hidden homelessness among aboriginal peoples in prairie cities · terogeneous group and they remain...

Jino Distasio, Gina Sylvestre, and Susan Mulligan. Hidden Homelessness among Aboriginal Peoples in Prairie Cities. In: Hulchanski, J. David; Campsie, Philippa; Chau, Shirley; Hwang, Stephen; Paradis, Emily (eds.) Finding Home: Policy Options for Addressing Homelessness in Canada (e-book), Chapter 6.3. Toronto: Cities Centre, University of Toronto. www.homelesshub.ca/FindingHome © Cities Centre, University of Toronto, 2010 ISBN 978-0-7727-1475-6

Chapter 6.3

Hidden Homelessness among Aboriginal Peoples in Prairie Cities

JINO DISTASIO, GINA SYLVESTRE, AND SUSAN MULLIGAN

This research examined hidden homelessness among Aboriginal persons

in prairie cities. In particular, we gathered data in Winnipeg, Saskatoon,

and Regina on the shelter circumstances of persons precariously housed

in tenuous situations, including those who lived temporarily with

friends or family or those who resided in short‐term accommodations

such as shelters, rooming houses or hotels.

The study was governed by a regional Steering Committee that

helped establish the context and purpose of the data collection methods.

It was also recognized that researchers needed to be mindful of the rich‐

ness of Aboriginal culture and diversity in Prairie cities. A respected

Elder was invited to provide support. The Steering Committee also sug‐

gested that the study commence by undertaking informal discussions

with hidden homeless persons so as to better understand the core issues

facing persons presently finding themselves in housing distress. These

sessions helped researchers understand and set the course for the formal

survey process. Where possible, community‐based researchers were

used to assist in the gathering of knowledge from participants and sitting

H I D D E N H O M E L E S S N E S S A M O N G A B O R I G I N A L P E O P L E S / 2

Jino Distasio, Gina Sylvestre, and Susan Mulligan. 6.3 Hidden Homelessness among Aboriginal Peoples in Prairie Cities

www.homelesshub.ca/FindingHome

© Cities Centre, University of Toronto, 2010

ISBN 978-0-7727-1475-6

on the Steering Committee and in establishing relationships within each

of the study cities.

Following the more structured surveys that were undertaken, a tra‐

ditional Talking Circle was held in Winnipeg. Led by a respected Elder,

this session was used to connect participants together and to respect In‐

digenous methodological approaches.

A second set of interviews were then held with service providers in

each of the three cities to better understand their perspectives in dealing

with housing distress.

The results of the study continue to reinforce the need for additional

housing and supports to those currently struggling to find adequate and

affordable shelter. Perhaps a key finding was also the nearly 20 percent

of participants who indicated they had a seasonal connection to their

home communities. This group represented what the Australian litera‐

ture refers to as “Spiritual Homeless.” It is our contention that this group

remains unique among those in various levels of housing distress.

However, given that just under 45 percent of the participants indi‐

cated they moved more than three times in the last six months is also an

indication of the high level of residential instability among participants.

For their part, service providers recognize the enormity of the situa‐

tion and do their best to cope with a system bursting at the seams with

respect to being able to deal with the crushing need to provide shelter

and supports to a range of persons who move for a variety of reasons.

With respect to mobility, it remained clear that the movement of people

is due to a range of factors that this study can only begin to understand.

Perhaps it is critical to reiterate that the “homeless” are by far a he‐

terogeneous group and they remain equally complex and diverse, rang‐

ing from the absolute and visible homeless to the more invisible “hidden

homeless.” But these are merely broad descriptors that do not capture

the uniqueness of the urban Aboriginal communities in Winnipeg, Regi‐

na and Saskatoon, and in particular, those in housing distress.

The simple but powerful words of one participant sum up much of

the research in saying, “home is where the heart is… and right now that

is nowhere.”





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Analysis of Surveys

Social support helps motivate me to work, to pick myself up when people

put me down, to keep going on with life, even when I don’t want to any‐

more.

