hard choices: food insecurity in nsw and the act

Going Without in a Time of Plenty A Study of Food Insecurity in NSW & the ACT

Sue KinG, John Bellamy, Byron KemP and JeaneTTe mollenhauer

Prepared on behalf of ANGLICARE Sydney, the Samaritans Foundation

and Anglicare NSW South, NSW West & ACT | May 2013

EMBARGOED – until 8 May 2013

ANGLICARE SYDNEY� 1

EXECUTIVE�SUMMARY� 2

1.� INTRODUCTION� 6

1.1 POVERTY, DEPRIVATION AND CHOICE 6

1.2 ANGLICARE’S RESEARCH 7

2.�� STUDY�METHODOLOGY� 8

3.�� WHO�ARE�THE�PEOPLE�FACED��

WITH�HARD�CHOICES? 10

3.1 LOW INCOME AND

GOVERNMENT BENEFITS 10

3.2 HOUSING TENURE AND RENTAL STRESS 11

3.2.1 Tenure 11

3.2.2 Rental Stress 11

3.3 UNEMPLOYMENT 12

3.4 HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND SINGLE

PARENT HOUSEHOLDS 13

3.5 BEING INDIGENOUS 13

3.6 AGE AND GENDER 15

3.7 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS� 15

4.�� SEVERITY�AND�RECURRENCE��

OF�FOOD�INSECURITY� 16

4.1 LEVELS OF ADULT FOOD INSECURITY 16

4.2 FREQUENCY OF ADULT

FOOD INSECURITY 18

4.3 SEVERITY OF CHILD FOOD INSECURITY 19

4.4 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 20

5.� �HARD�CHOICES�AND�FOOD� 22

5.1. WHAT CONSTRAINS CHOICE? 22

5.1.1 Income Inadequacy 23

5.1.2 Transport Issues 23

5.1.3 Cooking and Food Storage Access 24

5.2. WHAT CHOICES ARE BEING

MADE ABOUT FOOD? 25

5.2.1 Choosing Poorer Quality Food 25

5.2.2 Going Hungry to Protect Children 27

5.2.3 Shopping Choices 28

5.2.4 Seeking Assistance 29

5.2.5 Desperate Choices 29

5.2.6 Choosing between Food

and other Essentials 31

5.3. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS� 31

6.�� THE�IMPACT�OF�HARD�CHOICES��

OVER�FOOD� 32

6.1 STRESS, ANGER AND ANXIETY 32

6.2 DEPRESSION AND SELF ESTEEM 33

6.3 SHAME AND EMBARRASSMENT 33

6.4 COMPROMISED HEALTH 34

6.5 IMPACTS ON CHILDREN 34

6.5 DISCONNECTION AND ISOLATION 35

6.6 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 35

7.�� POLICIES�THAT�COULD��

MAKE�A�DIFFERENCE� 36

7.1 FOOD SPECIFIC POLICIES 36

7.2 MONITORING FOOD INSECURITY

AT A STATE AND TERRITORY LEVEL 37

7.3 COMMUNITY INFRASTRUCTURE 37

7.4 EMERGENCY RELIEF 38

7.5 CASE MANAGEMENT 39

7.6 INADEQUACY OF NEWSTART 40

7.6 HOUSING 41

8.�� CONCLUSION� 44

ENDNOTES� 46�

BIBLIOGRAPHY� 49

© ANGLICARE Diocese of Sydney, 2013

ISBN 978-0-9805757-8-1

For�further�information�contact:�

Sue King

ANGLICARE Diocese of Sydney

Social Policy & Research Unit

PO Box 427

Parramatta NSW 2124

T +61 2 9895 8017

E [email protected]

This research formed part of wider national research into food insecurity undertaken by the Anglicare

Australia network research in 2012. We extend our appreciation to Anglicare Australia for making this

research possible and, in particular, to Anglicare researchers across the network who understood

and worked so hard to implement the vision of a national food insecurity research project.

We wish to thank Anglicare’s Emergency Relief (ER) staff for their willingness to be part of this

research project and for their work in arranging and carrying out interviews among ER clients.

We extend our thanks to all those clients who gave so generously of their time and experience

to help the wider community gain a better understanding of what food insecurity means to those

who experience it.

This report was prepared by ANGLICARE Sydney’s Social Policy & Research Unit. We acknowledge

the valuable contributions of previous Social Policy & Research Unit staff: Sally Carter for the

development of the survey instrument, survey logistics and contribution to the national report, and

Alison Moffitt for data analysis and contribution to the national report.

We also wish to thank ANGLICARE staff who were involved in the production of this report: Janine

Jones (Public Affairs Manager) and Kim Wares (Marketing Services Coordinator).

Sue King

John Bellamy

Byron Kemp

Jeanette mollenhauer


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MBARGOED – until 8 May 2013

2 ANGLICARE SYDNEY ANGLICARE SYDNEY 3

What limits the choices for food insecure

households?

The biggest constraint on choice for food

insecure households is the inadequacy of

income. Often the only discretionary item in

the budget is food. An unexpected event or

expense can put a family into crisis. Some 95%

of the NSW/ACT sample indicated that in the

past three months they had run out of food

because of events such as an unexpectedly

large bill, medical bills, a family funeral, a vet bill,

removalist costs, car repairs or car registration.

One in four people ran out of food every week

because they couldn’t afford to buy more.

Transport was also an issue with one fifth of

respondents considering that public transport

to get to the shops to buy food was inadequate

and unreliable, and 41% said that transport was

too expensive.

Others were limited in their choice of food

because they did not have a fridge (9%), a

working stove, oven or microwave (11%) or the

power connected (7%). For almost one in four

(23%) health and mobility reduced the capacity

to cook for themselves.

What choices are being made about food?

With a limited household budget and

competing demands being made on that

budget respondents indicated a number of

enforced choices:

1. Choosing poorer quality food and food

of less variety: Respondents spoke of

the difficulty in accessing fresh food,

meat and vegetables (43%) because of

the expense and of substituting cheap

carbohydrates to bulk up meals. Others

spoke of having the same meals three or four

times a week – often using cereal, potatoes,

bread and noodles.

2. Going hungry to protect children: The data

clearly indicates strong protective mechanisms

at work, with adults endeavouring to protect

their children from the worst effects of food

insecurity. In many cases this required them to

go hungry themselves to ensure their children

get fed.

3. Planning and budgeting: Many respondents

indicated rational choices to their difficult

situation including budgeting and careful menu

and shopping planning. Several mentioned

growing their own vegetables in order to be

self sustaining. Some however were forced

to buy cheaper food which was close to its

expiry date and line up at supermarkets at

closing time in order to get specials.

4. Seeking assistance: One of the most common

choices (92%) was to seek assistance from

an Emergency Relief (ER) centre or at places

where food was given out free (29%).

5. Desperate choices: In the open ended questions

in the survey, a number of respondents showed

desperation in their choices including cutting

their meal portions and the size of their meals,

skipping meals altogether, raiding garbage

bins, shoplifting or stealing.

6. Choosing between food and other essentials:

Frequently cited as choices in the juggling

or balancing act of a limited budget were

actions such as extending the due date of

a bill, putting off paying a bill, pawning or

selling personal possessions (49%) and

buying food on credit (17%).

What are the impacts of making hard choices?

Never being sure of where to source the next meal

or not being sure if the family will be fed adequately

for the rest of the week clearly generates stress,

anger and anxiety, which is well documented

in both the literature and the responses in the

open ended section of the survey.

Lived poverty is the embodiment of hard

choices. Households living on the margins

experience significant levels of deprivation as

they choose between having sufficient food to

feed their families, securing stable and affordable

accommodation and paying utility and medical

bills. The experience can be one of isolation and

social disconnection from family and friends, and

a significant struggle to protect their children

from the worst effects of such poverty.

In 2012 the network of Anglicare agencies across

Australia undertook a national study which

examined the experiences of food insecure

households. This current report describes

the outcomes of this study for people living

in NSW and the ACT and explores in some

detail the nature of the choices confronted by

such households. It is a study which highlights

the resilience and creativity of those whose

low income constrains choice, particularly in

relation to food. It is also a study of the extreme

lengths that some people are forced to go in

order to survive on a daily basis.

Who are the people faced with these hard

choices?

The study was carried out among people who

access Anglicare’s Emergency Relief (ER)

centres across Australia. In the NSW/ACT sample,

a number of people groups were found to be at

risk of facing hard choices around food, including:

• People who have a low income: More than

61% of respondents were endeavouring to

survive on less than $1000 a fortnight

• People with a disability: 44% of households

had someone in receipt of a Disability

Support Pension

• Unemployed people: Only 20% of households

had anyone receiving wages or a salary and

31% had someone in receipt of the Newstart

Allowance

• People renting: Four out of five people in

the NSW/ACT sample were renters, divided

evenly between public and private rental

• People experiencing rental stress: Three out

of four households experienced some form

of rental stress and for 42% this was severe

– ie they were paying more than 45% of their

household income on rent

• Single parents: One in three households had

a single parent

• Indigenous people: 14% of households had

someone present who was indigenous,

compared with a national indigenous

population of only 2.2%.

how bad is food insecurity for low income

households in nSW and the aCT?

Using scales developed from an adapted

USDA Household Food Security Survey

Module (HFSSM) survey tool, some 98.8% of

the sample of 171 respondents was found to

be food insecure and 82.2% of respondents

were severely food insecure. These levels were

somewhat higher than the rest of the sample

in other parts of Australia. Households also

reported worrying about running out of food

(87%), actually running out of food (78%),

cutting the size of meals (82%) or skipping

meals entirely (68%) on a recurrent basis. In

most cases adults were hungry but did not eat

because there was not sufficient food (68%)

and 40% regularly did not eat for a whole day.

For children the findings were very concerning.

Three out of four children in the sample lived in

a food insecure household. In 14% of households

children were forced to skip meals and in a

quarter of cases children were forced to go

hungry on a regular basis. In the worst case

scenario, in 7% households, children did not eat

for a whole day on a recurrent basis. EMBARGOED – until 8 May 2013

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Respondents indicated a range of emotions

including anger and frustration, depression and

low self esteem and shame and embarrassment

over their circumstances. There was clear

evidence of compromised health, lethargy

and a sense of hopelessness. The perceived

impacts on children were concerning as they

included reduced capacity to learn at school,

going to school hungry, being embarrassed

and angry in front of peers and being unwilling

to invite friends home after school. For some,

such factors led to a sense of disconnection

from both family and friends with a sense of

isolation and exclusion.

What can be done?

There are a number of possible responses

which could be made by both the NSW and

ACT Governments in relation to these issues:

1. Food specific policies: These include

the development of state-wide nutrition

strategies, support for local food initiatives

and regular food basket monitoring.

Consideration should also be given to

monitoring the prevalence of food insecurity

in the community.

2. Emergency Relief: ER is one of the most

utilised crisis management responses by

low income households. It requires more

funding to meet the current levels of need

and to widen the capacity of such services

to include wrap-around support services,

case management and capacity building.

3. Newstart Allowance: Both the NSW and

ACT Governments need to lobby the

Federal Government over the inadequacy

of Newstart which is forcing low income

and unemployed households well below the

poverty line.

4. Housing: One of the key factors which

mitigates food insecurity is stable, affordable

and sustainable accommodation. The NSW

Government needs to increase the supply

of such housing in order to reduce the

significant levels of housing insecurity and

rental stress which are currently occurring.

Conclusion

Lived poverty for the most marginalised and

socially excluded people in the community is

a daily struggle, attempting to meet the most

basic of needs of food, heating and housing

on a limited budget. This report highlights the

nature of the difficult choices faced by such

households and how they attempt to balance

competing needs. It is a struggle focused

on daily survival and not on longer term

sustainability or future well being.

eXeCuTiVe Summary

If�your�kids�have�got�food�you’re�OK.


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Australia is one of the most prosperous

countries in the world and is a more prosperous

place than it was even 10 years ago. In its

rankings of the progress of nations, the United

Nations listed Australia second in the world

behind Norway on its Human Development

Index1. According to the 2012 Legatum

Prosperity Index, Australia was ranked as the

fourth most prosperous nation in the world

after Norway, Denmark and Sweden2.

Yet despite this ongoing prosperity there

is endemic social exclusion and material

deprivation for a proportion of the Australian

population, reflecting inequality of income.

The Australian Council of Social Services

(ACOSS) reported that in 2010 one in eight

adult Australians and one in six Australian

children lived below the poverty line3.

This trend has barely shifted between 2003

and 2010.

Poverty for those people living on the margins

is a struggle between having a roof over one’s

head and putting food on the table. This

struggle has become ever more apparent

to community agencies which operate

Emergency Relief (ER) and crisis intervention

services. Of particular concern are those

households with children, where cutting or

skipping meals, hunger and food insecurity are

not being adequately addressed. Workers in

the field have long maintained that low income

households struggle to access nutritionally

adequate food. In such households, where

budgets are stretched, food often comes to

be seen as a discretionary item thus forcing

people to make difficult choices. This report

focuses on the difficult choices that food

insecure households are compelled to make in

order to survive.

1.1 POvERTY, DEPRIvATION AND CHOICE

Being poor generally means having insufficient

resources, which leads to difficult life choices.

