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=:hapter 1 : Goals, Sociolinguistic Variation And Methodology

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  • =:hapter 1 : Goals, Sociolinguistic Variation And Methodology

  • 1.1 Goals of the study

    This thesis attempts to investigate through a survey, carried out in Jharkhand

    among the tribal communities such as Santhali, Mundari, Ho and Kurux language

    speakers, the notion of tribal identity and acceptance of Hindi. It is a correlational study

    of both apparent ac; well as real change in linguistic identity of the tribal communities. It

    intends to reveal the inter-generational, as well as, intra-generational patterns of

    acceptance of Hindi among the tribal communities of Jharkhand region.

    The stimulus for this thesis was provided by an earlier study, viz. the ICSSR

    ( 1998-2000) Project on "Acceptance Level of Hindi as a Pan-Indian Language" which

    reveals a high percentage of acceptances of Hindi language in various domains of use, as

    well as, for in-group communication among tribai communitit!s of Jharkhand. In general

    more than 80 per cent of the urban tribal population uses Hindi language in various

    domains of use.

    The questions that arise are: -

    Why is there a high acceptance of Hindi in various domains of use among the

    tribal communities of Jharkhand region?

    Is it true that tribal communities view the learning/adopting of Hindi as a tool for

    upward socio-economic mobility in the society?

    Is the process of de-tribalization an on-going process or is it a kind of forced

    assimilation or merely a kind of linguistic displacement?

    Do people in Jharkhand treat their linguistic identity as a part of their cultural

    identity and therefore, the loss of linguistic identity does not automatically entail

    the loss of cultural identity?

    Do the tribal communities show a uniform degree of acceptance of Hindi m

    various domains of use?

    This thesis is an attempt to find answers to these significant and relevant

    questions.

    The thesis also investigates whether there is inverted pride in "Exclusiveness" that

    is, the tendency to assert one's own social identity as being distinct from others~ or is

  • there an anxiety to attain prestige by identifying oneself with a major language group and

    not necessarily with one's native language ..

    The significance of the study lies in the answe:rs to be found through empirical

    research into the notion of tribal identity and its relations to acceptance of Hindi in

    various domains of use. The study is first of its kind as it tries to look into;

    (I) The exclusiveness of tribal community

    (2) The continual process towards identifying with the Great tradition

    The primary aim of this sociolinguistic study :is to seek accurate answers to the

    following questions:

    (I) What roles do the languages play in the construction of social! and ethnic identity?

    (2) What are the linguistic repertoires of individual respondents belonging to the four

    ethno-linguistic groups?

    (3) What are the patterns of language use and what linguistic: and extra-linguistic

    variables are important in influencing language choice among these tribal

    communities?

    ( 4) What are their attitudes towards their mother tongue vis-a-vi1s Hindi language and

    speakers of Hindi?

    (5) What conclusions could be drawn about inter-·group relatioru: on the basis of the

    answers to the above questions relating to diffet,.ent dimensions of

    multilingualism?

    1.2 Sociolinguistics- The Discipline

    Sociolinguistics is the study of the social uses of language and the most

    productive studies in the four decades of sociolinguistic research have emanated from

    determining the social evaluation of linguistic variants. Studyit,lg language variation

    proceeds mainly by observing language use in natural social settings and categorizing the

    linguistic variants according to their social distribution.

    Yariationist sociolinguistics had its effective beginning onlly in 1963, the year in

    which William Labov presented the first sociolinguistic rese~arch on "The social

    motivation of a sound change". The term sociolinguistics had been coined a decade

    before Labov's publication in 1952 by one Haver C. Currie in a programmatic

    2

  • commentary on the notion that "social functions and signification of speech factors offer

    a prolific field for research". With baptismal zeal, Currie (quoted in Chambers et al.

    2002) proclaimed, "This field is here designated "socio-linguistics".

    1.2.1 Approaches in Sociolinguistics

    In Sociolinguistics, variation in linguistic choices is either studied from speech

    community perspective or from individual/person oriented perspective. In bilingual

    interactions linguistic choices are either studied from the viewpoint of grammatical

    analysis of code- switching or the socio-psychological analysis of linguistic choices.

    Speech community approach to linguistic choices is articulated by Labov (1966)

    and Fishman (1965). Such an approach locates the crucial impetus for linguistic choices

    within the larger community. The implicit claim has been that if you have information

    about speakers in relation to specified variables (aspects of their social identities and I or

    the situation) from a sample of subjects across a community, you are essentially

    explaining what drives their choices. That is, linguistic choices primarily reflect the

    speaker's place in a social group defined by the variable (s) studied. This approach views

    linguistic variation as the product of macro- elements in the social situation itself and the

    speaker as a rather passivelparticipant. The strdng form of this paradigm states that for a

    certain type of a speaker i11 any situation X in community Y, one can predict a linguistic

    variant z to occur in that situation.