This section evaluates the results of the survey in relation to the socio‐

demographic characteristics of the sample, to their housing circums‐

tances and sources of social support. The discussion includes a consider‐

ation of participants’ experiences of discrimination, their sources of so‐

cial support, their participation in organizations, and their connection to

the reserve. Given the lack of understanding regarding the issue of hid‐

den homelessness, the intent of this section is to describe the general

housing circumstances and characteristics of First Nations peoples in

housing distress so as to better understand the factors that have contri‐

buted to their present shelter situation.

Residential instability

Just over 40 percent of individuals in the sample had lived in more than

three locations in the six‐month period prior to the survey. This high de‐

gree of movement further substantiates the internal residential churn

among Aboriginal persons that was introduced in the literature review.

Almost one‐half (47.2 percent) of the respondents expressed some

level of apprehension about remaining in their respective city on a per‐

manent basis. The residential instability experienced by participants in

this study raises significant concerns with respect to both overall affor‐

dability and availability of housing in Canadian Prairie cities. As home‐

lessness is characterized by high mobility, an important element to eva‐

luate is the multiplicity of temporary accommodations in which

individuals reside for varying periods of time (Springer, 2000). Over half

(55.8 percent) of sample members were in relatively stable residential

situations as they reported staying in only one or two temporary resi‐

dences during the period. In contrast, the remainder of the sample mem‐

bers was considerably more mobile, as they reported residence in three

or more accommodations. The high frequency of movement suggests

that this sub‐sample experienced considerably more residential instabili‐

ty. Thus, the following overview compares sample members experienc‐





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ing relative residential stability (one or two temporary accommodations)

and those subjected to greater instability (three or more temporary ac‐

commodations).

Demographic and Economic Characteristics

The highest proportion of our sample was male (55.8 percent) and under

the age of 30 years old (47.5 percent). In relation to residential stability, a

higher proportion of males and older sample members reported living

temporarily in only one or two accommodations in the six months prior

to the survey.

In relation to Aboriginal identity, almost three‐quarters of the sam‐

ple (71.7 percent) reported being part of the First Nations of Canada,

while 28.3 percent reported Métis ancestry. While one‐half of First Na‐

tions respondents indicated residence in three or more temporary ac‐

commodations during the previous six months, a greater proportion of

Métis respondents reported relative residential stability.

The overwhelming majority (68.6 percent) of those experiencing

hidden homelessness were unemployed, while 17.7 percent were em‐

ployed in some capacity and 13.7 percent were students. Approximately

three quarters of those who were unemployed indicated that they had

received some form of social assistance. Furthermore, in order to better

understand the circumstances of these individuals, it is important to con‐

sider other strategies they utilized to earn money. For example, over 20

percent of the sample indicated that they were involved in activities in

the informal sector.6 “I clean up every day and watch the children while

the mom goes out all night. I also get food requisitions and I’m like the

main supplier for food. I would also sell myself for sexual favours just to

get money for food, smokes and whatever else we needed.” (28‐old fe‐

male respondent). Generally speaking, the informal sector includes such

activities as the drug trade, etc.

One‐quarter (24.8 percent) of the sample reported an education lev‐

el below grade 9, while over one‐half (57.1 percent) of the respondents

had obtained some level of high school education, although they had not

obtained a high school certificate. As for income, three‐quarters of the

sample received less than $10,000 annually. Specifically, 55.2 percent of





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the sample reported an income of less than $10,000 annually and 19.8

percent reported no income at all.

These indicators of socio‐economic well‐being emphasize the mar‐

ginalization of Aboriginal persons experiencing housing distress. None‐

theless, 63.4 percent of the sample indicated that they were optimistic

that their economic future would at least get slightly better. It is interest‐

ing to note that respondents who reported being employed and had little

or no income but were optimistic about their economic future were more

likely to have resided in three or more temporary accommodations in the

past six months. Conversely, greater residential stability was expe‐

rienced by those respondents who were unemployed.

Housing circumstances

A key piece of the housing analysis of the study probed the use of emer‐

gency shelters or places where people went when there were no other

options available. Thirty percent of the sample indicated that they had

used an emergency shelter in the last year. Respondents who expe‐

rienced greater residential instability were more likely to use shelters.