Saunders et al (2007) make a distinction

between poverty and deprivation. Poverty

is seen as inadequate income leading to an

unacceptably low standard of living. Deprivation

on the other hand is considered to be the

enforced lack of socially perceived essentials4.

In the Saunders et al study this included such

things as having access to sufficient food,

adequate housing, heating in winter and access

to medical and health services.

The current study considers the hard choices

that individuals living with deprivation have to

make; however an ‘enforced lack’ means that

people in such circumstances often have no

real choices when it comes to the essentials for

living, usually a reflection of inadequate income.

The Saunders et al research indicates that there

are high levels of deprivation among people

accessing community services. Indeed people

were going without access to doctors, dental,

disability and child care services because they

could not afford them. One in four people did

not have heating in winter, more than half could

not afford new school books and uniforms for

their children and 70% chose to forego home

insurance5.

Further evidence from the Australian Bureau of

Statistics shows that low income households

spend proportionally more on housing, energy

and tobacco than middle income households,

have similar patterns of expenditure in relation

to food, clothing and household furnishings

and spend proportionately less on alcohol,

medical care, transport and recreation6.

It has been argued in the literature that the

nature of decision making is very different when

comparing low income and higher income

households. Pennings and Garcia (2005)

contend that when people live day to day,

survival, nor wealth maximisation, is the main

goal7. This reflects the shorter time horizons

when making decisions, which in turn leads to

a reduced capacity to be innovative or seize

new opportunities when making fundamental

choices. Community workers recognise the

limited horizons of those individuals who are

trying to work out if, when and how they will

have enough food on the table to feed the

family that night or the next week. In other

words, the needs of the current self outweigh

the needs of the future self; the decisions and

choices made reflect that context.

Choices made by low income households can

either reflect:

• An emotional (and sometimes irrational)

response to their situation in an attempt

to reduce stress or

• A problem solving (rational) approach

aimed at trying to optimise the choices

available8.

The latter approach includes adopting budgeting

and shopping strategies, deferment or juggling

of bills, and seeking assistance from welfare

agencies. Sanderson et al (2012) noted that:

The primary strategy of low income households...

was to reduce spending on essentials such as

food and fuel....spending on food was usually

reduced by cutting the range and quality of

food purchased, spending on energy was

usually reduced by cutting consumption9.

Emotional responses on the other hand might

include splurging on a lottery ticket in the

hope of a big win, buying high priced designer

shoes or brand name clothing for a child to

help them fit in with their peer group and avoid

stigmatisation, or spending on costly items

such as tobacco, which individuals feel helps

them ‘escape’ from their current situation10.

1.2 ANGLICARE’S RESEARCH

The difficult choices faced by households living

on the margins were highlighted in a national

study of food insecurity carried out by a network

of Anglicare agencies across Australia in 2012.

The Anglicare network is a significant provider

of Emergency Relief. In 2012 across NSW and

the ACT more than 26,000 people accessed

these services at a total cost of $4.85m, 40% of

which was funded through the donations and

support provided by local communities.

This current report examines data gathered

from this national study for NSW and the ACT,

highlighting the severity and chronic nature

of food insecurity for households accessing

ER services. The report identifies the difficult

choices such households were making in

meeting basic household needs in the context

of the financial constraints imposed by low

income. It also posits some possible policy

solutions.

1


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the participant without any assistance from the

interviewer before being sealed in an envelope.

The first stage of analysis included the

generation of food insecurity scores using the

HFSSM. Frequencies and cross-tabulations

were run for all close ended questions in the

survey. The second stage involved an analysis

of all open ended survey questions and other

comments volunteered by respondents

recorded by interviewers during the survey.

Throughout this report the terms ‘food

security’ and ‘food insecurity’ are frequently

used. The term ‘food security’ refers to access

by all people at all times to enough food for an

active, healthy life. At a minimum, food security

includes:

(1) The ready availability of nutritionally

adequate and safe foods, and

(2) An assured ability to acquire acceptable

foods in socially acceptable ways (eg,

without resorting to emergency food

supplies, scavenging, stealing, or other

coping strategies).12

Conversely, food insecurity refers to the

‘limited or uncertain availability of nutritionally

adequate and safe foods or limited or uncertain

ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially

acceptable ways.’ 13

In Anglicare Australia’s national study, a total

of 590 people accessing Emergency Relief

(ER) services were interviewed over a six

week period at 63 sites in all states. This was

a purposive and targeted sample of people

accessing ER or other forms of food support.

Some 167 respondents were interviewed at ER

centres in NSW and the ACT. This sub-sample

forms the basis of the current report.

The survey period ran from late February to late

March 2012, with an extension for the Northern

Territory, where surveys were conducted a

month later due to logistical issues. As a result,

most participants were describing their food

situation from mid December 2011 through to

mid March 2012.

The central measure of food insecurity used

in this study was adapted from the USDA

Household Food Security Survey Module

(HFSSM). The HFSSM is a series of questions

on whether households have enough money

for sufficient quantity and quality of food or

meals, and whether the respondents worried

about not having enough food. Specifically, the

questions identify:

• Anxiety or perception that the household

food budget or food supply is inadequate

• Perceptions that the food eaten by adults

or children is inadequate in quality

• Reported instances of reduced food

intake, or consequences of reduced intake,

for adults

• Reported instances of reduced food intake

or its consequences for children11.

The version of the HFSSM used in the study

included questions about the three months

prior to the survey period. Respondents

answered for their household. Children’s and

adults’ experiences were measured in separate

scales, with 9 questions pertaining to adults’

experience and 7 for that of children in the

household. Due to the sensitive nature of

children going hungry, these questions were

confidentially completed by the participant

separate to the interview.

The HFSSM tool was supplemented by the

inclusion of a single food sufficiency question,

used previously in the Australian Bureau of

Statistics’ National Health Survey.

Broader issues of food insecurity were also

addressed through supplementary questions

which included:

• Reasons why participants struggled to

obtain food;

• Coping strategies used by food insecure

participants;

• The impact of food insecurity on

individuals and families;

• The experience of using emergency food

relief services;

• Demographic information, including

information on household/family, housing,

income, employment, age, Indigenous

status, postcode, country of birth, year of

arrival and language spoken at home.

• Transport;

• Regular household expenditurea;

• Strategies for managing the household

food situationb; and

• Migration stream and visa status for

participants who were born overseas.-

The study was approved by the Ethics Committee

of the Brotherhood of St Laurence. All participants

received an information sheet on the survey and

gave written consent to be interviewed. Questions

on child food insecurity were completed by

2

People�look�down�on�you...

a. Adapted from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Self Completion Survey.

b. An open ended question to complement the question on coping strategies, which was multiple choice and focussed on reactive actions such as going without food, using food relief services, avoiding bills or selling personal belongings. The open ended question provided space for participants to talk about other strategies, including proactive strategies, used to manage the household food situation.


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• 19% (n=32) of households had at least one

person aged 15+ years in receipt of a Carers

Payment.

By comparison only 20% (n=33) of households

had at least one person aged 15+ years in

receipt of wages or a salary.

The high proportion of food insecure people on

a Disability Support Pension (44%) in NSW and

ACT is an issue for concern as is the number

of people in this study who are reliant on the

Newstart Allowance (31%). However, overall,

there was little variation regarding sources of

income between the NSW/ACT sample and

Anglicare’s national sample.

A reliance on government benefits is a

significant barrier to healthy food consumption,

particularly in regional and rural areas. A

food basket study of regional and rural

supermarkets in victoria found that in regional

and rural victoria, couple families in receipt

of unemployment benefits would have to put

aside 40% of their income for groceries to be

able to feed their families healthy food. Single

parents would have to put aside 37% of their

income to be able to feed their families healthy

food.36 Families in these situations where the

grocery budget is constrained are forced to

buy unhealthy food or to go without food.

3.2 HOUSING TENURE AND RENTAL STRESS

3.2.1 Tenure

Food insecurity has been found to be

positively associated with high rental costs and

housing instability37 and negatively associated

with home ownership.38 Within the NSW/

ACT sample the overwhelming majority of

households experiencing adult food insecurity

were living in rented accommodation (82.5%).

Of the remaining 17.5%, a small percentage

(6.6%) were living in households that were

either purchasing or owned their own home,

while just over one in ten households (11.9%)

were in insecure forms of accommodation or

living on the streets.

Among renters, just under half were living

in government housing (48%) and a slightly

smaller proportion (40%) was renting in the

private market. The remaining 12% were paying

rent to community or co-operative housing

(6%), or to other people (6%). This compares

very differently with the national profile where

the 2011 Census revealed that renters only

make up 26% of the population whereas home

buyers and people who own their own homes

constitute two thirds (66%) of all householdsc.

The proportion of people nationally who reside

in public housing is just 4%.

3.2.2 Rental Stress

Respondents in the study, who were renting,

staying with family or friends, living in a boarding

house or in emergency accommodation, were

asked to indicate the amount of money they

spent on housing. Households paying more

than 30% of their income in rent are considered

to be experiencing rental stress and households

paying more than 45% are considered to

Food insecure households face difficult choices

over food that can even compromise health. In

the literature, a number of key socio-economic

and group characteristics have been associated

with food insecurity and challenging life choices:

• Low income14

• Recipients of government benefits15

• Renting as opposed to home ownership16

• Homelessness17

• Unemployed households18

• Single parent households19 particularly single

mother households20

• Being Indigenous21

Other characteristics in the literature that have

been associated with food insecurity include:

geographical isolation,22 drug and alcohol

dependencies,23 frail age,24 special needs due

to disability or ill health,25 recent divorce or

separation,26 being in shared accommodation,

being in a single parent family or lone person

household,27 low education28 or school non-

completion,29 being in a family with three or

more children,30 households without elderly

people,31 households with non-citizen heads,32

a history of mental illness,33 and living in the

central city of a metropolitan area.34

This following section provides an overview of

characteristics commonly found among people

in the NSW/ACT sample of the national survey

who experienced food insecurity.

3.1 LOW INCOME AND GOvERNMENT BENEFITS

In the current study more than half of all

households (61%) were living on incomes of less

than $1,000 per fortnight compared with only

30% of households in the Household, Income

and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA)

national sample. More than one in five food

insecure households in NSW/ACT (22%) were

endeavouring to live on incomes of less than

$600 per fortnight.

A causal link has been identified in the

literature between food insecurity and low

income, particularly among people relying

on government benefits.35 Questions in the

current study regarding sources of household

income revealed a high level of dependency

on government benefits among food insecure

respondents in the NSW/ACT sample:

• 44% (n=74) of households had at least

one person aged 15+ years in receipt of a

Disability Support Pension


person aged 15+ years in receipt of the

Newstart Allowance



Family Tax Benefit



Aged Pension



Parenting Payment single



Youth Allowance

More than half of food insecure households

received less than $1,000 per fortnight

3

82.5% of food insecure households were renting

42% of food insecure experienced severe

rental stress

c. www.abs.gov.au


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be experiencing severe rental stress. Rental

stress can lead to food insecurity as money

spent on food is more discretionary than that

spent on housing. The findings for NSW/ACT

are concerning. Almost 30% of food insecure

households in the study experienced rental

stress and a further 42% experienced severe

rental stress. If this is broken down between

public and private rental accommodation it is

clearly evident that the greatest rental stress

is experienced by those in the private rental

market (Figure 1). More than 95% of food

insecure households in the private rental market

were experiencing some form of rental stress.

FiGure 1: Public vs Private rental

nSW/aCT Food insecure households

3.3 UNEMPLOYMENT

Participants in the Anglicare Australia study

were also asked to indicate the employment

status of the members of their household. In

food insecure households in NSW/ACT:


person aged 15+ years in full time work


person aged 15+ years in part time work


person aged 15+ years in casual work

• 31% (n=52) had at least one person aged 15+

years looking for work

• 43% (n=71) had at least one person aged

15+ years unable to work


15+ years doing home duties (looking after

children or housekeeping)


15+ years studying

• 7% (n=11) had at least one person aged 15+

years who was retired.

The number of food insecure households who

have no member in any form of employment,

is not a surprising finding given that a number

of studies indicate a strong correlation

between food insecurity or food insufficiency

and employment status. Temple39 found that

employment was linked to food sufficiency

whilst Foley et al40 found that unemployment

appeared to increase the likelihood of

experiencing food insufficiency. However it

should be noted that this employment profile

is very different to what could be considered

a nationally representative sample, such as the

profile provided by the Household, Income and

Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey.

In more than 60% of the HILDA national sample

of households at least one person is employed

full time compared with only 9% of the NSW/

ACT sample in the Anglicare Australia study.

While one third of households nationally have

at least one person in the household involved in

part time work, the percentage in the NSW/ACT

sample is only 8%. While only 6% of members in

households nationally are seeking work, 31% of

the NSW/ACT sample in the Anglicare Australia

study is actively looking for employment.

3.4 HOUSEHOLD TYPE AND SINGLE PARENT HOUSEHOLDS

Single parents with children were the largest

household type in the study, constituting one

in three (33%) of all household types, followed

closely by sole person households at 30%

(Figure 2).

FiGure 2: household Type


Comparison with the HILDA data provides a

useful benchmark of various household types

nationally. It is evident that single parent

households in Anglicare’s study (33%) are

significantly over-represented when compared

with a national representative sample of 6.6%.