    In contrast, the person oriented approaches such as In~eractional Sociolinguistics

    (Gumperz 1982a), Markedness Model (Myers-Scotten 1993), Ethnomethodological

    approach (Garfarnga, 2000) downplays the effects of societal norms in determining the

    linguistic choices. They view linguistic choices made by speaker as a dynamic event.

    Speakers are no longer seen as influenced by societal norms in making choices, rather

    they also make the choices they do because of dynamic factors e.g. whether a long-term

    or short-term relationship is involved or whether power or solidarity is salient. The

    person oriented approach criticizes speech community approach for

    (i) Its emphasis on consensus as the organizing principle of community, and

    (ii) Its preference for studying central members of the community over those at the

    margins. Even if in situation X, variety Z does appear, as much as 90% of the

    3

  • time the speech cvmmunity approach dot:s not raise the issue of the alternate

    usage in the remaining I 0%.

    1.2.2 A Variationist Perspective

    Sociolinguistics is a diverse field with one common goal: to study the interactions

    of language and society. Within sociolinguistics, however, there are different approaches

    to language and society and accordingly different methodologies. The methodology

    which this work follows is that of Variation Analysis. Variation analysis uses 'hUantitative

    and qualitative analysis to investigate the systematic variation of JinguistJic choices,

    including independent linguistic variation and the co..:variation of linguistic and social

    factors.

    The most important construct of the variationist framework is the sodolinguistic

    variable. There are two general types of variables: Internal and Extemal. Internal

    variables are linguistic variables such as phonological, morphological, or language A or

    language B. External variables are the sociological factors specific to a speech

    community such as age, class, ethnicity, sex etc. The sociolinguistic variatule comprises

    mutually exclusive realisation of the variables called variants. The proportion of one

    variant versus another in a speech community can be correlat

  • ,.

    Variationist approach originated solely within linguistics with the pioneering

    work done by Labov. Its basic assumption is that language is heterogeneous, both in its

    structure and use. This variation is not generally random or free, but is patterned and

    highly regular. There are both internal (linguistic) and external (social/extra-linguistic)

    causes for variation. Variationists view linguistic processes as possibly violable and non

    deterministic, happening a percentage oftimein the same environment. Variationists also

    investigate how non-linguistic factors possibly affect linguistic variation in both speech

    communities and individual speakers. Of course, speech communities are composed of

    individual speakers, but the goal of Variationist studies has,been to describe and explain

    the variation within the speech community as an entity ( i.e. the grammar of the speech

    community), in their argument against the homogenous idiolect being the only theoretical

    viable entity for linguistic study (Chomsky 1965). As Labov (1989:52, cited in Hudson

    1996:30) writes" Individual behaviour can be understood only as a reflection of the

    grammar of the speech community. Language is not property of the individual but ofthe

    community." Such an approach locates the crucial impetus for linguistic choices within

    the larger communities. Labov (1972:120-1) defines speech community as follows: "The

    speech community is not defined by any marked agreement in the use of language

    element, so much as by participation in a set, of shared norms. These norms may be

    observed in overt types of evaluative behaviour and by the uniformity of abstract patterns

    of variation which are invariant in respeci to particular levels of usage" His understanding

    of the concept of speech community is a concept on macro level. He ~mploys social

    groups, which are defined on the basis of class, sex, age etc.

    For these two variationist approaches, that of the speech community and that of

    the individual, the non-linguistic factors influencing language variation are cast in

    different ways. Drawing from sociology, the speech community approach identifies

    social factors that divide a speech community: age, gender, ethnicity and social class

    have become the standard social factors correlated with dependent linguistic variables

    (Ash 2002). By this model, a person is an intersection of social groups. In contrast, the

    individual approach encapsulates non-linguistic factors in a person's identity.

    Investigating identity allows inclusion of speakers' attitude and beliefs in exploration of

    language variation (Mendoza:.Denton 2002).- The overarching identity of a speaker

    usually comprises sub-identities of age, gender, ethnicity, social class etc.