Similarly, those who had resided in three or more accommodations in

the past six months reported using shelters more frequently than indi‐

viduals who were in more stable housing circumstances. The over‐

whelming majority of the sample indicated that they were treated fairly

and with respect by both agency staff (56.9 percent) and other individu‐

als staying at the shelter (61.5 percent) when accessing services. The

comments of one person summed up the experience by stating “yes, we

were in the same boat and were there for each other.”

The use of emergency shelters by 30 percent of the sample points to

the ongoing need to provide supportive shelter services, especially in

cold climate cities. In fact, one respondent noted that there was a need

for both additional units and a general public awareness of existing re‐

sources and stated that government should “make more places into

homeless shelters and make the public know more about shelters.” Other

respondents were positive about the treatment they received with one

persons stating that staff were “kind, gentle, caring people who help

people in time of trouble.”





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The Aboriginal community is complex, characterized by a high de‐

gree of differentiation among various groups (e.g., First Nations, Métis

and Inuit) and geographic location (e.g., rural, northern, remote and on

and off reserve). To explore the complexity of connections to home

communities, respondents were asked whether they had ever lived on

reserve. We found that 62.5 percent of the sample had lived on reserve,

with a slightly higher proportion of those respondents in greater residen‐

tial instability having lived on reserve previously.

Reasons given most often for leaving the reserve included the desire

to access educational and employment opportunities, as well as better

housing.

We asked whether respondents lived in their home community on a

seasonal basis. The overwhelming majority (81.7 percent) of the sample

replied that they did not move seasonally. Nevertheless, 18.2 percent of

respondents indicated that they indeed had a connection to their home

community.

Furthermore, although similar proportions of both the residentially

stable and unstable sub‐groups did live in the city seasonally, those res‐

pondents who reported residing in three or more temporary accommo‐

dations in the past six months visited their reserve community with

greater frequency. It is important to recognize that those individuals who

move on a seasonal basis undoubtedly represent a key segment of the

population that will move periodically between urban and home com‐

munity.

When asked about the seasonal aspect of living in the city and home

community, those who offered comments noted that friends and family

in the home community contributed to their decision to move between

places.

With respect to the current housing situation, 69.3 percent of the

sample indicated that they presently lived in an apartment, row or single

detached home. The remainder of the sample was housed in rooming

houses, single room occupancy hotels or other transitional housing units.

Those respondents who reported a greater number of temporary resi‐

dences were more likely to be housed in accommodations consisting of a

single room.





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Data related to length of time in a temporary accommodation is an

indicator of the degree of residential instability. Almost all respondents

indicated that they had resided at the current address for less than one

year. Furthermore, almost three‐quarters (73.8 percent) of the sample

had lived at the current location for less than six months. Those residing

in fewer temporary accommodations were more likely to report a longer

average length of time at each residence, as well as a longer period of

time at the current temporary residence.

In contrast, those respondents experiencing greater residential in‐

stability reported shorter periods of residency in each temporary ac‐

commodation.

Almost 80 percent of the sample had lived in the city for over a year

at the time of the survey. In addition, those respondents reporting fewer

temporary accommodations also reported longer residency in the city.

And while well over half of the sub‐sample of those in relative stable

residential accommodations indicated that they planned to remain in the

city permanently, more respondents experiencing greater residential in‐

stability were unsure of their future plans.

In relation to residential quality, a series of questions was posed to

examine the general condition of the present shelter, perceptions of

crowding and overall satisfaction with the shelter.

With respect to the general condition of the current residence, 40.5

percent of the sample indicated that their shelter required some repairs,

while 23 percent of respondents felt their current shelter was in poor

condition and needed significant attention to improve the unit.

In relation to perceptions of crowding, almost half (47.9 percent) of

the sample did not consider their current residence to be crowded. In

contrast, 32.5 percent of respondents were in somewhat crowded condi‐

tions, while 19.7 percent indicated that they were living in very crowded

conditions. When we asked about the overall satisfaction of respondents

in their current shelter, only a small proportion (10.9 percent) of the

sample was very satisfied with current accommodations.