The literature indicates that being a single

parent41 - particularly a single mother42 - appears

to increase the likelihood of experiencing

food insecurity. Stevens (2010)43 found that

factors for single mothers that contributed

to their food insecurity included housing

instability, income, affordable food sources and

transportation. All the mothers in the Stevens

study had developed coping strategies that

were primarily aimed at making sure their

children were fed. Furthermore, all mothers

were aware of the need to eat healthy food,

but were constrained by their tight budgets.

Some women had even less money to feed

themselves and their children because they

were also expected to provide for other family

members or partners who were also poor.

3.5 BEING INDIGENOUSThere was a significant over representation

of Indigenous people among food insecure

households in the Anglicare Australia study –

with 14% identifying as Indigenous compared

with 2.2% nationally.44

The link between being Indigenous and being

food insecure is not surprising. In a national

study in 2004-5, five times more Indigenous

0

20

40

60

80

100

Severe rental stress - 45% or more of income on rent

Rental Stress - between 30%-45% of income on rent

No rental stress - Up to 30% income on rent

Private rentalPublic rental

Severe rental stress –45% or more

of income on rent

Rental Stress – between 30%-45%

of income on rent

No rental stress – Up to 30% of income

on rent

Key:

Other

Adults not married or defacto,

living together

Couple withchildren

Couple withoutchildren Single

Parent

Live Alone

33%

6%7%

8%

17%

30%

OtherAdults not married or defacto, living together

Couple with children Couple without childrenSingle Parent

Live Alone

33%

6%7%

8%

17%

30%

14% of food insecure households in the nsw/act saMple were indigenous

3. Who are The PeoPle FaCed WiTh hard ChoiCeS?

%


E



Australians reported they had run out of food

in the last 12 months compared with the general

population45 (24% of Indigenous Australians

compared with 5% of non-Indigenous

Australians), including 4 times as many who

went without food when they couldn’t afford

more. This food insufficiency was most prevalent

in the Northern Territory (with 45% running out

of food), followed by South Australia (29%)

and Western Australia (26%). Queensland and

victoria were 21%; Tasmania and ACT together

were 19% and NSW 18%. Remote areas had a

higher prevalence of food insufficiency (36%)

than non-remote areas (20%). Aboriginality

as a risk factor for food insecurity is echoed in

other studies.46

3.6 AGE AND GENDER

Sixty four percent of food insecure households

in the NSW/ACT sample were represented in

the survey by women. The age of respondents

was relatively young with 79% of food insecure

respondents being 49 years of age or younger

(Table 1).

TaBle 1: aGe GrouPinGS oF Food

inSeCure reSPondenTS


numBer PerCenTaGe

LESS THAN 20 YRS 2 1.2%

20-29 YRS 27 16.4%

30-39 YRS 38 23.0%

40-49 YRS 64 38.8%

50-59 YRS 24 14.5%

60-69 YRS 8 4.8%

70-79 YRS 0 .0%

80+ YRS 2 1.2%

TOTAL 165 100.0%

3.7 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

The NSW/ACT sample in the Anglicare Australia

study indicates food insecure households have

demographic characteristics that are reflected

in other studies. A critical factor is having

a low income – and in this sample of food

insecure households more than two thirds of

respondents live in households with an income

of less than $1,000 per fortnight. This reflects

the welfare dependency of the sample and the

inadequacy of some Government payments

such as the Newstart Allowance. Most food

insecure households are renting and those in

the private rental market are very vulnerable

to rental stress. Other characteristics which are

more likely among food insecure households

include being homeless, being a sole parent or

being Indigenous.

With�kids�it’s�hard�to�explain�to�them:�we’ve�run�out.�It�makes�me�want�to�

burst�into�tears.�It’s�very�hard.

3. Who are The PeoPle FaCed WiTh hard ChoiCeS?


E



Community agencies have spent a number of

years observing the challenges faced by people

who are food insecure. This chapter outlines

the levels of food insecurity found among the

NSW/ACT sample for both adults and children.

Subsequent chapters then explore the choices

which people are forced to make when they

find themselves food insecure.

4.1 LEvELS OF ADULT FOOD INSECURITYIn order to measure the breadth and depth of

food insecurity experienced by the respondents

and their households, a number of scales were

developed using questions from the HFSSM.

Separate scales were developed for adults and

children to measure:

• The severity of food insecurity (based on

the number of different manifestations of

food insecurity that were experienced) and

• The frequency of food insecurity (based

on how often these experiences were

occurring).

Using the core HFSSM measure outlined in

the Methodology section of this report, the

severity of a household’s food insecurity can

be categorised as:

• Food secured

• Food insecure

• Severely food insecure.

The severity of food insecurity was ascertained

by counting the number of HFSSM questions

that received a positive response (Table 2).

Separate scales were derived for adults and

children in the participating households.

TaBle 2: deTermininG SeVeriTy

leVelS oF Food inSeCuriTy

SeVeriTy leVel

adulT meaSure

Child meaSure

FOOD SECURE

Positive responses to 0-1 adult questions

Positive responses to 0-1 child questions

FOOD INSECURE

Positive responses to 2-5 adult questions

Positive responses to 2-4 child questions

SEVERELY FOOD INSECURE

Positive responses to 6 or more adult questions

Positive responses to 5 or more child questions

Households falling into the more severe

categories of food insecurity not only answer

positively to more questions, they tend also

to give positive answers to the questions

regarding more intense or severe experiences

of food insecurity.47

The nine questions which make up the Adult

FSSM scale and the resulting frequencies

among respondents from NSW/ACT are

provided in Table 3.

TaBle 3: reSPonSeS To The adulT

hFSSm QueSTionS


in The PreViouS 3 monThS...

onCe or

more oFTen

neVer ToTal

1. We worried whether our food would run out before we got money to buy more

95% 5% 100%

2. The food we bought just didn't last and we didn't have money to buy more

95% 5% 100%

3. We couldn't afford to eat the variety of food we should have

94% 6% 100%

4 How often did you (or other adults) cut the size of your meals?

89% 11% 100%

5. How often did you (or other adults) skip meals?

82% 18% 100%

6. How often did you (or other adults) eat less than you felt you should?

89% 11% 100%

7. How often were you (or other adults) hungry but didn't eat?

77% 23% 100%

8. How often did you (or other adults) not eat for a whole day?

55% 45% 100%

9. Have you (or other adults) lost weight because you didn’t have enough money for food?

56%* 44%** 100%

* = ‘Yes’ ** = ‘No’

The food insecurity severity scale for adults

was calculated from the responses of the 169

respondents who completed the adult food

security questionse. In NSW/ACT 98.8% of

respondents were food insecure and 82.2%

were severely food insecure (See Figure 3).

FiGure 3: SeVeriTy oF Food inSeCuriTy


4

0

20

40

60

80

100

Severely Food Insecure

Food Insecure

Food Secure

Frequency - At Least Once

Severely Food Insecure

Food Insecure

Food Secure

Key:

98.8% of nsw/act respondents were

food insecure

We�buy�a�bag�of�potatoes�to�live�on�until�there’s�

money�for�food

d. The “food secure” category includes people who are “marginally food secure”, i.e. people who are generally food secure but have experienced one aspect of food insecurity in the previous 3 months. It should be noted that people who are marginally food secure often experience a poor quality of life which is similar to food insecure households. Cf Coleman –Jensen (2010). e. Two respondents did not complete a sufficient number of adult questions to receive a food insecurity severity score.

%


E



In particular, NSW/ACT respondents were

significantly more likely to have experienced

the following once or more often in the last

three months:

1. Cutting the size of meals (89% for NSW/ACT

compared with 80% for the rest of Australia

excluding NSW/ACT).

2. Skipping meals (82% for NSW/ACT

compared with 74% for the rest of Australia,

excluding NSW/ACT).

In addition, more food insecure people lost

weight in the last three months as a result of food

insecurity in NSW/ACT (56%) when compared

with the rest of Australia sample (46%).

4.2 FREQUENCY OF ADULT FOOD INSECURITY

Within the survey both the HFSSM tool and

the National Health Survey question measured

how frequently respondents experienced

the phenomenon. The positive responses to

the HFSSM discussed above can be further

analysed by identifying situations where the

phenomenon in question occurred:

• Only in one or two weeks during the 3

month period;

• Some weeks but not every week during the

3 month period; or

• Almost every week during the 3 month period.

By combining these responses with the severity

levels identified above, a second scale was

developed to show the frequency of food

insecurity among respondents.

Eight of the adult HFSSM questions include data

on frequencyf. For seven of these questions,

between a third and a half of NSW/ACT

respondents were experiencing these aspects

of food insecurity chronically i.e. almost every

week during the previous 3 months (Table 4).

Adding the first and second columns together in

Table 4 shows those respondents who suffered

recurrent food insecurity, at least some weeks

during the survey period. Recurrent food

insecurity is shown by:

• 87% of respondents who worried that food

would run out and there would not be

sufficient money to buy more

• More than three quarters of households

(78%) that ran out of food and were not

able to buy more

• Four out of five households (81%) that

experienced a lack of variety of food

• Adults in 82% of households who were

cutting the size of meals and adults in 68%

of households who were skipping meals

• 79% of respondents who indicated that

adults in their household were eating less

than they felt they should

• 68% of households where adults were

going hungry but didn’t eat

• More than one third of households (40%)

where adults regularly did not eat for a

whole day.

4.3 SEvERITY OF CHILD FOOD INSECURITY

Of the 171 respondents to the adult survey, 99

had children present in their household at least

part of the time. This represented 238 children,

195 of whom were living in the respondents’

homes permanently or most of the time and 43

of whom were living with respondents some of

the time (e.g. in shared custody).

The severity and frequency of food insecurity

among these children under 18 years of age

has been calculated using seven child specific

questions in the HFSSM. These questions were

not limited to parents or full time guardians;

they were available to all respondents who

lived in a household with children, including

respondents who only had children living in

their household for less than half the time.

Answers to these questions were recorded in

confidence by the respondent and were not

seen by the interviewer. There were a total of 82

households who responded to the child specific

FSSM questions, representing a response rate

of 83% of households with children.

Analysis of the child specific FSSM questions

revealed that more than three quarters of

the children in the sample (78%) were food

insecure and more than one third (35%) were

severely food insecure. In terms of the number

of children in the sample:

• 48 children (22%) were food secure

• 92 children (43%) were food insecure

• 74 children (35%) were severely food insecure.

Table 5 illustrates these findings.

TaBle 4: reSPonSeS To The adulT hFSSm QueSTionS


almoST eVery WeeK

Some WeeKS BuT noT

eVery WeeK

only 1 or 2 WeeKS

neVer ToTal

1. We worried whether our food would run out before we got money to buy more

49.4% 37.5% 8.3% 4.8% 100.0%

2. The food we bought just didn't last and we didn't have money to buy more

37.5% 40.5% 17.3% 4.8% 100.0%

3. We couldn't afford to eat the variety of food we should have

50.9% 30.2% 12.4% 6.5% 100.0%

4 How often did you (or other adults) cut the size of your meals?

52.4% 29.2% 7.1% 11.3% 100.0%

5. How often did you (or other adults) skip meals?

45.0% 23.1% 14.2% 17.8% 100.0%

6. How often did you (or other adults) eat less than you felt you should?

49.1% 30.2% 9.5% 11.2% 100.0%

7. How often were you (or other adults) hungry but didn't eat?

35.1% 33.3% 8.9% 22.6% 100.0%

8. How often did you (or other adults) not eat for a whole day?

21.4% 19.0% 14.9% 44.6% 100.0%

f. “Have you lost weight because you didn’t have enough money for food” was a dichotomous question. No frequency information was collected from this variable.

4. SeVeriTy and reCurrenCe oF Food inSeCuriTy


E



TaBle 5: adulT reSPonSeS To The Child hFSSm QueSTionS


almoST eVery WeeK

Some WeeKS BuT noT

eVery WeeK

only 1 or 2

WeeKSneVer ToTal

1. We relied on a few kinds of low cost food to feed the children because we were running out of money to buy food

35.6% 33.3% 14.4% 16.7% 100.0%

2. We couldn't afford to feed the children the variety of food they should have

22.2% 37.8% 18.9% 21.1% 100.0%

3. The children were not eating enough because we just couldn't afford enough food

11.1% 20.0% 12.2% 56.7% 100.0%

4. How often did you cut the size of the children's meals?

13.8% 16.1% 10.3% 59.8% 100.0%

5. How often were the children hungry but you couldn't afford more food?

12.6% 11.5% 10.3% 65.5% 100.0%

6. How often did the children skip a meal?

5.7% 8.0% 5.7% 80.5% 100.0%

7. Did your children not eat for a whole day? How often did this happen?

4.5% 2.3% 2.3% 90.9% 100.0%

Table 5 shows that some children experienced

aspects of food insecurity on a recurrent basis

(ie ‘weekly’ or ‘some weeks’ over a three month

period). Recurrent food insecurity among

children was shown by:

• 69% of households with children reported

feeding their children low cost food to make

their budget go further

• 60% of households with children reported

that their children did not have a sufficient

variety of food. Parents choose instead to

bulk up the family meals by supplementing

with cheaper carbohydrates such as pasta,

rice and potatoes rather than fresh meat,

fruit and vegetables

• Almost one third of households with children

(31%) reported their children not eating

enough and 30% experiencing reduced

meal portions because there wasn’t enough

food in the household

• Almost one in four households with children

(24%) have children who were often

going hungry.