    5

  • Yariationist approach to the study of the relation between language and social

    identity seeks to explain language variation based on invctriant social ca1egones such as

    socio economic class, gender etc. With respect to gender, having discovered "women's

    language" researchers sought to explain how deviant it was from men's or standard

    language. Labov (1963) concluded that for the people of Martha's Vineyard, a speaker's

    degree of orientation to the local community showed th€: strongest conelation with the

    variants under study. The researches of Labov and his associates have stressed the

    correlation of individual choices with factors that delineate social group membership and

    or other features of th.! community based social context (Myers-Scotton and Bolonyai

    200 I :2). These factors include socio-economic class in particular, as wdl as many other

    ingredients that define speakers externally such as gender and ethni

  • Spanish and Guarani in Paraguay and Ervin-Tripp (1972: 219) on choices among

    American form of address, together make up an "Allocation Paradigm."

    The Allocation Paradigm approach in sociolinguistics was influenced by two

    classics on language choice. Ferguson ( 1959) on diglossia, the strict allocation of the two

    varieties to distinctly different functions for a limited set of communities and Brown and

    Gilman's ( 1960) often -cited discussion of socially conditioned choices between second -

    person pronouns in European languages as largely binary at any point in time.

    The allocation paradigm views linguistic variation as the product of macro-

    element in the social situation itself and the speaker as a rather passive participant. The

    basic principle of this paradigm is that "habitual language choice in multilingual speech

    communities or speech networks is far from being a random matter of momentary

    inclination (Fishman 1972c: 437).

    According to Fishman ( 1972c ), a domain is a cluster of social situations, which

    are typically constrained by common set of behaviours rules, comprising the roles of

    interlocutors within a particular situation and the topics they are most likely to discuss.

    The domain therefore takes social organization as its conceptual basis: when speakers use

    two languages; they will obviously not use both in all circumstances; in certain situations

    they will usc the one, in others, the other. He writes:

    "Proper usage dictates that only one of the theoretically co-available languages or varieties will be chosen by particular class of interlocutors or particular kind of occasions to discuss particular kinds of topics. (Fishman 1972 c: 15)"

    On the basis of their research in the Puerto Rican community in New York City;

    Fishman, Cooper and Ma ( 1971) arrived at a list of five -domains in which either Spanish

    or English was used consistently. These were established on the basis of observation and

    interviews and comprised the domains of family, friendship, religion, employment and

    education. In each domain, there may be pressures of various kinds e-g. economic,

    administrative, cultural, political and religions, which influence the language choice and

    language use of individual. Often, knowledge and use of one language is a function of

    economic and political factors. Such is the case for many speakers of South Asian

    Languages in Britain. In Ireland, the knowledge of Irish is mandatory for any civil

    servant. Due to a number of competing pressures operating in a particular setting, it is not

    7

  • possibl~ to predict which language an individual wm use in a particular domain. As pointed out earlier, the selection of a particular language in the speech event depends to a

    large extant or socio- situational variable. We need to identify and analyze these factors

    which serve to define certain types of situations in which particular choice are normally

    considered acceptable, appropriate and likely.

    Pandit (1977: 172-3) has given an example of how a multilingual speaker might

    use the different codes in his repertoire. He describes an Indian Businessman living in a

    suburb of Bombay. His mother tongue and home langu;a~~e is a dialect of Gujarati, in the

    market he uses a familiar variety of Marathi, the state language; at the railway station he

    speaks the Pan-Indian lingua .franca Hindustani; the language ofwork i.s Kachhi, the code

    of the spice trade; in the evening he will watch a film in Hindi or in English and listen to

    a cricket- match commentary or the radio :in English. One can ask: what roles does each

    of these different languages and vanities perform in the community and the individuaL

    Greenfield (1972) utilized domain analysis for tiht~ study of language choice of

    Pureto- Rican bilingualism and at least three congruent iOOmponents: person, places and

    topics. His findings confirmed the five major domains viz. O)home (2) beach (3) Church

    ( 4) school ( 5) workplace. Paras her ( t 980) identified se\ven important domain~ for his

    study of two Indian cities: i) family, ii) friendship, iii) neighbourhood, iv) transactions. v)

    education, vi) government and vii) employment.

    i) Binary choice model~ Rubin (I %8b: 526) uses a decision tree in her analysis of

    language choice in Paraguay. Rubin found that P.iaraguayen's decision to speak

    Span ish or. Guarani was based on an ordered series li>f situation considerations.

    0 u

  • Location

    Rural I~

    Non rural

    Formtity- in formality

    I~

    Guarani

    Formal Spanish Non-formal

    I Intimate

    I~ Non-intimate intimate

    Spanish

    .s· · • fd" l 7

    ~S 0 ISOOr

    Non-senous Serious

    Guarani First language learned

    Fig 1: Decision tree for language choice between Spanish and Guarani in Paraguagy

    (Rubin 1968b:526)

    The allocation paradigm approach in sociolinguistics is deterministic in nature; it

    leads to the logical conclusion that speaker make the choices they do becau~e they are

    constrained to do so by a societal system. Even if a statistically significant number of

    members of a group make the same choice in a given context, no studies show that aU

    members do this. Although we agree that aspects of the larger societal background

    certainly affect choices, but the variation in such factors does not directly determine the

    actual choices.