The high proportion of respondents who were only somewhat satis‐

fied or were unsatisfied with their shelter emphasizes the poor condi‐

tions in which Aboriginal persons experiencing housing distress must

endure. It is also notable that a slightly higher proportion of those res‐





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pondents who had changed residences at least three times in the past six

months were in very crowded conditions and were unsatisfied with their

shelter.

From the brief review above, it becomes clear that there is some lev‐

el of uncertainty about shelter and that satisfaction and condition varied

among participants. To examine these issues in more detail a series of

questions were posed to examine the level of use of subsidy programs

among participants. These questions included asking whether persons

had accessed subsidized housing, whether they were on a waiting list

and whether they were aware of existing programs. A second and re‐

lated set of questions then asked whether there were any problems when

seeking subsidized housing with respect to their treatment and general

experiences.

Overall, the use of subsidized housing was low among participants

with only 22.7 percent indicating that they had previously accessed sup‐

portive housing. (When examining the income distribution of the sam‐

ple, it was apparent that while few “accessed” subsidized housing, many

would benefit because of their low income levels.) Furthermore, only 18

percent of the sample was currently on a wait list, while just over 15 per‐

cent stated that they had been denied subsidized housing when applying

in the past. With respect to those who had applied but were placed on a

wait list, over one third (35.7 percent) indicated that they had been wait‐

ing for more than a year.

When asked to explain their experience in applying and trying to

secure subsidized housing, comments ranged from persons feeling that

they were mistreated to those who were completely satisfied with the

experience. One person stated they were unsure of the process, writing

“I don’t know how to go about it, and I just never hear back from the

housing company,” while another said, “Winnipeg regional housing

takes forever to answer back…six month to have the first interview.”

Another person felt that being single posed a barrier to accessing subsi‐

dized housing, “I have never applied because they give priority to

people with children and families…never applied too worried about not

getting in and getting my hopes up.”

Interestingly, many suggested that subsidized housing was only

given to persons who were employed or had families and children under





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their care. When asked about the barriers they experienced, most com‐

mented on not having proper references or the necessary deposits to se‐

cure a place. Others also raised concerns about discrimination and mi‐

streatment by landlords who profile perspective tenants.

In an effort to probe the living situations of respondents in more de‐

tail, we asked a series of questions examined the temporary nature of

each person’s housing situation. At present, 75 percent of the sample in‐

dicated that they were currently living temporarily with friends and or

family. Most important, was that 81.5 percent of persons staying in a

temporary accommodation with either friends or family indicated that

they contributed to the household in a variety of ways and that if they

were to leave this accommodation, 35 percent felt this would pose a

hardship for the household. When asked how persons contributed to the

household, many included both financial and non financial elements

such as doing chores, providing childcare and basically helping out

around the home. Others noted that they contributed money on a fre‐

quent (monthly) or infrequent basis (when they had the ability).

From this brief overview, it is clear that the housing circumstances

of those presently considered part of the hidden homeless population

poses a challenge. On the one hand, many who are currently living with

friends or family contribute to that household through a variety of

means, with many feeling that their departure would put undue stress

should they leave.

However, it also became clear that the living arrangements are te‐

nuous, with many moving quite frequently over a short period of time.

Ultimately, supportive housing is needed and must recognize the hard‐

ship of providing deposits and potential reference checks, especially for

those just moving into an urban centre. With a high number on waiting

listings, there is a need to continue to provide not only access to units

and housing but also to get the necessary information out to persons

moving into urban centres about the programs and supports currently

available to assist (both on a short term emergency basis and a long term

permanent solution).

H I D D E N H O M E L E S S N E S S A M O N G A B O R I G I N A L P E O P L E S / 1 0




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Support and Hidden Homelessness

We evaluated support with respect to respondents’ experiences of dis‐

crimination, social support, participation with organizations and support

from the reserve.