• In the worst case scenario, children were

forced to skip meals in 14% of households

and in 7% of households children often

went whole days without food.

4.4 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

Using scales developed from the adapted

HFSSM survey tool for the 171 NSW/ACT

respondents, 98.8% of the sample was food

insecure and 82.2% of respondents were

severely food insecure. These levels were

significantly higher than for the rest of the

Anglicare Australia sample. Nor was this a one

off occurrence. At least some weeks during the

survey period households reported worrying

about running out of food (87%); actually

running out of food (78%); cutting the size of

meals (82%) or skipping meals entirely (68%).

In some cases (68%) adults were hungry but

did not eat because there was insufficient food

and 40% regularly did not eat for a whole day.

For children the findings were very concerning.

Three out of four children lived in a food

insecure household. In 14% of households

children were forced to skip meals and in more

than one quarter of cases (25%) children were

forced to go hungry on a recurrent basis. In

the worst case scenario, in 7% households,

children did not eat for a whole day at least

during some weeks.

I�just�go�without.�As�long�as�the�kids�have�got�theirs,�that’s�the�main�thing.

4. SeVeriTy and reCurrenCe oF Food inSeCuriTy


E



5.1. WHAT CONSTRAINS CHOICE?

Poverty studies have shown that food is often

the only discretionary item in the budget of

low-income households and therefore prone

to erosion by more pressing expenses.48 This

situation can occur despite careful planning.

Lived poverty is a precarious existence where

one small event can place a household into

crisis. Emergency relief services are designed

to function as a short-term support in a time

of such crisis. Generally this is understood as

supporting people when they experience a

major or unforeseen change in circumstances,

such as a house fire, death in the family, or

unexpected job loss. But, as noted by ACOSS,

For many groups of recipients social security

payments are inadequate to meet basic living

costs. In this context, many individuals and

families are only just scraping by and there is no

slack for the unexpected. In these circumstances

any event which results in additional financial

stress is unlikely to be absorbed - for example,

the washing machine breaking down; new

school uniforms; health care costs or quarterly

bills such as heating.49

The Anglicare survey asked whether

respondents had run out of food due to an

unexpected expense or event in the previous

three months. Some 95% (n=158) of food

insecure adults in the NSW/ACT sample

indicated that this had happened to them. This

percentage was significantly higher than for

respondents from the rest of Australia (86%).

These unexpected expenses or events included

medical expenses, the beginning of the school

year, funerals, a car or fridge breaking down,

school excursions and school camps, an

unexpectedly high electricity bill or friends

coming to stay. Escalating bills was a common

theme among respondents. Relationship break

down, the cost of moving house, looking after a

sick parent, a blocked toilet and needing to buy

a birthday gift were all raised as issues which

were unexpected and which catapulted the

family into needing assistance. Some cited vet

and legal bills:

Took dog to the vet for yearly needles, vet

found bladder stones. Operation was going to

cost $800. Can’t let animal die! Rang animal

welfare... Vets won’t allow us to pay off bills.

Animal welfare did operation for $600 and

allowed [me] to pay it off. But this reduced

the money for food. Added massive pressure,

the dog is now on prescription only food,

now costing $105 per month...Have no choice

apart from killing the dog. It has made things

really tough.

Because of family law court, I ended up with

a huge legal bill, still trying to pay it off.

These events are significant because low

income households do not have resources to

draw upon. Savings are low or non-existent

and households tend to live from week to week

trying to make ends meet.

The Anglicare study and other literature

indicate there are a number of factors which

force people to make hard choices in relation to

food. Three of the most common are a lack of

income, the cost of transport and the cooking

and storage of food.

5.1.1 Income Inadequacy

As discussed previously, low income limits

choice and forces people into making difficult

choices. In the Anglicare Australia study,

clients from NSW/ACT experienced significant

levels of food insufficiency which were largely

due to economic circumstances and income

inadequacy. Indeed 95% of all food insecure

respondents indicated that they had run

out of food in the last 12 months because

they could not afford to buy more. This was

significantly more than the average across

the whole national sample (88%). For one in

four respondents (24.8%) this was a weekly

occurrence (Table 6).

TaBle 6: hoW oFTen did you run ouT oF

Food and Couldn’T aFFord To Buy more?


numBer PerCenT

ONCE A WEEk OR MORE

39 24.8%

ONCE EVERY TWO WEEkS

39 24.8%

ONCE A MONTH 41 26.1%

LESS THAN ONCE A MONTH

38 24.2%

TOTAL 157 100.0%

Respondents were also asked to consider the

adequacy of their income. More than half (61%)

of all food insecure respondents considered

that their household did not have enough to

get by on. Only 4% considered that there was

sufficient income to get by on and provide a

few extras.

In subsequent questions it was also evident

that a lack of income was a key element in

accessing food. In fact 90% of all food insecure

adults indicated that they did not have enough

money to buy the food they needed and for

just over half (55%) this was a problem because

there was no one in the household with whom

they could share costs

In the Anglicare survey respondents were asked

to consider the reason for their household’s

food insecurity. The issues of major concern

were the price of food and the lack of income.

This was compromised by costs for rent,

electricity and bills in general and the lack of

money to make ends meet.

5.1.2 Transport Issues

In order to ascertain if physical access to food

was an issue for them, respondents in the

Anglicare study were asked about the time it

takes them to get to the shops, their chief mode

of transport and other questions in relation to

access.

The survey found that some 44% of food

insecure respondents in NSW/ACT lived within

a short distance of the place they went to

buy groceries, travelling for up to 10 minutes

to get to the local shops. However 12% of

respondents (n=20) travelled for over half an

hour to an hour to get to the shops, and a small

percentage (4%, n=7) travelled for at least an

hour or more to get to the shops. Most of these

5

95% had run out of food because of an unexpected

expense or event.

90% did not have enough Money to buy the food

they needed


E



respondents felt that not having access to a car

had contributed to their food insecurity.

Respondents were also asked which mode of

transport they generally used to access the local

shops. Just under half (46%) drove their own

car and 44% walked at least some of the way

to get to the shops. Almost one in four (23%)

relied on public transport. A small proportion

of clients used other transport options instead

of, or in addition to, public transport or walking.

These included using a bicycle (1%), getting

a lift from a family member or friend (3%),

borrowing someone’s car (1%) or catching a

taxi (2%).

A subsequent question found that one in three

respondents (34%) indicated that they had

difficulty accessing shops because of health

and mobility problems.

Questions were also asked in relation to

transport access; the findings indicate that

there are also physical access issues:

• One in five respondents (22%) considered

that public transport was inadequate and

unreliable

• More than one third (37%) identified that

not having access to a car for shopping

worsened their food situation

• 41% felt that transport was too expensive.

The literature is divided regarding the impact

that distance to shops and transport availability

has on a household’s food security. Undoubtedly

however location can play a part in exacerbating

food insecurity and lead to difficult choices in

order to be able to cope. Fewer supermarkets

spaced further apart in low income areas is

a particular problem for car-less, low income

households in areas with poor local public

transport. For instance, whilst a food supply outlet

may be within reasonable driving distance, there

is only so much that a single mother with small

children and without a car can carry home on the

bus. This complication can also prevent people

without cars from buying food in bulk, as the

volume can make the shopping bag too heavy to

carry a distance. Furthermore, although cheaper

per unit, the overall price can be significant and

other things may have to be foregone.

If I have a seizure, I can’t go out. It’s hard to

take all the shopping on your own.

Have to buy small amounts due to living situation, can’t bulk shop.

Ride bike everywhere - difficult to carry groceries.

Other Australian studies have identified lack of

access to food outlets in disadvantaged areas.

In its 2005 food security report, the City of Port

Philip in victoria observed that the lack of low

cost food outlets located within easy walking

or close to public transport was an issue for

many vulnerable and low income residents.50

O’Dwyer and Covney’s 2006 research identified

the presence of food ‘deserts’ in Adelaide,

where there was poor access to supermarkets

due to distance (less supermarkets were found

in the lower socioeconomic suburbs) and low

car ownership.51

5.1.3 Cooking and Food Storage Access

Another issue which constrains choice is access

to appropriate cooking and food preparation

facilities. Some low cost accommodation,

especially hostels and boarding houses, may

not provide all the facilities necessary for

cooking and have limited secure storage for

food. Limited fridge and freezer space can also

restrict the amount of cheaper bulk items that

can be bought. Furthermore, when a fridge

breaks down, food will not only be lost but there

may not be enough cash on hand to replace

this essential item. Eating low-cost, healthy

meals is the most difficult for homeless people

without any space in which to cook or store

food. Housing overcrowding and inadequate

cooking facilities have also been cited as

factors contributing to food insecurity in some

Indigenous communities.52

In the Anglicare Australia study these issues were

evident. Almost one in ten food insecure clients

in the NSW/ACT sample did not have a fridge

(9%), 11% did not have a working stove, oven

or microwave and 7% did not have the power

connected. For almost one in four respondents

(23%) health and mobility problems reduced

their capacity to be able to cook for themselves:

Being a diabetic and heart condition have to buy more expensive food. Some nights can’t cook due to pain.

Disease in spine and leg makes it hard to stand

- recent fall at a bus stand.

5.2. WHAT CHOICES ARE BEING MADE ABOUT FOOD?

People living on the margins with significant

levels of food insecurity are forced to make

difficult choices about food. This can range

from choosing poorer quality food, protecting

children by going hungry and accessing

emergency food relief outlets, to changed

cooking and shopping strategies. In the most

extreme cases, people go hungry, skip meals or

obtain food in socially unacceptable ways such

as stealing.

5.2.1 Choosing Poorer Quality Food

Food insecurity is not just about accessing

sufficient food but also being able to access

food of an appropriate quality. More than half

of the survey respondents (58%) indicated

that on a weekly basis they had not been able

to eat the kinds of food they wanted to, and

for a further 21% this occurred at least once

a fortnight (Table 7).

TaBle 7: hoW oFTen Could you noT eaT

The KindS oF Food you WanTed To?


numBer PerCenT

ONCE A WEEk OR MORE

79 58.1%

ONCE EVERY TWO WEEkS

28 20.6%

ONCE A MONTH 19 14.0%

LESS THAN ONCE A MONTH

10 7.4%

TOTAL 136 100.0%

In subsequent questions a third of NSW/ACT

respondents indicated that it was difficult to

access food of the right quality (31%) and for

43% they could not get a variety of foods

31% could not access quality food, 43% could not get easy

access to fresh food.

one in ten did not have a fridge or working stove

5. hard ChoiCeS and Food


E



such as meat, vegetables, fruit, dairy products

and bread. Respondents commented on the

issues around having the same sort of meals

every week:

We have three meals but we have them twice

a week. The kids will say “not again!” and I’ll have

to explain to them that things are expensive

now. I had my business before. We always had

a variety of foods. Our shopping bill used to be

$300 per week. You’ve got to find cheap food

now, it’s the same food you’ve got to eat [over

and over again].

various overseas studies indicate that low-

income families who have a less nutritious

diet are aware that they are not eating well,

however they cannot afford more healthy

food, such as fresh fruit and vegetables53.

This was also found in the Anglicare Australia

study where 68% of respondents felt they

should eat more fresh foods but that these

were too expensive. For 17% there was an

acknowledgement that they needed to know

more about making healthier meals.

Respondents were also asked about special

dietary needs and how these were met. Over one

third (40%) indicated that they needed special

foods but could not purchase them because of

the expense. Some clients commented:

I’m a diabetic and supposed to eat 6 meals a

day with carbs and most nights I put meat and

chips on the table ‘cause that’s all I can afford.

Diabetic... Supposed to eat certain yoghurt but

not cheap.

For a small number (10%), reflecting the lack of

ethnic diversity in the client profile, there was

difficulty in accessing culturally appropriate

food. As one respondent commented:

I can’t buy cultural foods with food vouchers.

In the open ended questions there were

concerns around the price of meat, fresh fruit

and vegetables and the need to substitute with

cheap filling food, often not nutritious and high

in carbohydrates. There was also concern about

the sameness of the food which households

had to eat on a regular basis, as evidenced by

the following comments:.

I can eat porridge 24 hours a day if I have to.

A lot of people around here live on cereal

and milk...

My kids love corn, so sometimes I’ve just given

them that for dinner. Cereal-sometimes that

has become dinner for a night...until pay day.

We buy a bag of potatoes to live on until there’s

money for food

Choosing low cost, poorer quality and high

carbohydrate food to bulk out family meals

is well recognised in the literature as a coping

strategy for families on low incomes. A study

in New Zealand by Wang et al53 found the

‘healthy’ foods were always more expensive

than the ‘regular’ alternatives in both urban

and rural outlets. Wang et al argue that the

high cost of healthy alternatives, particularly of

less processed foods and foods that are low in

sugar, are more likely to prevent people from

adopting healthier diets and preventing early

onset diabetes.

It should be noted that these choices are often

influenced by the timing of the receipt of income.

When funds are received households tend to

buy more variety and more nutritious foods but

as the period lengthens to receipt of the next

instalment of income less nutritious foods are

substituted and food supplies are stretched.