    9

  • ii) Diglossia:-In Greek diglossia simply means bilingualism, but the use of the word has

    been extended to deatote prir.cipally the social aspects of bilingualism. Diglossia is

    primarily concerned with the macro social aspect of language, as this is more concerned

    with the social structure and processes related to language maintenance and language use.

    Both Jardel ( t 982, cited in Landry ,R and R, Allard t 994: 16) have attributed the

    distraction between diglossia and Bilingualism to the French specialist in the Greek

    language, Psichari, (cited in Landry and Allard 1994:16) who in 1880's used the term to

    denote the utilization of two varieties of contemporary Greek; demotiki " or the langm:.ge

    of people, and "Katharvousa", the classical language or the language used for official

    functions and writing. It is with Ferguson ( t 959), however, that the concept of diglossia

    is most often associated. Ferguson used the term to denote situations where two dialects

    of the same language are used for different social functions. One variety has a. higher

    social status but the two varieties are used in complementary domains and functio:ns.

    The High (H) variety is utilized in formal and public dometins (e.g. goVfi!mment,

    religion, literature) and the low (L) variety is used in more informal and private domains

    e g. family, friends, and unofficial functions. Fishman (1965, 1967, and 1980) extended

    the uses of the term diglossia to district languages as well as to complex ca;res where

    more than two dialects and /or languages may be involved. Fishman (1980:5) has argued

    that diglossia or stable bilingualism is based upon social compartmentalizatipn .. i.e. on

    the maintenance of strict boundaries between societal functions associated wi:th H and L

    respectively". It has also been stated by Fishman (1972b) that: di.glossia is a necessary

    condition for language maintenance by minority linguistic communities. The clear

    functional separation of the languages and the institutionali:t:.ation of these functional

    differences contribute to stable social compartmentalization, which in tum guarantees a

    stable type of societal bilingualism. Fishman ( 1980) has also pointed out, however, that

    more and more factors in modem life militate against social. compartmentalization, the

    increase in open networks, in fluid role relationships, in superficial 'pubdic familiarity'

    between strangers and semi strangers, in nonstatus- stressing interactioHs, even where

    status difference remain and, above all, in the rationalization of the work sphere" ( 1980:

    5), as well as other sociological factors such as urbanization, and mobility. According to

    Fishman, when the stability of social compartmentalization. diminishes there is a gradual

    10

  • change towards language shift, the minority group gradually adopts the language of the

    dominant group.

    This has led Fishman to conclude that "Both diglossia and bilingualism are

    continuous variables, matters of degree rather than all or none phenomena, even when

    compartmentalization obtains ( 1980:6)".

    Landry and Allard (1994: 17) have identified four criteria in their analysis of

    various definition of diglossia. These are the linguistic, sociological, functional and ·

    stability criteria.

    a. The linguistic criterion :- The linguistic criterion refers to whether diglossia applies to

    genetically related varieties of a language or whether the term also applies to distinct and

    unrelated languages. Although earlier uses of the term restricted it to designations of

    genetically related dialects, modern usage of the term extends to the designation of two or

    more distinct language or dialects (Fishman 1980).

    b. The sociological criteria :- Although diglossia describes a social situation where there

    are languages of different status in contact, scholars differ as to the extent to which the

    situation is depicted as contlictua1 or non- conflictual, Fishman and Hamars and Blanc

    ( 1989) seem to define diglossia as non- contlictual ,the situation of non-conflict or the

    perceived legitimacy of the situation being in fact the basis on which the stability of the

    phenomenon depends. Jardel ( 1982, cited in Landry,R and R, Allard 1994: 18) and others

    cited by him argue that no situations involving domination subordination can be non-

    contlictual. Obser.'ed stability in a diglossic society would only be conflict in a period of

    latency.

    c. The functional criterion :- Most authors seem to agree on this criterion. The H and L

    varieties are designated for different complementary functions. In a diglossic situation,

    "the normative functional complementarity of both languages, each in accord with its

    own institutionally congruent behaviours and values, remains relatively undisturbed."

    (Fishman 1980: 7) Hamars and Blanc ( 1989) have stressed the institutionalized character

    of this functional differentiation, and Fishman (1980) invoked the concept of social

    compartmentalization. Fishman,Cooper and Ma (1971) study shows that Spanish-

    Americans tend to me mostly English in domains such as school, the Church and work

    and to use mostly S~anish in domains such as their home and friendship and networks.