First, the survey included a question regarding the respondents’ ex‐

periences with discrimination and unfair treatment. It is important to

note that while this question was not central to the study, the partici‐

pants expressed that various forms of unfair treatment were pervasive

across all sectors.

Well over half of the participants (60 percent) articulated the view

that acts of racism and discrimination affected their daily existence in the

urban setting.

Similar proportions of males (61 percent) and females (59 percent)

replied that they experienced some form of discrimination and unfair

treatment. It is notable that compared to those in relative residential sta‐

bility, a higher proportion of respondents who moved frequently expe‐

rienced discrimination.

Examples were provided of the systematic or institutional discrimi‐

nation experienced by Aboriginal persons in their encounters with hous‐

ing organizations, government agencies, and potential employers. One

male stated that he preferred Aboriginal run housing organizations be‐

cause he “would not feel so discriminated against.” In terms of possible

employment opportunities one person claimed that “I feel discrimination

by not getting jobs because of being Aboriginal” while another person

felt that their appearance was a factor, “ Yes, there’s a lot of discrimina‐

tion in this city, most won’t hire you because of your appearance.”

However, not all comments were related to racial discrimination as

some participants felt discriminated against by housing organizations

because they received social assistance, yet others felt employers did not

treat them fairly due to a lack of a high school certificate or a “poor work

history.” For the purpose of this study, social support was defined to

include emotional guidance and encouragement, mentoring and net‐

working (being told about a job opportunity etc.) and consisted of rela‐

tionships with friends, relatives, neighbours, professionals, as well as

community organizations. Social support could mean providing child‐





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care or support for an elder in the home. When asked what social sup‐

port meant, the comments of survey respondents ranged from “co‐

dependency” to “accessibility to resources within the community wheth‐

er it be friends, family or food banks.” Over three‐quarters (77 percent)

of the sample had some form of social support. It is interesting that while

75.6 percent of the sample indicated that they had the support of family,

only 66.1 percent of respondents had the support of friends. It is also

significant that a lower proportion of respondents who moved three or

more times in the six months prior to the survey had some form of social

support.

Moreover, while similar proportions of the residentially stable and

unstable had the support of family, a greater proportion of those moving

more frequently had the support of friends.

I’d like to see more Aboriginal organizations and/or persons providing

advocacy services on behalf of other Aboriginals, especially for single

moms like myself. I’d like to have more support from a native worker to

help me adjust to the city and the areas that I find myself in, someone to

do home visits, and possibly a small group of women like myself, I can

hang around with, who have the same concerns and feelings like myself.

(24 year old female respondent).

Many participants spoke of having social support from family

through offering a temporary place to stay or simply congratulating

them on successes and informing them of different opportunities that

may interest them or help them to further succeed in their endeavors.

One person expressed a lack of support due to the size of his family, “no

family, except one brother, and he has a family, I am a grown man and

pride gets in the way.” He further stated that, “men have pride, don’t

want to take help when they know they need it, agencies should be dis‐

creet and compensate for this.” Despite this viewpoint, this individual

has social support through friends and calls them, “if I need a place to

stay.” The overwhelming majority (81.5 percent) of those persons staying

in a temporary accommodation with either friends or family indicated

that they contributed to the household in a variety of ways. If they were

to leave this accommodation, 35 percent felt this would pose a hardship

for the household. When asked how persons contributed to the house‐

hold, many included both financial and non financial elements such as





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doing chores, providing childcare and basically helping out around the

home. Others noted that they contributed money on a frequent

(monthly) or infrequent basis (when they had the ability).

In addition to the availability of social supports, we considered the

involvement of survey respondents in community organizations, as this

may also reflect a form of support for individuals experiencing hidden

homelessness. Over half (55.1 percent) of the sample did participate in

organizations. Those respondents experiencing relative residential stabil‐

ity were more likely to be involved in two or more organizations. In con‐

trast, a greater proportion of the sub‐sample that moved more frequently

were involved in only one organization and participated in the activities

of the organization less often.

