henry j. drewal - mermaids, mirrors and snake charmers igbo mami wata shrines

Mermaids, Mirrors, and Snake Charmers: Igbo Mami Wata ShrinesAuthor(s): Henry John DrewalReviewed work(s):Source: African Arts, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Feb., 1988), pp. 38-45+96Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3336527 .

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Mermaids, Mirrors, and Snake Charmers:

Igbo Mami Wata Shrines HENRY JOHN DREWAL

Mami Wata, a water spirit regarded

by her devotees as non-African in origin, is worshipped widely across Af- rica. In their religious practices involving Mami Wata, African peoples take exotic images and ideas, interpret them according to indigenous precepts, invest them with new meanings, and then re-create and re-present them in new and dynamic ways to serve their own aesthetic, devotional, and social needs. In so doing, they evaluate and transform external forces, using them to shape their own lives. In this essay, I survey some Mami Wata shrines of Igbo devotees as expressions of selves, others, and spirits.

The most widespread image of Mami Wata is a chromolith of European origin depicting a snake charmer (Fig. 2). The original was printed in Hamburg circa 1885. Subsequently it was copied and re- printed in large numbers in India and England and distributed widely in sub- Saharan West and Central Africa where in less than eighty years it became the key image of Mami Wata.1 The earliest evidence of the print's impact in Africa was recorded in a photograph by J. A. Green taken at Bonny in the Niger delta in 1901 (Fig. 1).2 It shows an African masquerade headdress with a somewhat

two-dimensional half-figure that is un-

questionably based on the snake- charmer print: note the thick, black hair (a wig) parted in the middle, the earrings, the cut of the garment's neckline, the position of the snake and the figure's arms, and especially the low-relief rendering of the inset showing the kneeling flute-player facing several snakes to the lower right of the central image. Feather plumes, toy rattles, and a large number of mirrors surround the figure.

The chromolith that inspired this Bonny headdress at the turn of the cen- tury has had an extraordinary impact in Africa. Its style and iconography help to explain its widespread significance. For African viewers, the chromolith repre- sents an "exotic" European water spirit. The snake, an important African symbol of water and the rainbow (Hambly 1931), is a most appropriate subject to be shown surrounding and protecting, as well as

being controlled by, Mami Wata. The snake's position over the head of Mami Wata reinforces its link with the arching rainbow. One stands for the other. In this chromolith, the snake-water-rainbow divinity is dramatically combined with female-foreigner Mami Wata.

The very naturalism of the print con-

tributes to its acceptance as a picture of a foreign spirit. It is described as a photograph; as one Igbo priestess surmised, "Someone must have gone under the water to snap it." The print itself is iden- tifiable as a product of foreign technology. Devotees interpret the snake charmer as a depiction of a non-African female by her complexion, her facial features, and especially her long, flowing hair - all of which she shares with another European image associated with Mami Wata that predates this print, that of the mermaid.

From their awareness of European lore and imagery via marine sculpture, flags, books, and trade items, Africans first adopted the image of the mermaid, who is most characteristically shown emerg- ing from the water combing her long, luxuriant hair as she gazes at her reflec- tion in a mirror. An important part of the mermaid's image, the mirror symbolizes the alluring beauty and vanity of this irresistible creature who can lure the unwary or unprepared to their destruc- tion or, under other circumstances, can bestow enormous wealth. The mirror has become central to Mami Wata belief and ritual practice: worshippers con- struct an image of the exotic, super- natural entity of Mami Wata and then reflect it in their own lives in order to define themselves and to assert control over their world.

The print, like the image of the mermaid, also epitomizes breathtaking beauty. Informants without exception emphasize the beauty of Mami Wata as communicated in the symmetry, inten- sity, and composure of her face, elements that evoke comeliness and well-being. Icons of wealth in the print are another link with mermaid myths and imagery. Golden armlets, earrings, neckline, pendant, and waist ornaments combine to evoke the riches that Mami Wata promises to those who honor her. The theme of wealth that underlies much of Mami Wata worship is sometimes exagg- erated in her sculpted images, as in Igbo headdresses where her chest and waist are covered with strands of medallions.

Since Africans tend to depict complete figures in their visual arts, the half-figure rendering of Mami Wata is taken to be significant by African viewers. De- votees, in discussing this aspect of the

1. A 1901 PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN BY J.A. GREEN AT BONNY ON THE NIGER DELTA. THE MASQUERADE HEADDRESS HAS A SCULPTURE BASED ON THE CHROMOLITH SHOWN IN FIGURE 2. NIGERIAN MUSEUM, LAGOS.

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2. PRINTED IN 1955 BY THE SHREE RAM CALENDAR COMPANY OF BOMBAY INDIA, THIS CHROMOLITH OF A SNAKE CHARMER IS FROM A EUROPEAN ORIGINAL CIRCA 1855. AFRICAN DEVOTEES REGARD IT AS A PHOTO OF MAMI WATA.

print, point out that the spirit in her mermaid manifestation is half woman, half fish. What is not shown becomes important. The concealed lower portion of the snake charmer conveys to devotees that Mami Wata is "hiding her secret," the fish tail. The ambiguous rendering of the cloth below the waist, reminiscent of fish scales, reinforces this idea.