    The interpretation of the results was that family and friends domains were related to

    II

  • values of imimacy and therefore to more solidarity with their vernacular or mother

    tongue. The school, Church, and work domains were more assodated with status values

    and favoured greater use of the language dominant in society. Social situations that

    constitute a domain can also be analyzed as function of elem1!nts such as time, piace,

    theme and the role of speakers, which can also influence language use (C:ooper 1969,

    Fishman l972b ). Social domains. therefore, seem to constitute an intermediate· level of

    analysis between a macro or sociological level and a micro levd. Moreover, the construct

    of social domains can function as a framework fer the study of the social

    compartmentalization process observed in diglossic situations. In a highly diglossic

    situation, differential use of language should be greatly influenced by the specific

    domains in which the language behaviour is mea"ured or oru;erved.

    d. The Stability Criterion :- The non conflictual nature of diglossia has sometimes been

    attributed i.u the stability of the" societal arrangements" which ascribe dlifferentiai sociai

    functions to each language. It remains possible, however that highly conflictual situations

    1;ould remain stable because of the difficulty of changing the power distribution between

    members of H and L communities. There may or may not be a necelssary relationship

    between the stability of the diglossic situation and the d{:gree to whictt the situatian may

    be conflictual. Fishman ( 1980:7)" diglossic sociefies are marked not only by

    compartmentalized convention but by various df:grees of nllccess restriction''.

    Nonetheless, Fishman (1980) has argued that relative stability is a ~ressary co~ition for

    diglossia. When social compartmentalization is unstable~ language spread and language

    shift occur, the direction of charge always being towards the stronger functional system.

    The relationship between bilingualism and diglossia has been described by Fishman

    ( 1967) with the help of a schema shown below.

    +

    Diglossia +

    Bilingualism and diglossia

    Bilingualism

    Fig. 2:

    Diglossia without Bilingualism.:.

    Relationship between Diglossia Fishman (1967)

    12

    Bilingualism with

  • "While diglossia refers to societal arrangements that help maintain bot:ndaries

    between the societal functions associated with H and L,'' bilingualism refers to" an

    individual behavioural manifestation (Fishman 1980). There is bilingualism and diglossia

    when most individuals are bilingual and .there is a clear institutional support for the

    differentiated use of the H & L varieties. There is bilingualism without diglossia when

    most people are bilingual but social compartmentalization is unstable. Under this

    condition, bilingualism as transitional and temporary. There is diglossia without

    bilingualism, when languages are distributed according to the territoriality principle. A

    society with neither diglossia nor bilingualism, is rather rare, but any society that is

    linguistically homogenous would, at least partially, fit the category.

    1.3. Methodology

    This section deals with the methodology adopted for the present study such as

    selection of tribes, selection of areal points, sampling procedures, tools designed to elicit

    data, the procedure adopted during the fieldwork and the method of data analysis.

    1.3.1 Selection of Tribes

    It was decided that the four numerically big tribal language speakers would be

    considered for the present survey.

    Table No. 1 Numerical Strength of Tribal Language Speakers in Jharkhand

    No. ofspeakers . % of total population

    Santhali 2271175 10.40

    Mundari 667872 3.06

    Ho 653172 2.99

    Kurukhl oraon 638236 2.92

    (Bhattacharya : 2002)

    In Jharkhand, tribal communities constitute 27.66% of the total population.

    Among these tribal communities, Santhali language speakers constitute the majority.

    13

  • Table No. 2 %of Tribal population in Jhankhand == 27.66%

    Santhali 37.57%

    Mundani 11.05%

    Ho 10.81%

    Kurukhl oraon 10.55%

    (Source: 1991 Census)

    1.3.2. Selection of Areal Points

    After Selection of the tribal communities for the present study, the points for data

    collection were decided from the district wise population table:s (Census 19\~l) before

    commencing the fieldwork.

    Table No. 3 Percentage of tribal population in areal points under study

    Total population ST population %

    Ran chi 2214088 964422 43.55

    Dumka 1495709 6214:&4 41.55

    East Singhbhum

    (Jamshedpur) 1613088 466572 28.92

    (Source: 1991 Census)

    These three districts were chosen for the present study because the1se districts

    constitute the majority,( i.e., overall 38%) tribal language speakers under m:udy and in

    addition, the social composition of these districts lends itself well to judgement sampling

    (Milroy 1980). Linguistically, Dumka constitute majority of Santhali languar~e speakers,

    Ranchi consti!utes Kurukh and Mundari language speakers and in East Singhbhum

    (Jamshedpur) Ho language speakers constitute the majority.