In relation to the experience of support for Aboriginal persons in

housing distress, it is also important to consider whether support was

received from the reserve or home community. Only 10 percent of the

sample received financial support from their home community. Almost

90 percent of the sample did not receive financial support with little dif‐

ference between the residentially stable and unstable groups. In addition

to financial support, respondents were asked whether they were in‐

volved with their band or community.

Approximately 20 percent of the sample did indicate that they were

involved with their home community with a slightly higher proportion

of involvement reported by those in more unstable residential situations.

The purpose of this section was to examine the support system for

those who experience the hidden homeless condition. Often people with

no fixed address or living in unstable situations have lost contact with

family, friends and have little or no support networks. The challenges

that relate to their uncertain circumstances of day‐to‐day life includes the

exclusion of established community networks. Unfamiliarity with exist‐

ing networks and agencies can result in frustration, inability to find the

right supports and isolation from the rest of the community.

Many people do not want to be part of a “culture of dependency”

and want to find ways to contribute and engage in their communities.

Personal connections with friends and family can be critical when seek‐

ing some basic needs such as food and clothing while reaching stability

in housing, seeking employment and education. It was revealed during





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this study that a majority of the participants have social supports,

whether it is from service providers, home communities or family and

friends.

Service Providers

The two most important issues facing Aboriginal persons in finding ade‐

quate shelter were the lack of financial resources and availability of shel‐

ter in general.

Data were collected by interviewing 60 key personnel involved in

the provision of services in Winnipeg, Regina and Saskatoon. The selec‐

tion of service providers interviewed ranged from a diverse set of organ‐

izations in each of the three prairie cities. Examples of organizations that

generously offered their time for this research included, but was not li‐

mited to, housing, education, health and employment services.

Housing organizations ranged from shelters, transitional housing,

supportive housing, affordable rental housing agencies and safe houses.

There were many community and “grassroots” organizations such as

drop‐in, crisis, learning, sport, family and support, community centres

and schools that offered their knowledge and experiences. Government

agencies were also very supportive and included Police Services, Provin‐

cial Housing Authorities and Municipal Governments. Finally, the non‐

profit sector such as the Manitoba Assembly of Chiefs, the Indian and

Métis Friendship Centres and Tribal offices in each of the three prairie

cities were instrumental in providing a balanced insight into the chal‐

lenges and opportunities in providing services to those part of the hid‐

den homelessness population.

Not all participating agencies provided programs and services sole‐

ly to the Aboriginal community; in fact more than half held a mandate

that covered their community as a whole. The individuals that gave their

time was also diverse in that some held positions of leadership while

others held the equally important position of frontline worker. During

interviews a portion of the agencies preferred to have more than one

staff member participate which provided a rich and thorough insight

into how their organization delivers services to the community.

While they were busy fulfilling their mandates, they participated

wholeheartedly in the interview process. This willingness to participate





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is thought to be partly a result of extensive relationship‐building by the

researchers throughout the study and the dedication of these agencies

have to assisting the community they serve. For example, one drop‐in

centre worker in Saskatoon told us, “In 1995 we had 6,000 visits per year,

the past year we exceeded 20,000 visits per year.” Participants told re‐

searchers that the two most important issues facing Aboriginal persons

in finding adequate shelter were the lack of financial resources and

availability of shelter in general.

Both service providers and persons seeking adequate housing main‐

tained that by not being able to supply a damage deposit or supply suffi‐

cient references were a significant barrier in accessing housing. A non‐

profit housing manager in Winnipeg maintained, “You need a co‐signer

for renting a place; it is ridiculous, [it’s] not fair to have guarantee, [it’s]

too hard for some.” The lack of finances often pushes people into resid‐

ing in accommodations located in neighbourhoods that are considered

“unsafe” by some. One service provider in Winnipeg reported, “The on‐

ly place a resident can find, on the amount allocated by social assistance,

is to reside in an area that is economically disadvantaged. In the long

run, this causes problems for some families due to community issues

such as gangs, prostitution, bad role models for children, etc.” In Regina

a participant stated, “Adequate shelter isn’t available, that is the issue.

Some of the higher ups should be given a welfare cheque and see what

type of living situation they can rent with the money.” Lack of employ‐

ment and education and were other reasons commonly cited.