US research suggests that changes in financial

resources throughout the month, either because

of the timing of income or assistance, can result

in the change in type and quantity of food

available.55 This is consistent with comments

received as part of the Anglicare research:

Just rationing...knowing that I’ve got 4 days

before I get paid and spreading what food I have

over the days I have to wait ( like plain pasta) just

so I have food in my stomach every day.

My main strategy is to do my shopping on the

Monday and Tuesday straight after my pay...

that way if we run out I know there’s food in the

cupboard...(it’s harder when daughter comes

for access visits).

5.2.2 Going Hungry to Protect Children

Perhaps the hardest choice is that faced by

parents who desperately try and protect their

children from the worst forms of food insecurity

by going without food themselves so that their

children can eat. This trend has been recognised

in international studies:

As the situation becomes more severe, the

food intake of adults is reduced and adults

experience hunger, but they spare the children

this experience. In [the most severe stage],

children also suffer reduced food intake and

hunger and adults’ reductions in food intake

are more dramatic.56

This trend was also seen within the NSW/ACT

sample of the national study. The majority of

respondents living with children (63.2%) were

living in households where children fell into

a less severe food insecurity category than

the adults. Just over one third (34.4%) of

respondents were living in households where

children and adults fell into the same food

insecurity severity category (Table 8).

adulTS: Food inSeCuriTy SeVeriTy

FOOD SECURE

FOOD INSECURE

SEVERELY FOOD

INSECURETOTAL

Ch

ild

re

n:

Fo

od

in

Se

Cu

riT

y S

eV

er

iTy

FOOD SECURE 0.0% 6.9% 16.1% 23.0%

FOOD INSECURE 0.0% 8.0% 40.2% 48.3%

SEVERELY FOOD INSECURE

0.0% 2.3% 26.4% 28.7%

TOTAL 0.0% 17.2% 82.8% 100.0%

TaBle 8: SeVeriTy oF adulT and Child Food inSeCuriTy, houSeholdS WiTh Children


Households where child

food insecurity is less severe

than adult food insecurity

Households where child food

insecurity and adult food

insecurity are equally severe

Households where child

food insecurity is more

severe than adult food

insecurity

Key:

adults go hungry to protect their children



E



In the open ended questions parents also

indicated the choices they made when

endeavouring to protect their children from the

worst effects of not having enough food:

I just go without. As long as the kids have

got theirs, that’s the main thing.

Look after kids as number one priority.

Always try to feed my daughter first. Have to

make do with what you’ve got.

Don’t worry me so much, it’s only making sure

that I have enough for my kids, my own - plus

the street kids.

If your kids have got food you’re OK.

The three adults might have less food on their

plates so we always make sure the little one gets

the nutrition she needs cause she’s growing.

5.2.3 Shopping Choices

In the open ended questions participants

indicated that they chose to prepare well for

their shopping trips by planning before they

set out, by scouring catalogues, noting items

on sale and writing a shopping list and not

deviating from it. Some people sourced local

markets and the larger chain supermarkets for

food and others spoke of buying hampers on

a lay-by system. The most common technique

cited was simply hunting for bargains, which

was described as ‘buying specials’, ‘discount

grocery shopping’, or variations on these

comments. In so doing, the purchase of

‘generic’, ‘homebrand’ or just ‘cheaper’ food

items was suggested. Additionally, buying in

bulk when the price of a particular item was

reduced, and therefore creating a stockpile

for future consumption, was recommended

although – for some- this was limited if they

had to carry it home either by walking or using

public transport.

When things are cheap (on special) then I

buy for two weeks. If it’s too expensive I won’t

buy. In Liverpool, I only buy on sale... I go to

Coles when they mark down the price reduction.

I ask the shop workers when the chicken will be

reduced... after 6 hours I come back.

Write a list of definite needs for when I go to

shops, trying to allow for a few extra items of

known need if they are on special, and sticking

to list at the shops.

Some made mention of specific items to seek

out, such as powdered milk as a cheaper and

longer lasting alternative to fresh milk. Others

described buying whatever was either past its

‘best before’ date or close to its ‘use by date’,

because such goods are sold off cheaply to clear

the shelves. The latter practice, buying items

close to the ‘use by’ date, has the potential to

pose a threat to physical health and well-being

if these items are stored and consumed after

this date. Respondents commented:

We cannot always get fresh food and have

to buy food that’s expired.

Sometimes you get sick if the sale food is no

good but you ’learn your stomach’ to cope.

Discovered that low fat [milk] lasts way beyond

its use by date... It’s full cream milk that goes

off. I buy low fat milk up to 15 days past its use

by date. It can last up to 21 days.

Rather than shop some people opted to try

and grow their own:

...Growing a tomato plant that self seeded.

Started training it with pickets I found lying

around. Tomatoes are growing a bloody beauty

- giving it away to neighbours. It’s a kilo every

couple of days.

My pet aim is to grow native food and fruit/

vegetables in a native corridor so homeless

people can access it directly. Local councils

should invest in community food cultivation in

reserves.

5.2.4 Seeking Assistance

The literature indicates that a common choice

for many is to seek assistance from ER outlets,

community kitchens, family and friends. The

Anglicare research supports this finding. In the

last three months, 92% of households in the

NSW/ACT sample had asked for food from an

Emergency Relief (ER) centre and 29% indicated

they had eaten somewhere that gave out free.

Nor was this assistance limited to community

agencies. A number of people (50%) had

chosen to seek help from family and 41% had

also sought the assistance of neighbours and

friends. Participants reported that parents and

siblings had come to their assistance either

through monetary assistance or provision of

meals to share.

5.2.5 Desperate Choices

One of the most common coping strategies

was simply going without food – 69% of all food

insecure adults indicated that this had occurred

in the last three months. Portion control, was

sometimes used in varying degrees of severity.

Some comments received were as follows:

Make meals that little bit smaller so I am not

using as much.

Make food to last 2 or 3 days.

I drink coffee to reduce my appetite.

Sleep longer to skip breakfast.

Some families commented that when food ran

really short they would send their children to

stay with friends or relatives:

We get rid of the kids... ask my son to go

to a mate’s place for a weekend to eat there.

He understands the situation. He will ask and

I’ll say can you nick off and come back after the

weekend?... the 6 year old doesn’t understand

but she’ll go and stay with my mum for a few

days and me and my hubby will stay home and

eat toast and sandwiches. We’ve got loads of

bread in the freezer. We’ve started having to do

this since the last year.

Other more desperate strategies involved

scavenger schemes such as collection and

sale of bottles and cans for recycling used

to bolster the household income. Some

turned to busking, which was described by

one participant as being ‘one step up from

begging’. A few mentioned going through bins

and stealing food:

Start[ed] stealing to survive.

I feel like running into Woollies, grabbing a

trolley and running out. I haven’t done it but

92% of food insecure households sought help

froM eMergency relief



E



I don’t want to be locked away from the kids.

Then the kids will struggle more.

It can make you feel desperate so you do

desperate things... I know people who go out

and steal...

Once my landlord killed a sheep for us...

Everything is on the verge of being disconnected.

I have a padlock on the gate. If they can’t get

in, they can’t do reads. I’ve got disconnection

notices on everything. It’s like living in a jail.

Have had to steal food (e.g. a pack of sausages)....

Not proud of it. Ex wife is also stealing food.

She has lost $200 payment for the 17 year

old...hunger forces you to do things you don’t

normally do... fear of getting caught.

I pick up food off the street that’s discarded but

is still OK.

At times raided garbage bins. ALDI throw out

heaps of stuff. Things are only 1 day old. I used

to go out and raid and got good stuff...

For some, one of the most important bills was

that of electricity and there was a decided

preference for using as little as possible. This

rationing included not heating in winter but

rugging up in warm clothes and retreating to

bed early at night to stay warm.

5.2.6 Choosing between Food and other Essentials

People living the precarious existence of

poverty need to juggle their budgets and

make decisions around which bills to pay and

which to extend. In the Anglicare study, two

out of every three respondents in the NSW/

ACT sample identified extending the due date

of paying a bill (65%) and putting off paying

a bill (67%). Some households bought food on

credit (17%) and almost half (49%) had pawned

or sold personal possessions in order to get

money for food:

...Took out a loan from Cash Converters.

Live on credit card, pay off at tax time because

partner’s tax pay off credit card. Living beyond

means but what more can I do?

Others would choose to just exclude from the

budget such items as cigarettes and alcohol,

junk food and treats, outings and recreational

pursuits, and buying presents. They would

also spend less on clothing which could be

supplemented by buying from secondhand

retail outlets.

5.3. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

For people deeply entrenched in poverty and

food insecure the choices they have in life are

deeply constrained by their lack of income. This

can lead to a precarious existence where one bill

or life event can throw a household into crisis.

What is evident from both the quantitative

and qualitative data in this report is that such

households make a number of rational choices

in order to survive. These include budgeting,

planning, putting off bills, extending the

payment period for such bills, and seeking

assistance form community agencies, family

and friends. For some however, the measures

chosen appear to be desperate – going hungry

on a regular basis, pawning possessions, eating

food that is expired, busking, shoplifting and

sometimes stealing.

The anxiety and stress which such uncertainty

and difficult choices engenders is more fully

explored in the next section.

I�feel�sad.�No�one’s�happy�if�there’s�no�food.



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6

Food insecurity and the consequent difficult

choices this creates for both individuals and

households affects nutritional status and health,

which are contributing factors to wellbeing.

Statistics Canada found that food insecure

respondents were 3.2 times more likely to have

experienced high levels of distress and were 3.7

times more likely to have ‘reported symptoms

suggesting a high probability of having had a

major depressive episode in the previous year.’57

Indeed food insecurity is known to lead to a range

of social and emotional consequences including:

• worrying about the likelihood of going

without food58

• anxiety about not having enough food to

show hospitality to friends and family59

• anxiety amongst children60

• feelings of deprivation61

• a range of feelings associated with a lack of

control over the food situation and the need

to hide this (e.g., powerlessness, shame,

inequity, exclusion, fear)62

• coping strategies that may be considered

socially unacceptable such as accessing

emergency food relief, stealing, eating at

soup kitchens, etc.63

Respondents were given the opportunity in

the Anglicare Australia study, via open ended

questions, to give feedback on and impressions

of the impact that food insecurity has had

both on themselves and their households. This

section of the report details the accumulated

responses for NSW and the ACT for the key

impacts identified in the literature.

6.1 STRESS, ANGER AND ANxIETYA number of respondents indicated the

presence of stress and anxiety and, for some,

this was overwhelming, sometimes leading to

a sense of frustration. Anger was a recurring

theme with people specifically using terms such

as ‘angry’, ‘sad’, ‘cranky’, and ‘grumpy’ and feral

along with references to fighting and arguments

in the household as a result of being hungry:

Everyone gets irate, cranky with each other.

Relationships are strained.

It affects your life. You argue. It causes family

breakdown.

It’s very stressful and upsetting. You feel like

you’re stuck in a rut no matter what you do.

Stressful not knowing where next feed

from or how you will get by until you can get

to ER.

Get moody and angry, more depressed.

I just start growling at people.

Some equated this stress with low energy and

lethargy, others with family conflict, impaired

capacity to think and function, and feelings of

inadequacy. Several mentioned a sense of isolation

and disconnection and others that the constant

worry about accessing more food and how to

access it was causing mental health issues:

...Causes undue stress with my partner, [feel]

cranky, lack of energy.

I don’t talk to others. It stresses me and my

mental health goes down.

In the open ended section of the survey

parents made a number of comments which

reflected their concern for their children, the

stress this has created and the attempts being

made to protect them from the worst impacts

of food insecurity. Parental stress and anxiety

over the lack of food in the household for their

children was clearly evident. Also apparent

was the overriding sense of guilt that some

experienced over not being able to feed their

children, leading to anger and frustration:

Worrying...stressful with kids... wondering if

they’re getting enough.

It’s depressing...There’s’ nothing more depressing

than not being able to feed your kids. You feel

worthless as a parent... It’s the increasing prices

of everything. You think, “shit, what kind of

parent gives their kids cereal?”

Hurts to say no to the kids...

... feel embarrassed if teachers see the [kids]

have unhealthy lunch[es].

It stresses me out when it happens and I cry. I

think “God why can’t I have enough money for

food? It’s food, you know what I mean?”

Not to be able to feed your kid is unforgiveable.

With kids it’s hard to explain to them: we’ve run

out. It makes me want to burst into tears. It’s

very hard.

6.2 DEPRESSION AND SELF ESTEEM

Respondents made comments in relation to

depression, sadness, anger, loss of self worth,

feelings of inadequacy and uselessness. Some

referred to the food insecure experience as

degrading, demoralising, devastating and

disempowering. Others referred again to a

sense of isolation and disconnection which

appeared to be a self reinforcing cycle. For

those who still had friends there was guilt that

their friends had to help them out.

It’s quite depressing and humiliating and

makes you feel like you fail at the most basic

of needs.

Just depression. Feel like you are not worth it.

It’s depressing. Affects your social life.

Frustrating, can get angry about it and not

want to talk about it.

Feel sad. No one’s happy if there’s no food.

We’re still under the lowest income - we can’t

afford anything.