    1.3.3 Method of Data Analysis

    The analysis of the data has been made according to following individual and social

    variables.

    14

  • • Age: In terms of age of the informants, the sample has been d!vided inLO the

    following four categories.

    age ranging from 15 - 21

    II age ranging from 22-30

    Ill age ranging from 31 -50

    IV age above 50 years

    Age is seen to be a significant variable. This sociolinguistic study gives ample

    illustrations of how in terms of acceptance level of Hindi, attitudes towards Hindi and

    language choice, older informants are markedly different from younger informants.

    • Gender: - Gender has proved to be a significant variable in relation to acceptance

    level of Hindi, attitudes towards Hindi and language choice. The following were

    the values

    Male =

    Female= 2.

    As Eckert and Me- Connell - Ginet (1992 - 90) state "women's language has been

    said to reflect their own conservativism, prestige consciousness, upward mobility,

    ·insecurity, deference, nurture, emotional expressivity, sensitivity to other, solidarity and

    men's language is heard as evincing their toughness, lack of affect, competitiveness,

    independence, competence, hierarchy and control."

    • Education: - In terms of "education" the sample has been divided into the

    following groups

    Upto high school = A

    High School & above = B

    Uneducated or illiterate = c 'Education' plays a vital role in the life of the people. Language skill, language

    attitudes and language use of the individual co - vary with the level of education. For

    example, the more educated the respondents are, the more languages they know and use,

    whereas the majority of the illiterate know and use the language only in the spoken form.

    The literates use more languages and majority of them have all the four language skills

    IS

  • viz. understandill£,, reading, writing and speaking. Consequently, education as a variabl1~

    is a viable social determinant of different patterns of multilingualism.

    • Settlement Patterns

    The "settlement pattem" as a variable is categorized as follow

    Code

    Rural

    Urban

    1.3.4 Sampling Procedures

    R

    u

    The universe/population of this sociolinguistic study is the speakers of tribal

    languages such as Santhali, Mundari, He and Kurukh of Jharkhand. The sample for this

    study consists of 197 informants from Ranchi, Jamshedpur and Dumka districts of

    Jharkhand and the migrant population in Delhi. Most of them, i.e., 17! out of 197 had

    always lived in Jharkhand while the rest 26 infonnants had been living i111 Delhi for le

  • Apart from the areal and numerical distribution of ·the informants, the

    characteristics of the population are considered very important for this study. The

    characteristics under analysis are of two types:

    (i) Independent variables

    (ii) Dependent variables

    In this sociolinguistic study, gender, age, educational background, settlement

    patterns and tribal identity are independent variables while factors like acceptance of

    Hindi, attitudes towards Hindi and language identity are the dependent variables.

    1.3.4.1 Demographic characteristics of the Sample by Community

    We look at the entire data in terms of the four major ethno-linguistic communities

    viz. Santhali, Mundari, Ho and Kurux-Language speakers. Tables given below clearly ' show that the respondents of our sample are young, educated and urban based.

    Table No. 5 Community - Wise Distribution & Sample

    Santhali Mundari llo Kurukh Total

    Characteristics N=79 N =35. N=37 N=46

    Areal distribution

    Rural 0 5 0 5 10

    Ran chi

    Urban 5 29 5 29 68

    Rural 6 0 6 0 12

    Jamshedpur

    Urban 29 0 22 0 51

    Rural 10 0 0 0 10

    Dumka

    Urban 20 0 0 0 20

    Delhi Urban 9 4 12 26

    17

  • Table No.6 Distribution ofSamQle b~ Gender

    Santhali Mundari Ho Kurukh Total Ran chi! M 5 24 5 25 59

    F 0 10 0 9 19 Jhamshedpur M 28 0 20 0 48

    F 7 0 8 0 15 Dumka M 22 0 0 0 22

    F 8 0 0 0 8 Delhi M 6 I 3 7 17

    F 3 0 !, 5 9

    Table shows that the respondents of our sample consist of only 25.8% ~emale

    respondents while majority are males, i.e., 74.12%.