The use of an overall blue-green background and the absence of any con- textual features, like landscapes or build- ings, contribute to the impression of an underwater scene. This aspect has become important in the creation of Mami Wata environments. In one Igbo shrine (Fig. 7), the priestess sits holding a fan with an image of the spirit that is based

on the chromolith. Behind her the space is transformed into Mami Wata's world by the blue-green color of the walls so similar to the background of the print. Basins whose color blends with that of the wall and floor are stacked in the back corner. In the center of this aquamarine environment is a blue model of a Euro- pean steamship raised on two columns to give the impression of floating.

The steamship is there because of the priestess's personal encounters with Mami Wata. In the priestess's dreams, Mami Wata would come in human form, either flying or swimming through the water. Sometimes she came in her canoe and took the woman on long voyages. Bothered by these frequent visitations, the priestess consulted a diviner, who

instructed her to get a European steamship to put in her house. It dissuaded Mami Wata from insisting that the woman travel with her by canoe, a less prestigious vessel. As one Igbo man explained, "She has it in order to avoid riding in those spiritual canoes," like the one shown in an elaborate Igbo headdress (Fig. 5). She thus uses her steamship to control the spirit.

The prevalence of the motif of Mami Wata riding in a canoe derives from the history of the cult in this region. Accord- ing to religious practitioners in the area of Mbaise, the Igbo received Mami Wata from the Ijo of the Niger delta, and some still use Ijo as their ritual language. The Ijo were notorious for their slave raiding and trading via enormous canoes that could hold up to eighty people as they traveled the entire delta and up the Niger River (Alagoa 1972:293). Thus the canoe became a power symbol associated with the Ijo, who introduced Mami Wata practice, and by extension with Mami Wata herself.

In another Igbo shrine (Fig. 6), the worshipper re-creates Mami Wata's world by filling the aquamarine space with mirrors, canoe paddles, fishnets, and low-relief snakes floating across the walls. Near the center of the raised plat- form is a coiled-up stuffed cloth snake. In procession the priestess wraps it around her torso, drapes it over her shoulders, and holds it aloft in her right hand, just as the snake charmer does in the print. Also imaging the print, the priestess wears a long black wig parted in the center, a profusion of golden bang- les around her neck, and a European- style formal gown trimmed in gold.

The enormous popularity of the snake-charmer lithograph has led to a growing African market in Indian prints of Hindu gods, goddesses, and spirits over the last thirty years. Africans interpret these as a host of Mami Wata spirits associated with specific bodies of water. The expansion of the pantheon and the growing number of Mami Wata devotees in Africa have contributed to a further proliferation of imagery A Yoruba man who sells popular Hindu prints in Togo explains: "Formerly, during the colonial period, we had the pictures, but we didn't know their meaning. People just liked them to put in their rooms. But then Africans started to study them too - about what is the meaning of these pictures that they [Indians] are putting lights, candles, and incense there every time. I think they are using the power to collect our money away, or how? So we started to befriend the Indians to know their secret about the pictures. From there the Africans also tried to join some of their societies in India and all over the world to know much about the pictures. .... Reading some of their books, I could understand what they mean."

39



This statement suggests rather explicitly the process of in- vention, the creation of meaning that is at work as Africans

interpret visual and written data from the Other. First, the

speaker distinguishes several stages in the process. In the be-

ginning, Africans considered the prints as simply "decoration" until they began to "study" them. When they studied them, or

interpreted their iconography, they came to view them as religious icons that held secrets to be unlocked. More importantly, Africans determined that there was a direct connection between these Indian images, the beliefs associated with them, and Indians' success in financial matters, just as mermaids and other European icons had been linked with wealth and power. But Africans were not content simply to study images; they began to analyze Indian actions as well. They examined Hindu rituals in relation to these religious icons and attributed their own meanings to them. Then, Africans enlarged the knowl-

edge gained from the images and the actions of Hindus by seek-

ing additional information in their books, pamphlets, and reli-

gious paraphernalia. Using all these resources, Mami Wata devotees have been evolving an elaborate faith and actualizing it in their sacred spaces (Drewal, in press).

Chukwu Emeka Ifeabunike, for example - alias Dr. Can- dido (Dido) of India - is an Igbo healer and Mami Wata priest who employs African, European, American, Hindu, Christian, occult, and astrological beliefs and practices on behalf of his clients.3 His shrines host spirits and gods from all corners of the globe. When I visited him several years ago, he narrated a

fascinating story about how he became a healer. He told me that he used to be an insurance salesman until his luck went

bad and he lost all his money One night about 10:30 or 11 p.m., as he was driving on the road between Enugu and Onitsha, he all of a sudden saw the vision of a very beautiful woman stand- ing in the middle of the road. He blew his horn but the woman did not move, and he had to slam on his brakes. After he stop- ped, she came around and put her head inside the car. Calling him by name, she told him to sell his car and all his possessions; take all of his money out of his bank account; book pas- sage to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; and then catch a boat to In- dia. He followed her instructions and went first to Bombay, then to New Delhi, where, as he explained, he studied Hindu "occult," because his destiny was to become a native doctor, healer, and fortune teller. He received a certificate for these studies, which he displayed proudly on the wall of his healing home.