Less able to cope mentally and emotionally,

lower self esteem, poor self image, definitely

socially disadvantaged, spiritually confused.

6.3 SHAME AND EMBARRASSMENTA small number of respondents specifically

indicated feelings of shame and embarrassment

as a result of food insecurity. For some this related

to other people feeling sorry for them, shame at

not being able to pay their way when they went

out with friends or not being able to offer visitors

a cup of coffee or biscuits. This in turn led to

reduced social interactions and connections:

...Can only go around to mate’s places so often.

People looking down on you...

For others accessing help from a service for

food made them feel ashamed:

They don’t care that you’ve worked all your

life and paid your taxes. Now you’re pigeonholed

as scrounging off the government. I get help

from friends but it’s embarrassing. EMBARGOED – until 8 May 2013

E



6.4 COMPROMISED HEALTHA number of respondents indicated that food

insecurity had compromised their health.

Specific health issues related to being diabetic

and losing weight. A number spoke of being

hungry and several described the feeling in

some detail:

I’m starving... get hunger pains.

You don’t have energy - you start getting stomach pains and you get to a point where you don’t feel like eating anymore because you become nauseous and stressed.

Health-wise, not having enough food in general, not being able to eat healthy food... missing out on meals is bad for your health. The more unhealthy foods are less expensive than the healthy foods. It you’re budgeting you have to buy unhealthy foods.

I’ve lost weight; I used to be 110kg, now I’m down to 85.

I’ve been losing weight from not having enough food.

I was a size 36 jeans, now I’m size 32.

Blood sugars and history of diabetes is a problem.

Some people on DSP [the Disability Support Pension] just live on chips and chocolate but get very sick - it’s cheap.

Bad because I feel sorry for my dad [father-in -law] because he has the insulin so he has to have food, so sometimes I don’t do my kid’s food but I do his food.

As long as I have potatoes I can eat. Doctor wants fresh vegetables instead.

Respondents mentioned feeling tired, weary

and lethargic, finding it difficult to get out of

bed and get through the day’s chores, leading

to a sense of depression, frustration, stress and

hopelessness. Some maintained they needed to

sleep more and others that hunger generated

sleeplessness and disrupted sleeping patterns.

You sleep a lot and you can’t do anything.

Your life is hopeless. You don’t feel like

showering.

It affects my motivation, my concentration and

energy-wise on a daily basis. Not being able to

do everything that I’d like to do in that day.

6.5 IMPACTS ON CHILDRENThe vulnerability of households with children

to food insecurity has been documented in

international studies.64 The risks for such children

have been well documented. Children who live

in food insecure households and are themselves

food insecure are at risk and vulnerable to a

broad range of significant and sometimes long

lasting consequences. The US-based Center

on Hunger and Poverty cites numerous studies

that point to such consequences which include

both psychological and behavioural impacts

expressed through higher levels of aggression,

hyperactivity and anxiety as well as passivity.

Such children often have difficulties getting along

with their peers and have an increased need

to access mental health services. However the

consequences of food insecurity for such children

are not limited to these areas alone. There can

be a lifelong impact on learning and education

as shown by impaired cognitive functioning and

diminished capacity to learn, lower school test

scores and poorer overall academic achievement,

repeating grades in school, truancy, tardiness

and school suspension.65

In the open ended responses participants

commented on the perceived impacts of food

insecurity on their children, particularly on their

capacity to concentrate, their relationship with

peers and evident anger and stress:

The kids can’t concentrate on education

when they don’t have enough to eat. Sometimes

they go in the morning without breakfast. It

affects them when they see other kids that

have so much. It makes them feel worthless.

Because we have medical issues are the children

supposed to suffer as well? The children become

very angry.

Kids embarrassed... different to other kids.

Kids see others have more and judge home...

Difficult as a parent.

Affects my child’s feeling of being cosy - when

she looks in the cupboard and nothing is there.

End up with cravings for junk food.

Caused my daughter to attempt to commit

suicide, frustrated that no one could or would

help us.

6.5 DISCONNECTION AND ISOLATIONA number of participants spoke of the isolation

and disconnection from friends and family

that going without food on a regular basis

engendered. There were comments about the

embarrassment of having friends over when

there was very little food in the fridge to not

being able to invite the friends of their children

since there was nothing for afternoon tea.

These comments included:

You don’t want people dropping by when

you don’t have biscuits to put out. You don’t

invite them.

I don’t like to bother other people too much.

It can be quite embarrassing sometimes when

you have people come over and they go to the

fridge and there’s one carton of milk and one

thing of margarine.

Decreased pleasure and leisure activities like

clothes shopping, movies, dinner out, coffee

with friends at a cafe because the money needs

to be spent on my son’s needs...

I don’t go places because I haven’t eaten.

Gives you bad name...makes people not want to

hang out with you because they have to pay for

you... Or they hang out with you because they

feel sorry for you.

6.6 SUMMARY OF FINDINGSNever being sure of where to find the next

meal or not being sure if the family will be fed

adequately for the rest of the week clearly

generates stress, anger and anxiety, which is

well documented in both the literature and

in the responses in the open ended section

of the survey. Respondents indicated a range

of emotions including anger and frustration,

depression and low self esteem, and shame

and embarrassment over their circumstances.

There was clear evidence of compromised

health, lethargy and a sense of hopelessness.

The perceived impacts on children were

concerning as they included reduced

capacity to learn at school, going to school

hungry, being embarrassed and angry in front

of peers and being unwilling to invite friends

home after school. For some people all these

factors led to a sense of disconnection from

both family and friends along with a sense of

isolation and exclusion.

6. The imPaCT oF hard ChoiCeS oVer Food


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7

Food insecurity is an issue that needs be

tackled at a number of policy levels. Such

policies need to provide better options

for people which will prevent the need

to make the kind of hard choices outlined in

this research.

7.1 FOOD SPECIFIC POLICIES

A number of strategies to address food

issues are being employed locally around

Australia by state government, community

groups, area health services, local councils

and other agencies to improve the access to

and supply of food in the local area. Some

of these initiatives are being delivered in

collaborative partnerships with businesses

and the local community. Power discusses

the two main approaches to redressing food

insecurity - poverty elimination (anti-poverty

or social justice approach) and making

food systems sustainable (sustainable food

systems approach).66 She further catalogues

the latter interventions in terms of ‘self-

provisioning’, and alternate food distribution

and marketing.

There have been a number of other food

policies and/or strategies developed at Federal,

State and local levels and these include:67

• The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait

Islander Nutrition Strategy and Action

Plan 2000-2010 (NATSINSAP): a COAG

strategy, which included improving

standards in remote community stores,

as well as nutritional education and

other local actions in remote Aboriginal

communities. This strategy unfortunately

does not assist the many urban Indigenous

Australians at risk of food insecurity

• Victorian Food for All, including subsidies

and information for local councils to

implement local food policies

• Eat Well Australia policy, which finished

in 2010, and individual State/Territory Eat

Well policies

• Shared disaster management and resilience

and critical infrastructure development

arrangements

• Food chain information sharing and

development

• Regular healthy food basket price

monitoring, as is conducted in Queensland68

and more recently in victoria

• Dietary recommendations which include low

cost meals for economically disadvantaged

households, as recommended by the Public

Health Association of Australia (PHAA)69

• Funding for local initiatives that address

issues specific to the local area. The

victorian Government’s Food for All

policy provides such funding to local

governments.

However a coordinated and systematic

approach needs to be developed across

all jurisdictions to ensure food policies are

implemented in all disadvantaged communities.

reCommendaTionS

1. The NSW and ACT Governments to

develop food plans, which incorporate a

range of strategies mentioned in this report

and informed by the literature. Responses

should take into account physical and

economic access barriers which exist in

regions, communities and neighbourhoods.

7.2 MONITORING FOOD INSECURITY AT A STATE AND TERRITORY LEvEL

After years of advocacy by nutrition peak bodies

and researchers, food security is once again

being measured in the general population, as

well as in the Indigenous population. Results of

the Australian Health Survey, incorporating the

National Nutrition and Physical Activity Survey,

will be available mid 2013 and mid 2014 for the

general and Indigenous populations.

A number of bodies70 have advocated for

monitoring of food security in the general

population by utilising:

• A short food insufficiency question71

• A separate question on separate coping

strategies that incorporates cutting or

skipping meals and reducing the variety

of food72

• More in depth measurement of food security

for disadvantaged groups73

• Food price and supply surveys in urban and

rural areas.74

Given the issues for low income, food insecure

households as shown by this report it is

imperative that regular monitoring of food

insecurity occur across both NSW and the ACT.

7.3 COMMUNITY INFRASTRUCTURE Infrastructure can be developed and supported

by State or Territory Governments or local

councils to enhance local food security,

including:

• Land zoning to reserve arable land for food

production

• Planning new housing developments which

incorporate supermarkets or other food

outlets within walking distance, public

transport routes to shops and a density

level to enable food outlets to remain

economically viable

• Offering free or low-cost community

transport to major food outlets and/or

encouraging outlets to provide transport or

home delivery

• Inspecting the adequacy of food preparation

and storage facilities at boarding houses,

caravan parks, refuges and low cost

temporary accommodation

• Allowing community open spaces

to become productive food growing

areas, including incorporating community

gardening and edible landscapes.

Many of the interventions relating to transport

and placement of groceries aim to redress

reCommendaTionS

2. The inclusion of food sufficiency

measures in the Australian Health Survey

is welcomed and should occur periodically

to monitor levels of food insecurity in the

general population. As the questions used

can underestimate population incidence,

further testing of a deeper measure, such

as the Household Food Security Survey

Module, for the Australian context, needs

to be employed in nationally representative

samples.

3. Regular monitoring of the cost of healthy

foods in disadvantaged communities across

all jurisdictions in NSW and the ACT.


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food ‘deserts’, particularly in under-resourced

and low socio-economic suburbs. Policy

recommendations from Larson and Mosely

include the following:75

It is vital that administrators and policymakers

at all levels of government understand that

hunger cannot be completely resolved

through emergency food programs.

Government tax incentives to encourage

grocery stores to move into existing food

deserts may help alleviate spatial accessibility

problems... Food intervention programs

that encourage supermarkets to place new

stores in food deserts have also been found

to change the behaviour and accessibility of

residents in those areas.

These strategies are also important

considerations when developing food policies.

reCommendaTionS

4. Local Councils and the NSW and ACT

Governments to address public transport

costs and routes to supermarkets as a key

component of food security plans in their

jurisdictions.

5. Local Councils and the NSW Government

use leasing arrangements and other powers

such as local bylaws to encourage the

provision of good quality and low cost fresh

food in low socio-economic suburbs.

6. Anglicare in the ACT to map food

insecurity hotspots, in order to better inform

Government and community stakeholders of

the factors hampering access to good quality

and low cost fresh food in the Territory.

7.4 EMERGENCY RELIEF

The provision of food provides immediate

emergency relief to food insecure households.

In NSW and the ACT there are a number of such

programs in operation at a local level, developed

to mitigate the worst effects of food insecurity

in communities. Indeed the Anglicare Australia

study explored food insecurity, primarily through

the many local emergency relief programs

operating across the Anglicare network.

Emergency Relief can take the form of food,

grocery vouchers, payment of medications,

contribution towards utility bills, assistance with

housing and moving costs, and other forms

of material aid. At times this is combined with

further support such as financial counselling,

no-interest loans, case management, brokerage,

advocacy and a range of other support services.

Provision of food can be an incentive for clients

to connect to the service system and receive a

deeper level of support that addresses not just

the lack of food but some of the more complex

underlying issues.

The provision of emergency food relief occurs

on a daily basis around Australia. In 2010-11

approximately 700 community organisations,

operating 1350 outlets, provided FaHCSIA-

funded Emergency Relief.76 Emergency Relief

was provided on 324,000 occasions in 2009-

10.77 Food is a commonly provided form of

assistance by ER centres. Agencies report

increasing demand on an annual basis but do

not receive a concomitant increase in funding

to meet this increasing need.

Consequently, there is a need for increased

support for agencies which provide emergency

food relief. Further research and evaluation of

outcomes for food insecure clients are also

required as a matter of priority. Such initiatives

should focus on food insecurity risks, food

consumption patterns among disadvantaged

groups, and the effectiveness of existing

measures designed to mitigate food insecurity.

reCommendaTionS

7. The NSW and ACT Governments increase

financial support to agencies delivering

food relief to low income households

in Australia.

7.5 CASE MANAGEMENT

The people who seek assistance from ER

services are among the most socially excluded

households in the nation – a social exclusion

that is represented by complex, multiple and

diverse disadvantage. It is a recognition of

the deep and entrenched nature of social

exclusion and its multi causal and interacting

nature that has led some Anglicare agencies

to pilot intensive case management for people

experiencing complex and multiple issues.

ANGLICARE Sydney conducted such a pilot in

its Wollongong ER service in 2010, based on

three fundamental premises:

• Efficacy: Case management was anticipated

to provide the person seeking assistance

with more control over decision-making

and the opportunity to develop reasonable

and feasible personal goals. Each client

would assist in the development of an

individualised case plan to address their

specific needs through the identification of

their strengths and existing resources, which

would be leveraged into strategies to resolve

their presenting crisis and other underlying

issues. It was expected that this strategy

would increase levels of client engagement

and ownership with the case plan.