    Table No.7 Distribution ofSamQle b~ ~me

    Santhali Mundari Ho K111rukh To1Jal I 2 10 1 7 20 ii 3 14 4 10 31

    Ran chi III 0 6 0 13 19 IV 0 4 0 4 8

    I 1 I 0 7 0 18· Jamshedpur II 10 0 II 0 21

    Ill 10 0 7 0 n IV 4 0 3 0 7

    I 9 0 0 0 9 Dumka II lO 0 0 ()I w

    III 9 0 0 (I 9 IV 2 0 0 () 2

    I 3 0 l 3 7' Delhi II 4 1 2 '7 14

    Ill 2 0 1 2 j' .) IV 0 0 0 0 0

    I 15 - 2 t yrs II - 22-30 yrs Ill ·- 31 -50 yrs IV == Above 50+

    The researcher was unable to trace the informants in the age group oftht! category IV i.e. above SO years in Delhi. Hence the concerned column remains blank.

    18

  • Ran chi

    Jamshedpur

    Dumka

    Delhi

    Table no.8 Distribution of SamQle b:t Education

    Santhali

    A 0

    B 5

    c 0

    A 9

    B 24

    c 2

    A 5

    B 20

    c 5

    A

    B 8

    c 0

    Upto high school

    High School & above

    Uneducated or illiterate

    Mundari

    6

    24

    4

    0

    0

    0

    0

    0

    0

    0

    0

    = = =

    Ho

    0

    5

    0

    8

    17

    3

    0

    0

    0

    2

    2

    0

    A

    B

    c

    Kurukh

    9

    22

    3

    0

    0

    0

    0

    0

    0

    4

    8

    0

    Total

    15

    56

    7

    17

    41

    5

    5

    20

    .;

    "'

    7

    19

    0

    The researcher was unable to trace the Uneducated or illiterate informants in the

    category C. Hence the concerned column remains blank

    1.3.5 Tools for the Study

    The most impo1tant tool used for this study are the questionnaire and systematic

    observation. The questionnaire has been so designed in order that the cultural, social and

    socio-psychological data of the informants can be elicited. (For full questionnaire see

    Appendix II).

    19

  • 1.3.5.1 The Questionnaire

    The questionnaire was first prepared in English and then ~lat€-'.d into Hindi,

    mainly adopted from the "language use" and "general attitude and langtllage attitude"

    section of a questionnaire developed by Abbl et al {2000} to study the "Ae

  • -( ~

    The following interlocutors were selected from the said domains of activity:

    Interlocutors Domains

    1 . Father - mother

    2. Brothers - sisters Home

    3. Grand father- mother (Private)

    4. Children

    5. Friends J Friendship/Private 6. Market place

    7. Colleagues at workplace Public

    8. Teachers

    9. Seniors

    The languages used by the informants with each interlocutor in each of these

    domains were identified This provided important data to test the acceptability level of

    Hindi in various domains such as home, workplace, market place, public offices.

    The fourth part of the 9uestionnaire was devote? to measure the relative

    frequency with which a given language is used taking a time variable

    Tt T2

    in generations to know the languages spoken by the grandparents of the respondents and

    then to compare it with the first language of the respondent himself/herself. I tern no. 19-

    a, 20 and 21 were devoted to elicit the information.

    Th~ fifth part of the questionnaire was devoted to study the Codeswit~hing among

    the informants. Codeswitching within the multilingual context occurs when speakers use

    forms of two or more languages within the same conversation. Item no. 24, 25 and

    devoted to Codeswitching.

    In the sixth section, we wanted to know how far Hindi is used in mass media.

    Item no. 29 was devoted to elicit the information.

    21

  • The seventh section of the questionnaire was intended to provide data regarding

    the awareness of language identity. The respondents were asked the question whether the

    use of Hindi is a threat to their mother tongue or not. Item no.41 (iv) 49, 50, 51, 52, 53

    were intended to elicit the information regarding language identity. Item no. 43, 44,, 45,

    47 and 48 were intended to elicit data on the traits that make the tribals consider lllOFl-

    tribals and distinct. The factors t.hat distinguish the tribals from non-trlbals: are Languag.e, •

    Religion, Caste, Festivals, Social customs and Dress.

    The eighth section of the questionnaire was devoted to elkit information

    regarding language preference as medium of instruction, preference for mother tongLle,

    encouragement for younger generation to use Hindi. Item no. 32, 33 and 34 we;n!

    intended to elidt the relevant information. The question on "Do you encourage tht!

    younger generation to speak and use Hindi" was constructed to be answered using ~he

    binary response such as "yes" I no".

    In ninth part of the questionnaire, we wanted to know about the;: attitude of tlhe

    tribal language speakers of Jharkhand towards Hindi language and Hindi Speak(ers

    through item no. 37. 38, 41, 46, 42, 35, and 36. The usefulness of Hindi language fn,>m

    the point of view of the informant elicited through item no.37. Seven puq>Qses w.ere

    suggested to the informants and t~ey were supposed to tick the degree of usefulness, i:.e.,

    very useful, somewhat useful, not useful at al. Item no. 42 was intended to provide data

    on social distance. In a multilingual situation where distinct groups coexist, each gr

  • 1.3.5. ~ Systematic Observation

    There were two kinds of observations, one of them being participant observation.