Dido's shrines express his eclectic approach to healing and what he explained as his goal: "the attainment of power." The main shrine room (Fig. 4) is dedicated to several spirits, each specializing in certain activities: one "binds up" a bad spirit so it cannot attack; another attacks an enemy; and another pro- tects against witchcraft. Two statues, the smaller one with seven heads and arms and the larger with three heads and six arms, are based upon popular Hindu chromoliths of Hindu spirits (Fig. 3). They serve as talismans for wealth as demon- strated by the rings and other "valuables" held in the hands. (One was a transistor from a radio or television.) In other words, they have lots of hands to obtain things, and there is something valuable in each hand. The statues also protect against poisons and all ills.

3. A HINDU PRINT INTERPRETED AS A MALE MAMI WATA SPIRIT CALLED DENSU IN TOGO AND GHANA IT SERVES AS THE MODEL FOR SCULPTURES IN MANY MAMI WATA SHRINES, INCLUDING THAT SHOWN IN FIGURE 4.

4. THE MAIN SHRINE ROOM OF DR. CANDIDO OF INDIA, FOR MAMI WATA AND OTHER SPIRITS. IT HAS A MIRROR ON THE WALL AND A LARGE FIGURE BASED ON THE HINDU PRINT SHOWN IN FIGURE 3. ANAMBRA STATE, 1978.

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ABOVE: 5. HEADDRESS FOR THE OWUMIRI SOCIETY SHOWING MAMI WATA RIDING IN A CANOE. CARVED BY LONG JOHN MBAZUIGWE I CA. 1950. 1978. RIGHT 6. A SHRINE RE- CREATING MAMI WATAS UNDERWATER WORLD. THE AQUAMARINE-COLORED SPACE IS FILLED WITH MIRRORS, CANOE PADDLES, FISH NETS, AND LOW-RELIEF SNAKES FLOAT- ING ACROSS THE WALLS. 1978. BELOW: 7. MAMI WATA PRIESTESS MRS. MARGARET EK- WEBELAM IN AN AQUAMARINE-COLORED SHRINE ROOM, HOLDING HER RITUAL FAN SHOWING MAMI WATA AND HER SNAKE COMPANION. SHE USES HER MINIATURE STEAMSHIP TO DISSUADE MAMI WATA FROM TAKING HER ON FREQUENT VOYAGES BY CANOE. 1978.

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Shrines based on the Hindu chromolith in Figure 3 often re-present several iconographic themes. In Dido's shrine the reflective surface of the mirror behind the statue evokes the surface of the river shown in the print. Painted wooden figures flanking the large sculpture refer to the animal companions of the Hindu spirit. The figure's three heads, coiffure, and jewelry are copied, as are most of the objects shown in the hands. The statue itself is painted in bright pink and yellow to approximate the skin tones and attire in the print and to emphasize the gold and riches bestowed by Mami Wata. Despite the fact that these statues are quite literal copies of the Hindu image, their scale appears to be based on Igbo figures repre- senting tutelary deities.

A small wooden coffin in front of the larger figure (Fig. 4) is covered with white cloth, kola nut, money, chalk, and the remnants of sacrifices. Dido explained that the coffin was there for his communications with the dead. He called himself a medium and added, "That is what the Indians call it." On top of the coffin and around on the floor was a group of pots that Dido had purchased in Benin. They contained the instruments for the spirits, that is, the medicines that he had prepared for the powers he possessed.

Dido explained further that all the images in the shrine were a sign that the spirits that he had reached were inside him. He said nobody could see such invisible spirits except in visions. People made the images just to show their power; the images of Mami Wata and of the other spirits were from the imagination, or vision, of the person who then made them so that people could visualize them. He went on to say that "invisible spirits dwell within people" and that "there are places called temples, and temples are shrines. They are the same thing. But you should also know that the temple is within me."

In the foreground of Dido's shrine is a vast array of ritual implements and the evidence of ritual action: a large animal horn; candles; incense sticks attached to pots; layers of chicken feathers; chalk; eggs; palm oil; bottles, some with liquids and others with bones and other things attached; a large box filled with medicines; mirrors; a snake-charmer chromolith of Mami Wata; and a large open book in front. The heavy aroma of perfume hangs in the air.

Dido had at least two books that he ordered from De Lawrence in Chicago, Illinois, a publishing company specializing in spiritualism and occultism. One was The Great Book of Magic; the second was The Sixth and Seventh Books of Moses. He said that De Lawrence was a very knowledgeable man and that one day he hoped to go to America and visit him. He also mentioned the name of a Hindu priest/guru living in London and said he wanted to visit him as well. He explained that the man in London had studied under the same priest that he himself had studied under in Bombay.

Literacy and education play an important role in the beliefs and practices of Mami Wata priests. Dido's English is very good. He writes well (and frequently) and personally ordered his books from Chicago. Like other Mami Wata priests in Ghana, Togo, and elsewhere, he has addresses in India, Eng- land, and America where he can order books, pamphlets, and

paraphernalia. Dido keeps one book outside his door, opened to "magical signs," which are graphically illustrated on the

pages. He said: "You know those signs are just like my copyright. When a company is established it will put up a

signboard and make its own symbol. My own symbol is the stars and the moon, showing that my own profession is occultism and healing" (Fig. 12).