Affordable housing, lack of urban knowledge and accessing support

services were the most commonly cited reasons for the experiences for

those who are new to the urban setting. A staff member, who works in a

transitional housing organization in Saskatoon reported, “People lack

knowledge of who they are, where they are, and what they can do. Wel‐

fare has programs but do not tell the people, clearly what they are, if you

don’t ask, you don’t get it.” Another key issue were language barriers,

especially for migrants from northern communities “Not knowing the

system, the language etc. it does not take much for a person to believe

that they can’t get help.”





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Aboriginal Philosophy or Approach to Service Delivery

The service providers were asked if their organization has a specific Ab‐

original philosophy or approach.

A majority of these agencies reported that they have developed and

delivered culturally appropriate approaches to service delivery over the

number of years they have been in operation. For example, one housing

organization that serves the Aboriginal community in Winnipeg, deliv‐

ers their services in a holistic manner by being adaptable to the changing

requirements of their clients. This organization works with tenants, some

of whom may experience personal challenges that lead to difficulties in

paying their monthly rent.

Rather than being threatened with eviction, they are “listened and

cared for, understanding that budgets are limited.” Other organizations

reported that they offered sensitivity training for their staff or had dedi‐

cated staff members, such as Elders who were trained to be supportive

and sensitive to the healing of Aboriginal peoples.

Service providers were asked if they could identify any gaps in the

current system or what other programs were needed that would be of

benefit to persons accessing their programs. One frontline worker at an

emergency shelter in Winnipeg stated, “I am a gap worker, I fill the

gaps.” Agencies share the common concerns in long‐term funding ar‐

rangements. Many stated the procedures for obtaining funding for vari‐

ous grants and projects was too time consuming and interfered with ful‐

filling their organization’s mandate. In Winnipeg, a provider of adult

education stated, “We are funded short term for a long term problem.”

The following list highlights suggestions that service providers per‐

ceived as beneficial to the current system in relation to access.

More funding for social service workers to conduct home visits;

Education programs related to house maintenance;

Increased focus on youth programs;

After care support for people after treatment programs (substance

use);

Quicker response time in arranging appointments with Social Ser‐

vices;

More sport programs for youth;





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Increase in shelters;

Increase in shelters for victims of domestic abuse;

Increase in drop‐in shelters for over‐night accommodations;

Central source of information and referrals;

Reduction in government bureaucracy;

Increase in funding for childcare;

Increase in advocacy in general;

Increase in communication.

In terms of outreach and advertising their services, 90 percent of the

participants reported they did not publicize outside the city limits. In

particular, non‐profit housing organizations expressed that they saw no

value in creating awareness of their organization, regardless of geo‐

graphical location, due to their extremely long and lengthy waiting lists

of tenant applicants.

Forms of service delivery promotion were primarily through part‐

nerships with other organizations, attending conferences and serving on

committees where a diverse range of agencies participated. Web sites,

pamphlets and various forms of literature (posters, reports, newsletters,

etc.) were also cited as methods of creating awareness of their services

offered.

Most importantly, a majority of organizations acknowledged that

their clients primarily learn about their services through “word of

mouth.” One agency in Saskatoon reported that their clients became

aware of their services through multiple ways, “The majority of our

clients come to us through word of mouth, client to client, agency work‐

er to agency worker to client. We aim to keep agencies informed.” Or‐

ganizations continuously adapt to meet the needs of the ever‐changing

community that they serve. For example, one Winnipeg organization

that primarily serves the Aboriginal population has, over the past few

years, added parenting, literacy, solvent abuse prevention and nutrition

components to their programs due to reports concerning observations

the population that they serve. Others have rightfully recognized the

impacts of the residential school syndrome and the “sixties scoop” and

have adapted programming sensitive to those specific needs required to

contribute to the healing process.