• Resilience: People experiencing recurrent

crises in their lives may struggle to do more

than just meet their immediate needs for

food, shelter and paying bills, which can

leave them feeling anxious and hopeless

about the future. Case management is

aimed at breaking the cycle of recurrent

crises by improving the living skills, resilience

and wellbeing of the person accessing the

service in an environment of emotional

support, trust and Christian care.

• Inclusion: Given the case manager had

significant access to service network

information and would follow up on referrals

using a ‘warm’ referral process, it was

anticipated that case management would

improve service access and engagement for

the individual, build wellbeing and resilience,

improve individual relationships with family

members, and enhance their capacity to

participate in the local community.

The evaluation carried out on the pilot and

completed in 2012 demonstrated benefits across

all these domains for clients and recommended

continuation and expansion of the pilot across

other ER sites. However the development of

case management pilots has been funded by the

NGO sector, not by government, and financial

support is required if these innovative models of

care are to be expanded.

reCommendaTionS

8. The NSW and ACT Governments provide

financial incentives to community agencies

for the development of innovative service

models, which are both long term and

address multi causal, compounding and

complex issues.

7. PoliCieS ThaT Could maKe a diFFerenCe


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7.6 INADEQUACY OF NEWSTART

A particular concern in the national Anglicare

Australia study was the number of food

insecure households reliant upon the Newstart

Allowance (30%). In the NSW and ACT sample

a similar percentage (33%) was also reliant. It

should be noted that income support payments

have generally failed to keep pace with wages

growth. This is especially true for payments

such as the Newstart and Youth Allowances:

In most cases, out-of-work income as a proportion

of in-work income has fallen, in part due to

allowance rates failing to keep pace with wage

growth. Only lone parents, whose income support

is tied to an average earnings measure and who

benefitted from more generous family benefits,

were excepted. The flattening of the personal

income tax system in the mid-2000s (e.g. through

increases to the top threshold) contributed to

a reduced capacity of redistribution.78

The gap between Newstart and the Disability

Support and Aged Pensions has been

increasing since 1997. This disparity is caused

by the current system of indexation which

benchmarks pensions to 25% of Male Total

Average Weekly Earnings (MTAWE) and

Newstart which is indexed to the Consumer

Price Index. Wages have grown strongly in

recent years while inflationary pressures have

not been significant – causing the gap between

pensions and Newstart to widen. Currently

Newstart is below 50% of the median income

poverty threshold.79 The Newstart Allowance

is now so low that the OECD in a 2010 report

recommended that it needed to be increased.

‘Measures of relative poverty ... indicate that

the Newstart Allowance should be raised...

to provide a more adequate level of income

support’.80 While the 2012 Senate inquiry into

Newstart did not recommend raising the base

rate they did recognise that the current level

was seriously inadequate.

Anglicare believes that the levels of Newstart

are now so low that it has become a significant

contributor to poverty, financial hardship, food

insecurity and social exclusion.

The relatively low rate of the Newstart Allowance,

especially in the first year of unemployment:

‘raises issues about its effectiveness in providing

sufficient support for those experiencing a job

loss, or enabling someone to look for a suitable

job’.81 Children are particularly impacted by

food insecurity as evidenced in the Anglicare

Australia study. Forcing single mothers

with dependent children onto the Newstart

Allowance, once their youngest child turns 8

years old, without complementary child care

support arrangements and benefits, has pitched

these households with children into deeper food

insecurity and financial hardship. The NSW and

ACT Governments need to actively lobby the

Federal Government to repeal section 1 of the

Social Security Amendment (Fair Incentives

to Work) Bill 2012, which has removed access

to the Parenting Payment (single) for single

parents whose youngest child is 8 years old

and raise the level of Newstart by at least $50

per week.

7.6 HOUSING

Anglicare research indicates that a significant

number of households who are food insecure

are also housing insecure (12%). Furthermore,

a significant number of food insecure

households in this study also experience

rental stress. The 2012 Anglicare Australia’s

Rental Affordability Snapshot82 revealed

that a single person receiving the Newstart

Allowance, Youth Allowance or Austudy would

have found no rental options in most capital

cities. Surprisingly, a single person earning the

minimum wage would have still encountered

limited housing options in nearly all capital

cities. In contrast, families with children who

were reliant upon government benefits also

had significantly reduced options that mostly

ranged from between 0% and 2% of available

rental housing stock in each capital city.

Consequently, only families earning a double

reCommendaTionS

9. The NSW and ACT Governments lobby

the Federal Government to constitute

an independent body to regularly review

the adequacy of all government funded

allowances to ensure that payments are

sufficiently indexed to increase the capacity

of individuals to enter or re-enter the

workforce.

10. The NSW and ACT Governments lobby

the Federal Government to repeal section

1 of the Social Security Amendment (Fair

Incentives to Work) Bill 2012, which has

removed access to the Parenting Payment

(single) for single parents whose youngest

child turns 8 years old.

11. The NSW and ACT Governments lobby the

Federal Government to increase the Newstart

Allowance (NSA) and other allowance

payments for single persons by at least $50

per week, as per the recommendations of

the Henry Taxation Review and consistent

with the previous increases to DSP and the

Aged Pension in 2008.

I�pick�up�food��off�the�street��

that’s�discarded��but�is�still�OK



E



minimum wage were generally found to be in

a position to secure suitable housing, although

these results were wildly varied across capital

cities. Rental affordability is as much a regional

issue as an urban one, as it has the potential

to affect a household’s capacity to absorb cost

of living pressures, and ultimately, to overcome

long term disadvantage and participate fully in

employment, education and/or community life.

It is evident that there is an urgent need for

the NSW and ACT Governments to increase

the supply of either affordable, supported

or public housing to reduce the rental stress

and housing insecurity experienced by low

income households. Supported housing offers

long-term or permanent housing to people

experiencing long-term homelessness as a

secure foundation for recovery and social

inclusion, in conjunction with the provision of

on-site and off-site support services, such as:

case management, substance use treatment,

counselling and psychosocial treatment.83 In

Australia, the most well-known examples of

supported housing are the Common Ground,

Youth Foyer and Housing First models,

which received funding from the Federal

Government’s National Partnership Agreement

on Homelessness.

This needs to be further supplemented by

an increase in the current Commonwealth

Rental Assistance (CRA) package. CRA is

a rent supplement provided by the Federal

Government through Centrelink to assist 1.2

million low-income households renting on

the private market. The Australian Institute

of Health and Welfare has shown that single

person households comprise the majority

of CRA recipients (52%), followed by single

parents (22%) and couples with children

(17%).84 The CRA’s Rent Assistance thresholds

and maximum rates are adjusted twice annually

in line with the Consumer Price Index. However,

the Tenants Union of victoria has found that

between 1995 and 2009, median weekly prices in

all capital cities rose by 41%. At the same time, the

maximum rates of CRA remained steady in real

terms, meaning that this assistance now covers

a smaller proportion of rent in 2009 (between

17% and 24%) when compared with 1995.85

The Henry Taxation Review recommended that

the CRA be reformed as an urgent priority.

Consequently, it is important that no current

recipients are disadvantaged financially through

any future reforms that would tighten up the

eligibility requirements for the payment, as such

changes could further jeopardise the housing

security of low-income households. As a result,

additional financial support is imperative in

reducing the gap caused by the significant

growth in market-driven private rents and the

real terms assistance provided through the

CRA. The assumption that all private landlords

will increase rents in line with an increased CRA

payment is a short-sighted argument that fails to

improve the capacity of low-income households

to gain stability and independence. It is

therefore recommended that the NSW and ACT

Governments lobby the Federal Government to

increase the CRA by $30 per fortnight for all

current recipients and have this matter tabled as

an urgent priority at COAG.

reCommendaTionS

12. The NSW and ACT Governments commit

to substantially increasing the supply of

social and affordable housing over the next

four years.

13. The NSW and ACT Governments to lobby

the Federal Government to increase the rate

of Commonwealth Rent Assistance by $30

per fortnight for all current recipients.

It�affects�your�life.�You�argue.��It�causes�family�breakdown.



E



8

This research shows that low income households

are involved in a daily juggling act, making hard

choices between food, housing and utilities.

Those most at risk of having to make these

difficult choices are the unemployed, single

parents and people with a disability. Being

indigenous also increases risk as does being a

private renter. Low income combined with cost

of living pressures and significant rental stress

contributes to food insecurity.

For such households the choices around food

are particularly difficult. In this study of NSW

and the ACT 98.8% of households were food

insecure and four out of five (82%) were severely

food insecure. What does this mean? For

many it means being constantly worried about

whether food would run out (87%) or actually

running out of food and not being able to buy

more (68%). It means cutting the size of meals,

skipping meals and sometimes going hungry. In

the worst cases it means going without food for

a whole day on a recurrent basis.

A number of children are exposed to food

insecurity, despite the attempts of parents

to buffer them as much as possible by going

hungry themselves. In 14% of households

children were forced to skip meals and in a third

of households children were hungry because

there was no more food. In the very worst cases,

7% of households had children frequently went

without food for a whole day because the family

could not afford to buy food.

How do households cope with food insecurity?

For many their choices reflect a rational response

to what appears to be an untenable situation.

Respondents spoke of careful budgeting and

planning, scouring stores for specials and lining up

in the late afternoon and evening in supermarkets

in order to get food which was being reduced in

price. When these measures were not successful,

respondents spoke of cutting the portions of

their meals, skipping meals and going hungry.

People were creative in their cooking and some

indicated they grew their own vegetables to try

and make ends meet. Respondents also spoke

of extending electricity bills, not paying them,

pawning possessions and buying food on credit.

In the worst case scenarios people became

more desperate in their choices, some scouring

garbage bins, shoplifting and stealing.

What impact do these hard choices have on

people? Respondents cited anger, shame,

embarrassment and depression. They spoke

of guilt – particularly when they could not feed

their children adequately. In some cases their

health was compromised – people spoke of

losing weight and not being able to adequately

look after medical conditions such as diabetes.

There was also a sense of being isolated and

disconnected from family and friends as they felt

they could not go out with friends and pay their

way nor could they invite anyone home because

they could not offer them a cup of coffee.

Governments need to not only be aware of the

extent of the problem of food insecurity and

the nature of the choices such households are

forced to make but to develop and implement

policies which mitigate the worst effects of food

insecurity. These include food specific policies

and locally based strategies but must also include

regular monitoring for prevalence. Emergency

relief outlets should be funded to widen their

capacity and scope to include case management

and capacity building. One of the most critical

issues for food insecure households is access to

more affordable housing: this needs to be a high

priority on government agendas and includes

increasing the stock of affordable housing as well

as raising Commonwealth Rental Assistance.

Furthermore both the NSW and ACT

Governments need to lobby the Federal

Government to raise the level of the Newstart

Allowance so that unemployed households are

no longer living so far below the poverty line that

their situation is not sustainable or tenable.

While prosperity in Australia is generally

rising, it is not being shared by all. A number

of households are living in significant poverty,

finding it difficult to put food on their table

and pay bills. Their short term horizon which

involves juggling and balancing the family

budget often outweighs their capacity to

plan for the future. Current well being takes

precedence over future life chances. This is

particularly concerning for the number of

children who, in a prosperous Australia, are

experiencing poverty which compromises their

pathways to education and employment.

When�things�are�cheap�then�I�buy�for�two�weeks.�If�it’s�too�

expensive�I�won’t�buy.


E



1. United Nations Development Program (2012) The United Nations 2011 Human Development Index, sighted at http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/PR2-HDI-2011HDR-Eng_rev3.pdf

2. Australian Trade Commission (2013) Australia – consistently in the world’s Prosperity Index top five since 2009, data alert March 2013.

3. ACOSS (2012) Poverty in Australia, sighted at http://www.acoss.org.au/uploads/ACOSS%20Poverty%20Report%202012_Final.pdf

4. Saunders, P., Naidoo, Y. And Griffiths, M (2007) Towards New Indicators of Disadvantage, Social Policy Research Centre, University of NSW, Sydney. pviii

5. ibid pp 34-35

6. Australian Bureau of Statistics (2007) ‘Low Income Low Wealth Households’, Australian Social Trends, Cat No 4102, Australian Government, Canberra.

7. Pennings, J.M. & Garcia, P. (2005), ‘The Poverty Challenge: How individual decision making behaviour influences poverty’, Economic Letters, Elsevier press, at www.sciencedirect.com, p115.

8. Hamilton, K., (2011) ‘Low Income Families and Coping Through Brands: Social Inclusion or Stigma’, Sociology, 46:74 at www.sagepub.com/content/46/1/74

9. Anderson. W., White, V. & Finney, A. (2012) ‘Coping with Low Incomes and Cold Homes’, Energy Policy, 49:40-52.

10. ibid

11. Bickel, G., Nord, M., Price, C., Hamilton, W.L. and Cook, J.T. (2000) Guide to Measuring Household Food Security, Revised 2000, USDA, Food and Nutrition Service, Alexandria, VA, viewed 4.6.03, <ht tp : / /www. fns .usda.gov/ fsec/F ILES/FSGuide.pdf pp.23-24

12. Life Sciences Research Office (LSRO) of the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology, (1990) cited in Bickel, G., Nord, M., Price, C., Hamilton, W.L. and Cook, J.T. (2000) Guide to Measuring Household Food Security, Revised 2000, USDA, Food and Nutrition Service, Alexandria, VA, viewed 4.6.03, http://www.fns.usda.gov/fsec/FILES/FSGuide.pdf, p.6.