In another part of his healing home Dido has a large, circular

"bathing and scenting room" for persons who are incarnations

or reincarnations from the water, that is, from Mami Wata. When such people are troubled, he takes them there since "bathing and scenting," instead of medicine, are used for Mami Wata problems. He has two bathtubs, both constructed from two welded truck windshields, that he fills with river water. Dido uses the small coffin with a metal bird on the lid for communications with the departed. There are also two chan- deliers, one painted white and another with multicolored lights. The door of the Mami Wata bathing area is carved in a contemporary Igbo style with realistic, low-relief images based on illustrations from books published by De Lawrence that Dido gave to the carver to copy.

A room just outside the Mami Wata bathing room contains another shrine consisting of a candelabra with lit candles behind which is displayed a popular Iberian Catholic chromolith of the crucifix with a skull and chains, among other things. Dido said that shrine was there to indicate to people that he was also a Christian - not Catholic, but Protestant. According to him the crucifix in the lithograph, done by the "pagans" in Rome, was not what Christ was actually nailed to, for in fact it was a single stake. He explained that although he was a prac- ticing Christian, he was destined to do healing as his profession.

Another Igbo healer, Alphonsus Njoku, has altars for many spiritual forces including Ikenga, the thunder god Amadioha, and Mami Wata. Njoku began worshipping the water spirit circa 1960 when he was suffering sleepless nights. He would go into trances and see Mami Wata, who would take him to a stream. This happened after he had married and five of his children had died. He determined that the deaths were caused by the spirit so he became initiated as a Mami Wata priest. His wife has since given birth to many children.

The centerpiece of his shrine is a sculpture of Mami Wata wearing sunglasses and several mirrors (Fig. 8). Mirrors always adorn her shrines. In some, they are hung on the wall (Fig. 4), in others they are embedded in walls (Fig. 9) or placed near sculptures (Figs. 10,11), while in others they are painted floating among images of water snakes. In Njoku's shrine, the reflective surfaces of the mirrors that are held by a Mami Wata figure echo the pool of water that she stands in and the sunglasses that she wears. The priest explained, "When she appears in the water, she comes up with mirrors, making reflections." The sunglasses are to "beautify" her image since "she is a fashionable lady" - a comment universally voiced in relation to mermaids and Mami Wata.4

But sunglasses are more than expressions of fashion. They represent the surface of the water, the threshold that separates as well as unites Mami Wata and her devotees. It is the

boundary between the cosmic realms of water and land, the

permeable threshold crossed by the spirit when she enters the bodies of her mediums and they go into possession trance. At the same time, it is the threshold crossed by those troubled by Mami Wata when they voyage to her watery underworld in their dreams.

TOP LEFT 8. IN THE MAMI WATA SHRINE OF DR. ALPHONSUS NJOKU, MIRRORS AND SUNGLASSES ADORN A SCULPTURE OF MAMI WATA REPORTEDLY CARVED BY ONYEJU IKEKWEM CIRCA 1963. IT STANDS ON COKE BOTTLES IN A SMALL POOL OF WATER. IN FRONT PLATES, A BOTTLE, A BOTTLE OPENER, WOODEN AND METAL SNAKES, TALCUM POWDER CONTAINERS, KOLA NUTS, AND A CANDELABRUM CLUSTER ON A TABLE. TOP RIGHT 9. A MAMI WATA ALTAR WITH MIRRORS EMBEDDED IN THE WALL BELOW A PAINT- ING OF MAMI WATA. 1978. BOTTOM LEFT 10. A MAMI WATA SHRINE WITHIN A LARGE WHITE CUPBOARD WITH LINOLEUM FLOOR. IT DISPLAYS A MIRROR, RITUAL MATERIALS, AND SEVERAL SCULPTURES, THE LARGEST CARVED BY DULU JOSIAH NWOGU ANY- ANWU. 1978. BOTTOM RIGHT 11. MAMI WATA SHRINE ROOM OF DR. MRS DINNAH OLELEWE, SHOWING A PROFUSION OF RITUAL ITEMS TO PLEASE, ATTRACT, AND FACILITATE COMMUNICATION WITH THE SPIRIT 1978.

42



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Mirrors, as symbols of this threshold, figure prominently in devotees' communications with their spirit. One Igbo priestess explained that mirrors are used to "call" the spirit to possess her mediums. Because of Mami's vanity, mirrors are thought to attract her to the site when devotees seek her presence, or to distract her when she "worries" them excessively. As one person said, sometimes someone would be told to hang mirrors around so that when Mami Wata came, she would see her re- flection in the mirrors and would "draw back.., they are used to scare the spirit away."

The feathers flanking Mami Wata's head may signify her

positive intercession on Njoku's behalf, for they are symbols of success and honor in Igboland. He said, "If you put a feather in your cap, like an eagle feather, it signifies someone who is

accepted in the community." Two chromoliths above the water spirit, one portraying the Madonna and Child and the other an Indian woman holding a jar, are meaningful-as well. Njoku explained the Madonna's presence, saying Mami Wata was a Christian. When I asked what type of Christian, he said she

belongs to "every church - she is nondenominational." As for the other picture, he said that I should not forget that Mami Wata was always associated with beautiful things. Whenever he came across beautiful pictures, he would try to bring them in since she was always happy when beautiful things deco- rated her place. The other items filling the shrine room - the Lux soap, several brands of powder (Saturday Night, Gesha, and St. Moritz), Uncle Ben's rice, umbrellas, lamps, red cloths, vessels, and so forth - were all offerings to Mami Wata.

