed to canopic urns,

containing the cremated ashes (Ducati 1927,

128–129; Ciglioli 1935, 15; Brendel 1979,106–109; Sprenger & Bartolini 1983, 33). It

is clear that the funeral anthropomorphiccanopi, together with the bronze masksattached, represented the dead persons. So,

the masks from Chiusi obviously should be

connected with deification of the crematedEtruscan nobles and the strong belief in the

life after death (cf. Dumezil 1970, 668–669,

692; Pallottino 1975, 149; Bonfante 1986).

Another Celtic bronze funeral mask (Figure17) of the 7th century BC from the Kroll-

Schmied-Kogel at Kleinklein (Megaw 1970,

48–9, no. 15, with a suggestion for a

connection between the masks from

Kleinklein and Trebenishte; Megaw &Figure 15

Etruscan bronze mask from Chiusi.

Figure 16

Etruscan bronze mask from Chiusi.

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





Megaw 1991, 24–25) also is most importanthere. This mask undoubtedly was related to

the very well attested Celtic cult of the head

as a symbol of the power, while the heads of

the dead heroes had magic strength (cf.

Cunliffe 1992, 82–87; 1993; Green, M.J.

1992, 114). Obviously the deceased aristocrat

buried at Kleinklein was deificated andsacrosanctity of his head was designated

through the bronze mask. As Etruscan and

Celtic funeral masks are about one century

early than Nos. 1–12 (and possibly No. 13), it

would be possible to seek Etruscan and Celtic

influence on the burial customs of the Central

Balkan tribes. Maybe, one of the reasons forappearance of the gold Central Balkan masks

were cultural contacts with Etruria and

Central Europe during the 7th–6th centuriesBC, but these problems are still not well

investigated. On the other hand, however,

there is a bronze funerary(?) mask fromLuristan dated to the beginning of the 1st

millennium BC (Tre sors de l’ancien Iran

1966, 63, no. 39), which could be

symptomatic of the possible sources for the

Balkan masks, showing Near Eastern

influence on the local burial customs at the

time of Achaemenid presence in Aegean

Thrace during the end of the 6th–firstdecades of the 5th centuries BC.

As far as I know, there is no ancient

literary evidence describing the burial of gold-masked person, so that it is very

difficult to know the exact religious meaning

of this rite. Most probably the covering of the

faces of some deceased Balkan nobles with

masks in the 7th–6th centuries BC, until nowattested in Illyria, Thrace and Boeotia, was

connected with their heroization and

deification (cf. Fol, A. 1990b; Fol, V. 1993,

118–130; Konova 1995; Popovic, V. 1964

who seeks pre-Greek Creto-Mycenaean andEast Mediterranean eschatological ideas,

preserved(?) among the ‘barbarians’), i.e.the dead masked aristocrats became immortalanthropodaimones, who would revive from

the underworld (on these Thracian

aristocratic notions see Fol, A. 1990a, passim; Popov 1995, passim; Theodossiev

1995; in connection with mask No. 13 cf.Garland 1985, 10 on the heroization of

deceased people in Boeotia).Similar religious ideas, although not

connected with mortuary practices, are well

attested in the cult of Dionysos. It is known

that the mask of the god was considered to be

a sacred object — a symbol and incarnationof Dionysos himself, and when used during

the rituals it represented the deity in the

moment of epiphaneia (Otto 1965, 86–91;

Vernant 1986; Vernant & Frontisi-Ducroux

1986). Simultaneously, the maskedparticipants in Dionysiac rituals alsorepresented the god and even became

Dionysos’ personifications (Otto 1965, 86–

91; Vernant 1986; Vernant & Frontisi-

Ducroux 1986; cf. Fol, A. 1990b on masked

participants in the Orphic rituals, connected

with dismemberment of Zagreus). Following

these notions, another very interesting rite,performed during the Great Mystery of

Figure 17

Celtic bronze mask from Kleinklein.






Demeter Eleusinia among Pheneatai and well

described by Pausanias (VIII 15, 1–4, ed.Jones), should be mentioned. The ancient

author related that the mysterial writings and

the mask of Demeter Kidaria were kept in aspecially made petroma (‘rock depository’)

near the temple of Eleusinia. During the

mystery, the priest of the goddess put on the

mask and thrashed with rods thehypochthonioi (the chthonic gods or the deadpeople?). Obviously, similarly to the

Dionysiac cult practices, the ritual could be

interpreted like epiphaneia of Demeter, while

the masked priest became a personification of

the goddess. Simultaneously, the enigmaticrite of thrashing the earth undoubtedly was

connected with the chthonic powers and

perhaps had some funeral symbolism of death and rebirth. The use of a mask in

similar ritual contexts is comparable to the

Central Balkan and Boeotian mortuary

practices examined here.