13. ibid

14. Kirkpatrick S I and Tarasuk V (2010) ‘Assessing the relevance of neighbourhood characteristics to the household food security of low income Toronto families’ Public Health Nutrition, 13(7), pp1139-1148; Heflin, C., Corcoran, M., Siefert, K., 2007. ‘Work trajectories, income changes, and food insufficiency in a Michigan welfare population’. Social Service Review 81 (1), 3–25; Bartfeld, J., Dunifon, R., Nord, M. And Carlson, S (2006) ‘What factors account for state to state differences in food security?’, Economic Information Bulletin no. 20, Economic Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture, Washington, viewed 20.6.12 http://webarchives.cdlib.org/sw1s17tt5t/http://ers.usda.

gov/publications/EIB20/eib20.pdf; Ramsey R, Giskes K, Turrell G and Gallegos D (2011) ‘Food insecurity among Australian children : Potential determinants, health and developmental consequences’ Journal of Child Health Care, 15:401

15. Kirkpatrick et.al. 2010 op.cit.

16. Bartfeld et.al. 2006 op.cit

17. Jacobs G,. Morrison M., Irvine D. and Palermo C (2012) Assessment of Food Security in the City of Melbourne: Interviews with Vulnerable Population Groups, City of Melbourne; Dauchner, N., & Tarasuk, V. (2002). ‘Homeless “squeegee kids”: Food insecurity and daily survival’. Social Science & Medicine, 54(7), 1039; Various studies cited in Rychetnik (2003) op.cit.

18. ibid

19. Ramsey R, Giskes K, Turrell G and Gallegos D (2011) ‘Food insecurity among Australian children : Potential determinants, health and developmental consequences’ Journal of Child Health Care, 15:401; Martin KS, Rogers BL, Cook JT, Joseph HM (2004) ‘Social capital is associated with decreased risk of hunger’ Social Science & Medicine, no. 58, pp. 2645–2654


21. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2009) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework 2008 Report, Detailed analysis, AIHW Cat. No. IHW 22, viewed 30.6.12, http://www.aihw.gov.au/publication-detail/?id=6442468199;Ramsey R, Giskes K, Turrell G and Gallegos D (2012)’Food insecurity among adults residing in disadvantaged urban areas: potential health and dietary consequences’, Public Health Nutrition, vol.15, issue 2 pg:227; Foley, W. et al (2009) ‘An ecological analysis of factors associated with food insecurity in South Australia, 2002-07’ Public Health and Nutrition, 13(2), pp215-221; Various studies cited in Rychetnik (2003) op.cit.

22. Various studies cited in Rychetnik (2003) op.cit. However, the evidence here is mixed. See Palermo et.al. 2008 op.cit. and Ward et.al. 2012 op.cit.

23. Various studies cited in Rychetnik (2003) op.cit.

24. NSW Health (2000) Older People’s Health Survey, NSW Public Health Bulletin Supplement, 11:S-2, December 2000, viewed 1.6.07, http://www.health.nsw.gov.au/public-health/ophs99/ophs1999.pdf.; Quine S and Morrell S (2006) ‘Food insecurity in community-dwelling older Australians’ Public Health Nutrition, 9(2), pp219-224;Deeming C (2006) ‘Food and Nutrition Security at Risk in Later Life: Evidence from the United Kingdom Expenditure & Food Survey’ Journal of Social Policy, available on Cambridge Journals Online, 06 Oct 2010, doi:10.1017/S004727941000070X Evidence is mixed - also see Bartfeld et.al. 2006 op.cit and Temple 2008 op.cit.

25. Huang J, Guo B and Kim Y (2010) ‘Food insecurity and disability: Do economic resources matter?’ Social Science

Research, 39, pp111-124; Bartfeld et.al. 2006 op.cit; Various studies cited in Rychetnik (2003) op.cit.

26. Seniloli S. (1995) ‘Household Food Security in Australia’, thesis submitted to the Faculty of Medicine, University of Queensland, viewed 4.6.03, http://www.sph.uq.edu.au/acithn/thesis/SENILOLI.html.

27. Radimer KL, Allsopp R, Harvey PW, Firman DW and Watson EK (1997) ‘Food insufficiency in Queensland’, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, vol.21 no.3 June, pp303-10.

28. ibid

29. Heflin, C., Corcoran, M., Siefert, K., (2007) ‘Work trajectories, income changes, and food insufficiency in a Michigan welfare population’, Social Service Review, 81 (1), 3–25:

30. ibid


32. ibid

33. Heflin et.al. (2007)

34. ibid

35. Foley et.al.(2009), op cit

36. Palermo et al (2008) “The cost of healthy food in rural Victoria”, Rural and Remote Health, p6.

37. Bartfeld et.al. (2006) op.cit

38. Temple, J. B., (2008) ‘Severe and Moderate Forms of Food Insecurity: Are They Distinguishable?’ Australian Journal of Social Issues, 43(4), pp 649-668.

39. ibid

40. Foley et.al. 2009, op cit

41. Foley et.al. 2009; Martin et.al. 2004


43. Stevens C A (2010) ‘Exploring Food Insecurity Among Young Mothers’ Journal for Specialists in Paediatric Nursing, 15(2), pp163-171

44. Australian Bureau of Statistics (2011), The 2011 National Census, sighted at www.abs.gov.au.

45. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2009) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Performance Framework 2008 Report, Detailed analysis, AIHW Cat. No. IHW 22, viewed 30.6.12, http://www.aihw.gov.au/publication-detail/?id=6442468199

46. For example, Foley et.al. 2009 op.cit. found that Aboriginality appeared to increase the likelihood of experiencing food insufficiency in South Australia.

47. Bickel et al (2000), op cit,p10

48. Trethewey 1989, Malseed 1990 and Whitehead 1987, cited in Lester (1994) Australia’s Food and Nutrition, Chapter 6, AIHW, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, viewed 12.5.03, http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/health/afn94/afn94-c06.pdf.

49. ACOSS (2003) Key Challenges for Emergency Relief, viewed 20.1.06, http://www.acoss.org.au/upload/publications /submissions/344__ACOSS%20ER%20Submission.doc, p.4

50. Wood, B and Streker, P (2005) City of Port Philip, Food Security Report, City of Port Phillip Community & Health Development Team, St Kilda

51. O’Dwyer , LA and CoveneyJ (2006) ‘Scoping supermarket availability and accessibility by socio-economic status in Adelaide’, Health Promotion Journal of Australia 2006 : 17 (3)

52. Browne J, Laurence S and Thorpe S (2009) Acting on Food Insecurity in Urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Communities: Policy and Practice interventions to improve local access and supply of nutritious food, accessed 28.6.2012, http://www.healthinfonet.ecu.edu.au/uploads/docs/food_insecurity.pdf

53. Leather 1995, Lang 1992 and Tarasuk et al 1998 cited in Else (1999) op.cit.

54. Wang J et al (2009) ‘Mapping the availability and accessibility of healthy food in rural and urban New Zealand - Te Wai o Rona: Diabetes Prevention Strategy’ Public Health Nutrition, 13(7), pp1049-1055

55. Darko, J; Eggett, DL & Richards, R (2013) Shopping behaviours of low-income families during a 1-month period of time. Journal of Nutrition, Education and Behaviour, Vol 45(1)20-9.

56. Bickel et al (2010) Op cit

57. Che, J and Chen, J (2001) ‘Food security in Canadian households’ in: Statistics Canada (ed) Health Reports, 12:4, Spring 2001, Statistics Canada, Ottawa [online] Available: http://www.statcan.ca/english/indepth/82-003/feature/hrar2001012004s0a01.pdf Date: 23.6.03.

58. Examples include (1) the Radimer Cornell study: Radimer KL, Olson CM, Greene JC, Campbell CC and Habicht, JP (1992) ‘Understanding hunger and developing indicators to assess it in women and children’, Journal of Nutrition Education, 24 (supplement); Kendall A, Olson CM and Frongillo EA Jr (1995) ‘Validation of the Radimer/Cornell Hunger and food insecurity measures’, Journal of Nutrition Education, 125; (2) the Food and Feelings study: Hamelin A-M, Beaudry M and Habicht J-P (2002) ‘Characterization of household food insecurity in Quebec: food and feelings,’ Social Science and Medicine, 54(1); and (3) the NZ Food-NZ People study: Quigley and Watts (1997) ‘Food Comes First: Methodologies for the National Nutrition Survey of New Zealand’, Ministry of Health, viewed 6.3.06, http://www.moh.govt.nz/moh.nsf/49b6bf07a4b7346dcc256fb300005a51/8bf3be812cd9ec5e4c25667000341ba2?OpenDocument

59. Quigley and Watts (1997) op. cit.; Russell, et al. (1999) op. cit.

60. Hamelin, et al. (2002) op. cit.

61. Radimer et al. (1992) and Kendall et al. (1995) op. cit.

62. Hamelin, et al. (2002) op. cit.

63. Radimer, et al. (1992) op. cit.; Kendall, et al. (1995) op. cit.


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64. Fletcher, J. M. et al (2009) “Assessing the effect of changes in housing costs on food insecurity” Journal of Children and Poverty, 15(2), pp79-93

65. Evidence from Recent Scientific Studies, June 2002 [online] Available: http://www.centeronhunger.org/pdf/ConsequencesofHunger.pdf Date: 4.6.03 p1

66. Power E.M. ‘Combining social justice and sustainability for food security’, in Koc Met.al. Eds. (1999) For Hunger-Proof Cities:Sustainable Urban Food Systems, The International Development Research Center, Toronto

67. Gallegos D and Ramsey R (2010) Food Security Environmental Scan, Red Cross Research Paper, not for distribution.

68. Queensland Health and Queensland Treasury (2012) The 2010 Healthy Food Access Basket (HFAB) Survey, Queensland Health, Brisbane, viewed 24.7.12, http://www.health.qld.gov.au/ph/documents/hpu/hafb-2010.pdf

69. PHAA (2009) A Future For Food: Addressing Public Health, Sustainability And Equity From Paddock To Plate, Public Health Association of Australia, viewed 22.7.12, http://www.phaa.net.au/documents/PHAA%20Report.pdf

70. Public Health Association of Australia (2011) ‘Public Health Association of Australia: Policy-at-a-glance – Food & Nutrition Monitoring & Surveillance in Australia Policy’, Public Health Association of Australia, viewed 23.7.12 http://www.phaa.net.au/documents/111204_Food%20&%20Nutrition%20Monitoring%20&%20Surveillance%20in%20Australia%20Policy%20FINAL-with%20cover%20sheet.pdf

71. Flood V, Webb K and Rangan A (2005) Recommendations for short questions to assess food consumption in children for the NSW Health Surveys, NSW Centre for Public Health Nutrition, Sydney, viewed 17.7.12, http://sydney.edu.au/science/molecular_bioscience/cphn/pdfs/2005_short_questions_children.pdf

72. ibid

73. Centre for Public Health Nutrition (2000) Recommendations for Food and Nutrition Monitoring in NSW, State Publication No (HP) 000027, NSW Department of Health, viewed 17.7.12, http://sydney.edu.au/science/molecular_bioscience/cphn /pdfs/food_nutrition_monitoring.pdf

74. ibid

75. Larson J and Moseley W G (2010) ‘Reaching the limits: a geographic approach for understanding food insecurity and household hunger mitigation strategies in Minneapolis-Saint Paul, USA’ GeoJournal, 28 Aug 2010, online http://www.macalester.edu/dotAsset/851e1eee-5d21-493a-a777-b2f66facfc13.pdf, pp11-12

76. Australian Government Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (2012) ‘Emergency Relief’, FaHCSIA, viewed 26.7.12, http://www.fahcsia.gov.au/our-responsibilities/communities-and-vulnerable-people/programs-services/emergency-relief

77. ibid

78. ibid

79. Anglicare Australia et al, (2011). ‘What if Employers say No’, sighted at: http://disabilityemployment.org.au/static/items/CSSA_what_if_employers_say_no_EMBARGO.pdf

80. Koutsogeorgopoulo,V (2011) ‘Enhancing Labour Utilisation in a Socially Inclusive Society in Australia’,OECD Economics Department Working Papers, No. 852, OECD Publishing.

81. Ibid p15.

82. Anglicare Australia, (2012) ‘Anglicare Australia Rental Affordability Snapshot’, Canberra

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ANGLICARE Sydney 16 Parkes Street, Parramatta NSW 2150 PO Box 427, Parramatta NSW 2124

Tel: 02 9895 8000 Fax: 02 9633 4620 www.anglicare.org.au ABN 88 851 368 006

For thousands of families in NSW, life is a precarious existence – a daily battle to provide the essentials. The constant stress of juggling the most basic necessities has far-reaching impacts, further entrenching the social exclusion of families and children.

This timely report presents research findings and stories of people who face hard choices between paying the rent, paying bills and putting food on the table. The report’s conclusions and policy recommendations highlight this increasingly difficult juggling act which all levels of Government urgently need to address.


hard choices: food insecurity in nsw and the act

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