These and other shrine elements, often placed on cloth- covered, Western-style furniture such as stools, benches, or tables, constitute what devotees refer to as "Mami Wata's table." The use of the term "table" is itself revealing, for the table

is not traditional in many parts of Africa. Rather it evokes

"foreign" ways and is therefore seen as most appropriate for this spirit. Its significance derives from at least four sources. First is the dressing table of European ladies, filled with the cosmetics that are so dear to Mami Wata. Second is the dining table set with a white cloth, flowers, and fruits. Among the Ewe and Mina in Togo, knives, forks, and spoons are ritual

implements that are kept on Mami's altar/table (Drewal, in

press). Third is the Christian altar with its crucifix, candles, ritual vessels, and flowers. One Igbo devotee, in explaining that Mami Wata was a Christian, compared the preparation of the altar before the mass to the preparation of Mami Wata's shrine with its candles, chromoliths, and crucifixes. Finally, the Hindu household altar with its pictures, candles, and incense also serves as a model.

The process of making the table seems to have become more elaborate with the advent of an expanded corpus of Hindu

prints, as well as the increased availability of printed matter from India (books, pamphlets, sales catalogues) dealing with Hindu religious practice. The Mami Wata shrines of Igbo priestesses illustrate elements of this process. Mami Wata's

image occurs often - some painted on the wall, some in the

print, others in sculpture placed on cloth-covered tables. Mir- rors embedded in the wall below the painting in one shrine

(Fig. 9) or set on the floor amidst plastic dolls, soft drink bottles, and talcum powder containers (Fig. 11) suggest the surface of the water from which the spirit emerges. The snake- charmer print that inspired the painted and sculpted images of the spirit, however, provided none of the profusion of objects that cluster around the figure on the table or on the floor of shrine rooms. Rather these come from more recent prints, like the one (Fig. 3) that inspired Dido's altar (Fig. 4) and another (Fig. 13), a Hindu print honoring Lakshmi, showing a figure flanked by attendants, animals and flowers, items that also appear in Mami Wata rooms. Note particularly the yellow plastic dolls in Figure 9 that refer to the flanking figures.

On some shrines, the flower arch in the Lakshmi print is transformed into a painted rainbow symbolizing Mami Wata's

Royal Python companion. In others, certain brands of talcum

powder containers have rainbow images. The spirit herself is shown with her necklace, either an actual one (Figs. 8,11) or a

representation of one, often similar to that in the print. Much of the remaining paraphernalia consists of various cologne and

perfume bottles, mirrors, and talcum powder containers used to assure the purity, cleanliness, attractiveness, and fragrance of Mami Wata's space. One brand name, Saturday Night Pow- der (Fig. 8), has special significance because Mami Wata's most active time is Saturday night. The label has an image of a white

couple in evening attire. Other powder labels show beautiful women, usually European or Indian.

The importance of books in many Mami Wata shrines can be understood in relation to the books and ledgers visible in the

foreground of the Hindu chromolith in honor of Lakshmi (Fig. 13). Books complete the construction of a "proper" Mami Wata table. As people began to "study," or rather to identify and

interpret what they saw in popular Hindu prints, they noticed the presence of books, scrolls, note pads, and sheets of paper with cryptic symbols on them. These items suggested new

worship patterns that were incorporated into Mami Wata ini- tiations and daily rituals. One priestess explained that the first

thing one must do to become a Mami Wata worshipper is to make her "table" in the house. In the early stages, the initiate

"writes notes" to her and leaves them on her table. These mes-

sages can be prayers, questions, or requests. Sometime later,

E 12. THE SIGNBOARD OF DR. CANDIDO (DIDO) OF INDIA, WITH THE SYMBOLS

OF HIS PROFESSION. 1978.

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Mami Wata writes a reply, which guides the initiate in making decisions, in worshipping, and in performing rituals. Later, upon becoming more adept, the initiate can speak directly with the spirit, hear her response, and invoke her voice. One such group of worshippers in Igboland has named itself the Harriet Vocal Mermaid Society.

The Yoruba print seller working in Togo claimed that notebooks are used to record the contents of dreams since they are "messages" from Mami Wata. One also writes down requests to the spirit as well as the accounts of each day's business transactions, presumably because Mami Wata is the source of all wealth and serves as the spiritual "accountant." Income is placed on the shrine to be blessed, and a portion is left as a gift to the spirit. These and other practices are based not only on imported images and texts, but also on the observ- able actions of Hindus and other foreigners from overseas living in Africa (Drewal, in press).

Despite the complexity and diversity of Mami Wata shrines among the Igbo, certain widespread patterns emerge from devotees' interpretations of both direct and indirect evidence. The former derives from the objects, actions, and attitudes of the Other that are invested with new meanings. Examples include personal toilet (the use of facial powder, cologne, and perfume); reading, writing, and manners; and devotional rites like lighting candles, ringing bells, singing hymns, and chant- ing mantras. What may be mundane to some can become sym- bolically charged and spiritually meaningful to others.