    · The interviewer was visible, identified with the groups while participating in their

    activities and other social functions including functions such as "Santhal Utsav". The

    "Santhal Utsav" organized by celluloid chapter Jamshedpur and Tribal cultural society

    Jamshedpur. (5 - 6 Dec. 1998) gave an opportunity to study first hand the cultural basis

    which unites the Santhal society. This provided insight into the behavioral patterns of the

    population and gave a chance to see it against the norms expressed in responses to

    questions.

    The second was the non- participant observation which is primarily observing the

    groups through documentary sources. Books, Magazines, Census data, Newspapers were

    studied to get the background of the groups under study.

    1.3. 7. Field Procedures

    In this se~tion the general field procedures followed for data elicitation have been

    described. Fieldwork entails social intera~tion. Knowledge of the social group is a pre-

    . requisite to fieldwork. The fieldwork for this empirical research was conducted twice,

    first in the month of Nov-Dec 1998 and second time in Sep-Oct 2000. It is a

    sociolinguistic study which aims at capturing aspects of attitudes, identities and language

    use.

    The following procedure was followed for data gathering:

    • Each of the informants was approached individually with a request to fill out the

    questionnaire. The place of interview was either the residence of the informant or

    university or offices.

    • Several visits to the subject's place of work yielded an opportunity to observe

    their linguistic behaviour. They were observed interacting In a number of formal

    and informal situations, which provided ample opportunities for gathering

    information on their linguistic behaviour.

    • The researcher's association with Jhankhand spans more than 25 years. My family

    roots are here. In fact it was possible for me to project myself as a person who

    was neither insider nor an outsider and still both - a friend of a fr;cnd. This

    enabled me to carry out prolonged discussion with the respondents. Respondents

    23

  • introduced me to members of their personal networks, hence, I was able to

    overcome social barriers and that helped me gain access into living r~mts and

    community centres.

    1.3.8 Limitations ofthe Study

    It was not possible to collect a stratified random sample. My criterion for

    selection of respondents was decided on the basis of convenience. The main criterion was

    that speakers should understand and speak Hindi, be resident of Jharkhand and b:e willing

    to spare time for interaction with me and for filling out the questionnaire. Of course,

    enough care was taken to select respondents representing the four major ethn~.c tribals,

    their age., gender and other criteria. It can perhaps be considered as a kind of Judgement

    sampling. I understand that such a sampling suffers from many limitations, but being an

    outsider in these tribal communities as it were, I had to depend on introductions and the

    consent of the respondents. I was able to fill 197 completed questionnaires. I consider this

    data adequate because I have been able to cover the four major c!thno-linguisttic: groups

    Santhali., Ho, Kurukh and Mundari language speakers of interest and the reg!Ularity of . socio - psychological dimensions of ethno-linguistic behaviour can hopefuHy emerge

    from the study of more limited samples than is usually required for other kind of study.

    To summarise, in this chapter we have outlined the Goals of the Study, the

    Sociolinguistic enterprise especially reviews the Domain mod•=l and the Variationist

    Perspective, and lastly, outlines the methodology employed in the study.

    1.4 Organisation of the Study

    Chapter 2 describes the socio-historical and socio-cultur:a.l context of Jharkhand.

    This discussion provides the context pertinent to the specific goals of this study rather

    than a comprehensive history of Jharkhand. This chapter alm investigate!s different

    concepts employed in this study and the Literature Survey on V~:triati.onist Perspective on

    Language and Identity.

    Chapter 3 gives an account of various approaches employed to 1e>~plain the

    phenomenon of language choice in multilingual communities. In the first section it

    depicts the varying degree of language skills of these four ethno-lingui~)tilc groups;

    secondly, it discusses the frequency of Acceptance level of Hindi in difterent domains of

    24

  • use. The chapter also examines the data on linguistic identity, codeswitching and

    language attitudes towards Hindi.

    Chapter 4 includes a reanalysis of pertinent data from previous chapter. We have

    examined and analysed the findings with the help of the notions and concepts discussed

    in chapter I, 2 and 3 in particular. Several frameworks were adopted in the analysis of the

    functions represented by the data . No single specific framework was used because a

    single framework cannot account for the multifunctional language choice made by these

    four communities of interest.

    Chapter 5 concludes with an analysis of how the research findings of this study

    fit into current sociolinguistic thinking, and what implications there are for further

    research.

    25