Going back to the funeral masks

representing the deificated aristocrats, it is

clear that these gold objects sacralized thecovered heads of the deceased (Fol, V. 1993,

118–130). It is interesting also that several

gold and silver hands (Fig. 18) and feet (Fig.

19) were discovered in the cemetery at

Trebenishte (Filow 1927, 13, 24–25; Vasich

1987a), though not always in the graves of

masked nobles; and that images of theGorgon and Sphinxes, both associated with

the chthonic powers, were depicted on some

of them. These objects obviously sacralizedthe designated parts of the bodies (Fol, V.

1993, 118–130; Konova 1995), and are well

comparable to the two bronze hands from thealready mentioned Celtic burial with mask at

Kleinklein (Megaw & Megaw 1991, 24–25).

Very important is the image of bee on

mask No. 1. Unfortunately, there is no

literary evidence about this insect in Illyrian

beliefs. In the Greek myths however, the bees

were connected with Rhea and the birth of

Zeus in Crete, and also they were closely

related to Artemis and to the mysteries of

Demeter (Cook 1895). Priestesses calledmelissai (‘bees’), who predicted the future,

were known at Parnassos (Mayor 1995).

Simultaneously, in neo-Platonism the pure

souls of the dead were considered to bemelissai, which is an Orphic notion (Cook

1895). So, to the Greeks the bee was symbolof immortality and re-incarnation, being a

sacred chthonic animal associated with the

birth and death (Cook 1895). It is possible

therefore, that the Dasaretian aristocrat

buried at Trebenishte had been a prophet.

On the other hand, the bee represented on the

funeral mask might have symbolized the

Figure 18Gold hand from Trebenishte.

NIKOLA THEODOSSIEV





rebirth of the deceased nobleman in the

image of immortal deity. In this context,another find from Chalkidiki could be

mentioned: in a grave of 400–350 BC at

Akanthos, a terracotta figurine of a bee (nowexhibited in the Archaeological museum of

Polygyros) was discovered, which possibly

had been connected with similar

eschatological ideas.

It seems however that the funeral masksNos. 1–13 had predominantly solar

symbolism, i.e. the gold could represent the

light of the sun. In this way, the heads of the

dead were similar to the sun, while the buried

aristocrats became identical to the solar deity(cf. Theodossiev 1995 on similar notions

among the Thracian nobles). These ideas are

very well attested in some Thracian cultterracotta objects and ceramic vases, where

the heads of the human personages were

depicted through by solar signs (Theodossiev

1991 with op. cit.). Actually, similar notions

about identity between the human body and

the cosmic structure, where the head usually

had been a symbol of the sky, were typical forthe Indo-Europeans (Lincoln 1986, 7, 12, 17–19). The best parallel however, concerning

the gold masks, could be found in Iranian

religion: the notion that xvarnah (divine

blaze) emanated from the head of the king,

similar to the sunlight (Eliade 1997, 384–385

with bibliography). In connection with these

beliefs, it is possible to quote also some neo-

Platonic evidence (Proclus, In Plat. Cratyl.

404e p. 96, 13, ed. Kern), where Demeter saysthat the abounding bed of Apollo will give

birth to mounting (rising?) and shining

offspring with fiery burning prosopa (‘faces’

or ‘masks’!?). The association with the

funeral masks is very strong.On the other hand, there are several ancient

literary descriptions, well revealing the

supernatural possibilities and sacrosanctity

of the head of the dead Thracian mythicalFigure 19

Gold foot from Trebenishte.






BC there were similar religious ideas and

mortuary practices among the aristocraticcircles of Dasaretioi, Pelagones, Mygdones

and eventually some tribe of Boeotia. Hence,

it is possible to seek strong culturalinteractions in the contact zones between

Illyria, Thrace and Macedonia, which

problems already are in the research focus

(recently see Greenwalt 1997 on the Thraco-

Macedonian parallels in the royal ideologies,concerning the divine character of the

authority and the heroic personage of the

king). It is very significant that all the central

Balkan funeral masks have been discovered

close or near to the course of the later ViaEgnatia, which ensured trade relations,

movements of different people, exchange of

ideas and the diffusion of cultural phenomena

between the Aegean and Adriatic coasts.

Acknowledgements

Two fellowships, The Oxford Colleges Hospitality

Scheme (June 1994, University of Oxford), and The

Getty Grant Program for Central/Eastern Europe

(March–June 1995, American School of Classical

Studies at Athens), enabled me to prepare this paper. I

wish to express my gratitude to the staff of these

institutions and to all the colleagues I have met and

talked about my topics.

Department of Archaeology

Sofia University St Kliment Ohridskibul. Tsar Osvoboditel 15

Sofia 1000, Bulgaria

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