The same transforming process occurs with indirect sources as well. The products of foreign cultures such as prints, books, sales catalogues, pamphlets, films, and trade items are viewed, read, analyzed, and reinterpreted in order to be incorporated into existing formulations. In the end, such con- ceptualizations express the identity and concerns of the inter- preters rather than those of the original producers. With the knowledge derived from such data, often processed in dreams and trances, Mami Wata adherents create sacred places to praise and appeal to their spirit.

Shrine environments evoke either an aquatic world or the interior of a room with one or more cloth-covered tables loaded with "beautiful," sweet-smelling items. Both are a fu- sion of dreams, experiences, and the imagery in prints and other documents constructed to attract and please Mami Wata, making her feel at home. Paraphernalia, especially mirrors and other possessions like combs and jewelry, are key items. Because of their constancy in mermaid lore and imagery, mirrors are ritual instruments for attracting and controlling a vain and unpredictable spirit. Candles, incense, perfumes, pow- ders, and other sweet and fragrant things such as fruits, soft drinks, and candies persist widely in Mami Wata circles, being crucial to the performance of rites. Added to these are other Mami Wata items: snakes, fish, shells, water fowl, and other water-related objects like paddles, nets, and canoes.

While some icons can be found wherever the water spirit is worshipped, others are specific to certain areas for cultural or historical reasons. Among the Igbo, Mami Wata is linked to the rainbow deity complex. The rainbow is regarded as a celestial serpent or, more specifically, the Royal Python. As a spirit, the rainbow controls the waters of the sky and unites them with the waters on earth, while Mami Wata dominates the seas and other bodies of water. Igbo Mami Wata followers therefore consider them an inseparable pair. The iconography of the European print (Fig. 2) reflected perfectly indigenous beliefs about rainbows, water snakes, and water spirits in this area. The multicolored python shown arching over the head of the

snake charmer thus contributed to reshaping the rainbow complex and extending it to include a foreign spirit.

As they formulate their devotions for their spirit, Mami Wata followers select fragments from their study of foreign cultures and invest them with new meanings to create sacred symbols that will appeal to their vain and potentially troublesome spirit. Everything is reshaped, resymbolized, and re- presented in order to control and exploit a force that holds out the hope of wealth and well-being in an Africa that, as people understand, is still controlled to a large degree by external social, economic, and political forces.

Inspired by mermaids, snake charmers, and Hindu deities as well as indigenous ideas concerning water spirits, Igbos and others in Africa are evolving a vital and dynamic faith. They are constructing meaningful rites as they assimilate data from a variety of sources - dreams, imported images and documents, and observations of the actions of those associated with water spirits, foreigners from across the seas. As the Yoruba print seller in Togo remarks, "We began to study their pictures, read their books, and move near them to learn their secrets." The process he describes is one of active interpretation, adap- tation, and re-creation, not reproduction. Indeed, when Mami Wata worshippers "mirror" their spirit, they are really invent- ing her. It is this inventiveness that transforms belief and practice and forges new ideologies, thus shaping the world of Mami Wata devotees. O

Notes, page 96

13. A HINDU PRINT OF LAKSHMI SERVES AS A MODEL FOR THE CREATION OF A MAMI WATA TABLE AND FOR THE USE OF BOOKS, PAPERS, AND NOTE PADS IN COMMUNICA- TION WITH THE SPIRIT

45



COLE, notes, from page 65 1. The book on mbari (Cole 1982) is a revised version of my doctoral dissertation written in 1967-68.

I would like to acknowledge with thanks helpful suggestions made by Doran Ross after reading a draft of this paper. 2. Data are skewed by the varied numbers of mbari recorded at different times - not necessarily the numbers then extant.

G.I. Jones and Kenneth Murray recorded 7 or 8 mbari in the mid-thirties, when many dozens more surely existed. I sur- veyed the area thoroughly in 1966-67, recording about 150 structures (some remaining from the 1930s and many quite small) in varied states of deterioration. 3. I am indebted to Hyde's important study of gifts (1979) for sharpening my understanding of this aspect of mbari, and to R. Reid for pointing out the relevance of his book. 4. I am grateful to Henry and Margaret Drewal for the use of their photographs and data from their 1978 visit to Chukueg- gu's Centre. 5. Pounded anthill clay is the "yam" or fuft from which pre- 1967 mbari figures were modeled. As Henderson documents elsewhere in this issue, anthills are important spiritually in many parts of Igboland, as wellas central tombari symbolism. 6. This was kindly reported to me briefly in 1982 by the artist, Geoffrey I. Nwogu, whose father was one of the five artists involved in its construction. 7. The group is composed of Sylvester Agu Chukueggu (leader), his son Silver 0. Chukueggu, and Chukueggu kinsmen Nwogu Josiah Anyawu and his son Geottrey Iheanyichukwu Nwogu, LongJohn Mbazuigwe II (de- ceased), Albert Anya, and Remegius. All except G.I. Nwogu and Mbazuigwe worked on the cement mbari. 8. This sign, from Abakalike township, is illustrated as figure 132 in Cole and Aniakor 1984. Bibliography Beier, Ulli. 1963. African Mud Sculpture. London. Beier, Ulli. 1968. Contemporary African Art. London. Brett, Guy. 1986. Through Their Own Eyes: PopularArtand Mod-

ern History. London. Cole, Herbert M. 1982. Mbari: Art and Life among the Owerri

Igbo. Bloomington. Cole, Herbert M. 1975. "The History of Igbo Mbari Houses:

Facts and Theories," in African Images: Essays in African Iconology, edited by D. McCall and E. Bay. New York.

Cole, Herbert M. 1969. "Mbari is a Dance," African Arts 2, 4. Cole, Herbert M. and Chike C. Aniakor. 1984. Igbo Arts: Com-

munity and Cosmos. Los Angeles. Hyde, Lewis. 1979. The Gift: Imagination and the Erotic Life of

Property. New York. Morell, Karen (ed.). 1975. In Person: Achebe, Awuoonor, and

Soyinka. Seattle. Wenger, Susanne, and Gert Chesi. 1983. A Life with the Gods in

Their Yoruba Homeland. Worgl (Austria). Whitehouse, A.A. 1904. "Note on the 'Mbari' Festival of the

Natives of Ibo Country, Southern Nigeria, Man," 4, 106:162-63.

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP Statement of ownership, management and circulation (Required by 39 U.S.C. 3685) 1. Title of Publication: African Arts lB. Publication no.: 00019933 2. Date of filing: 9/17/87 3. Frequency of issue: Quarterly (February, May, Au- gust, November). 3A. No. of issues published annually: Four. 3B. Annual subscription price: $22.00. 4. Complete mailing address of known office of publication: African Studies Center, University of Califor- nia, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1310. 5. Complete mailing address of the headquarters of general business offices of the publisher: African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1310. 6. Full names and complete mailing address of publisher, editor, and managing editor: African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1310. John F Povey, African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1310. None. 7. Owner: Regents of the University of California, 405 Hilgard, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1310. 8. Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other secu- rity holders owning or holding 1 percent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages or other securities: None. 9. The purpose, function, and nonprofit status of this organization and the exempt status for Federal income tax purposes have not changed during preceding 12 months. 10. Extent and nature of circulation: Average number of copies each issue during preceding 12 months; actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: A. Total number of copies printed: 5200; 5200. B. Paid and/or requested circulation: (1) Sales through dealers and carriers, street vendors and counter sales: 354; 363. (2) Mail subscription: 3691; 3745. C. Total paid and/or requested circulation: 4045; 4108 D. Free distribution by mail, carrier or other means; samples, complimentary and other free copies: 135; 131. E. Total distribution: 4180; 4239. F Copies not distributed: (1) Office use, left over, unaccounted, spoiled after printing: 1020: 961. (2) Return from new agents: 0;0. G. Total: 5200;5200. 11. I certify that the statements made by me above are correct and complete. (Signed) John E Povey, Editor.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Photographs, page: 28-34, 37: Richard N. Henderson 27, 35, 55 (top, bottom left), 56 (bottom), 61, 62

(top), 63 (bottom), 65, 66, 71 (right): Herbert M. Cole

36: Robert F Thompson 39-45, 59 (top): Margaret and Henry Drewal 46-53: John Picton 54, 60: G.I. Jones 55 (bottom right), 63 (top): R. Reid 67 (left), 69, 78 (left): Richard Todd 67 (right): Catherine Angel 71 (left): Michael Cavanaugh and Kevin

Montague 73-77, 78 (right), 79-81: Raymond Silverman 87: Bo Gabrielsson

BOOKS Rare, important, and out-of-print books on Af- rican, Primitive, and Ancient art purchased and sold. Catalogues available on request. Please write for further information. Michael Graves-Johnston, Bookseller, PO. Box 532, London SW9 0DR, England. 01-274-2069.

ETHNOGRAPHIC ITEMS For sale: Antiquities, Old African, Oceanic, other Primitive and Precolumbian art, artifacts and weapons. Specializing in early pieces with known provenance. Free illustrated catalogue. William Fagan, Box 425E, Fraser, MI 48026.

ROWLAND-ABIODUN Professor Rowland Abiodun, head of the Fine Arts Department, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife, Nigeria, expects to be in the United States from February to August 1988 and seeks speaking engagements on African art and aesthetics. Contact him care of the Art De- partment, Cleveland State University, Cleve- land, OH 44115. (216) 687-2040.

OPPOSITE PAGE: THE DISTINCTIVE REGALIA OF HIGHEST GRADE EKPE MEMBERS AMONG THE CROSS RIVER IGBO INCLUDES STITCHED-AND-DYED UKARA CLOTH, IN THIS CASE DESIGNED BY ITS WEARER, UGU AGWU OBIWO OF ABIRIBA. PHOTOGRAPH 1983.

96

Thompson, Robert. 1972. "Sign of the Divine King," in Afri- can Art and Leadership, edited by D. Fraser and H.M. Cole, pp. 227-60.

Thompson, Robert. 1971. Black Gods and Kings. Occasional papers of the Museum and Laboratories of Ethnic Arts and Technology, UCLA, no. 11.

Thompson, Robert. 1970. "Sign of the Divine King." African Arts 3:3:8-17, 74-80.

Turner, Victor. 1973. "Symbols in African Ritual," Science 179:1100-05.

Turner, Victor. 1969. The Ritual Process: Structure and Antistruc- ture.

Turner, Victor. 1967. The Forest of Symbols. Ithaca: Cornell Uni- versity Press.

Vaughn, James. 1980. "A Reconsideration of Divine King- ship," in Explorations in African Systems of Thought, edited by Ivan Karp and Charles Bird, pp. 120-42. Bloomington: In- diana University Press.

DREWAL, notes, from page 45 I am pleased to acknowledge generous financial support for Mami Wata research among the Igbo in 1978 provided by the National Endowment for the Humanities (Grant no. F77-42) as well as institutional support from the Nigerian Museum and Ibadan University for research affiliations. I especially thank the followers of Mami Wata for generously sharing their thoughts with me; Geoffrey Nwogu for exceptional as- sistance in introducing us to devotees and artists in Imo State, and Margaret Thompson Drewal for her many helpful suggestions on earlier versions of this paper. This article is a contribution to the growing literature on Mami Wata among the Igbo (Cole 1982; Jenkins 1984, 1985; Jones 1984:87-92). A more detailed discussion of Mami Wata art and performance across Africa will appear in a forthcoming issue of The Drama Review, edited by Margaret Thompson Drewal. 1. The edition illustrated was printed in Bombay, India, by the Shree Ram Calendar Company in 1955 to copy an earlier version sent to them by a trader in Kumase, Ghana. Between 1955 and 1956, 12,000 copies (10" x 14") were sent to this trader and another in Kumase "without changing a line even from the original" (Manager, Shree Ram Calendar Company, letter dated June 17, 1977). The history of the original print will be outlined in the forthcoming Drama Review article. While the inventiveness of African artists sometimes makes it difficult to be certain, I discern the print's influence in atleast fourteen countries and forty-one cultures. 2. Nigerian Museum Photo Archive, neg. no. 106.94.17. I wish to thank the Nigerian Museum for providing a copy of this photograph. 3. My discussions with Dr. Candido took place on May 21, 1978, in Ichi, Anambra State. 4. My conversations with Njoku took place on May 22,1978, in Mbaise, Imo State. Bibliography Alagoa, E.J. 1972. "The Niger Delta States and Their

Neighbours, 1600-1800," in History of West Africa, vol. 1, edited by J.EA. Ajayi and M. Crowder, pp. 269-303. New York: Columbia University Press.

Cole, H.M. 1982. Mbari: Art and Life among the Owerri Igbo.

Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Drewal, H.J. In press. "Mami Wata: African Representations

of the Other in Art and Action," The Drama Review (T118). Hambly, W.D. 1931. "Serpent Worship in Africa," Field Mu-

seum of Natural History, Publication 289, Anthropological Series 21, 1.

Jenkins, D. 1985. "The Art of Mamy Wata: A Popular Water Spirit Found among the Igbo of Southeast Nigeria." M.A. thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara.

Jenkins, D. 1984. "Mamy Wata" in lgbo Arts: Comintunity and Cosmos, edited by H.M. Cole and C.C. Aniakor, pp. 75-77. Los Angeles: Museum of Cultural History, UCLA.

Jones, G.I. 1984. The Art of Eastern Nigeria. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press.

KEBEDE, notes, from page 90 1. I served as Music Expert for the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, as the founder and first Director of the Yared School of Music, and as the first President of the Ethiopian National Music Committee. 2. See A. Kebede and K. Suttner, Ethiope: Musique de lcEglise Copte (Institute for Comparative Music Studies and Docu- mentation, Berlin, 1969). 3. See A. Kebede, "The Bowl-lyre of Northeast Africa" in Ethnoinusicology, vol. 21, no. 3: pp. 379-95, 1977. 4. The explosive Ethiopian consonants can be easily indi- cated by a capital K; it is sounded like k but exploded. 5. See A. Kebede, "The Azmari, Poet-Musician of Ethiopia," The Musical Quarterly, vol. 51, no. 1: pp. 47-57, 1975.

SMITH, bibliography, from page 91

Biebuyck, Daniel. 1977. "Sculpture from the Eastern Zaire Forest Regions: Metoko, Lengola and Komo," African Arts 10, 2:52-58.

Biebuyck, Daniel. 1976. "Sculpture from the Eastern Zaire Forest Regions: Mbole, Yela and Pere," African Arts 10, 1:54-61, 99-100.

Bravmann, Rene. 1973. Open Frontiers: The Mobility of Art in Black Africa. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Celenko, Theodore. 1983. A Treasury of African Art from the Harrison Eiteljorg Collection. Bloomington: Indiana Univer- sity Press.

Kjersmeier, Carl. 1935-38. Centres de style de la sculpture niigre africaine. Paris: Albert Moranc&.

Roy, Christopher. 1987. "The Spread of Mask Styles in the Black Volta Basin," African Arts 20, 4:40-46.

Roy, Christopher. 1985. Art and Life in Africa: Selections from the Stanley Collection. Iowa City: University of Iowa Museum of Art.

Roy, Christopher. 1979. African Sculpture: The Stanley Collec- tion. Iowa City: University of Iowa Museum of Art.

Sieber, Roy and Arnold Rubin. 1968. Sculpture of Black Africa: The Paul Tishman Collection. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art.

Skougstad, Norman. 1978. Traditional Sculpture from iUpper Volta. New York: African-American Institute.



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