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When asked if they knew of any trends or best practices relating to

the provision of services, surprisingly many did not. This may be reflec‐

tive of the pressures related to the challenging nature of their work with‐

in the public realm. One person spoke highly of the recent initiatives and

funding from NHI and believes that this program has greatly assisted

persons on the verge of homelessness. Another person simply stated that

a differing viewpoint is needed regarding the hidden homeless popula‐

tion, “Don’t blame the poor, the victims. Deal with solutions versus who

is to blame. Poverty is the key, then the rest follows.”

What is “home”?

At the broadest level, this research has confirmed that hidden homeless‐

ness among Aboriginal persons in Prairie cities remains an area of con‐

cern. This concern stems from the pressing need to address the chronic

shortage of housing and related supportive services that has contributed

to the high numbers of persons living in temporary accommodations.

In the initial forty informal discussions that were held in Winnipeg,

participants raised four areas of concern: (1) lack of affordable housing;

(2) lack of support networks; (3) lack of information; and (4) institutional

discrimination. These four areas were explored in greater detail as the

research progressed, and to a large extent, each area was confirmed as

being problematic for the wider sample. In particular, it is clear that

there is a shortage of quality and affordable housing and mechanisms

are needed to better connect persons to the supports they require to bet‐

ter their present situation.

Furthermore, the frequency with which respondents raised con‐

cerns of discriminatory practices needs to be further addressed to more

precisely understand why this was echoed so strongly in each of the

three cities.

Perhaps to understand the results of this work is best represented in

the first survey question that simply asked respondents to define what

they meant by “home.” There is no doubt that defining home was a

complex as it resulted in multiple interpretations. In this research home

applied to many aspects of life that sometimes included the “physical

house” but for most it was more of an intangible feeling such as “home

where you were born and raised” or “where my family grew up.” To





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others home was a place where they sought safety and refuge: “Some‐

where you can go anytime. Somewhere you can feel safe and not have to

worry about violence. A place where you won’t get kicked out on the

street. Home is supposed to be a safe place where you can go. Home is

supposed to be yours and it is supposed to be a special place where you

can to have some privacy. It’s supposed to be your temple.”

Home also evoked an emotional attachment to family and friends:

“a safe place where friends and family can come to see me and be able to

enjoy the basic comforts (hot water, food plumbing, heat, security and

laundry).” Another person offered home is “a place that is safe, comfort‐

able. Somewhere you can raise a child.” Perhaps the words of one per‐

son, to whom we titled the report after, sums up the meaning and power

of home in saying “home for me is where the heart is at and right now

that is nowhere so I am homeless.” These words clearly echoed the chal‐

lenges that surfaced in the comments.

Many contended that home was a place that they could exert con‐

trol over and independence in thinking and acting, it was about having a

space such as one person who observed: “a home for me would be

someplace where I can rest and forget about the world and my problems,

it would be a place where I don’t have to listen to other people’s prob‐

lems for a while.”

It was clear that home was a house and that meant having a clean

place that was free of maintenance problems and was affordable. How‐

ever, too often, home appeared to as a distant thought, something that

was just out of reach. Participants often spoke with emotion and a desire

for a better life: “a place where you have people around that love you” or

“a house where you live everyday with your family.” It was this type of

sentiment that emphasized the fact that so many lacked home, but felt

that it was out there even if was momentarily unattainable.

The words of respondents also confirmed that for many, finding a

place to call home remains a challenge that is hard to overcome. It is

hoped that this report was able to articulate the complexity of this issues

and that all too often many are left without “someplace that you can call

yours, a place where your stuff is. A place you feel comfortable .” Within

this research we also learned a valuable lesson; that was that the ‘process

of conducting the research” was a vital as the final outcome. This meant





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that the time spent in each community, collecting information and build‐

ing the necessary relationships allowed the research team to connect bet‐

ter with those who participated in the study. This thought is important

in understanding the value of including the Talking Circle, which was

more of an expression of the research process rather than a means from

which to collect more data. The researchers wanted to embrace indigen‐

ous approaches and perhaps in a few small ways, we took some steps in

moving in this direction.

Conclusions

This research was guided by three research questions that were posed in

the introduction of this report. The following discussion provides in‐

sights from the study that address these research questions:

1. What are the general characteristics of the hidden homeless popula‐

tion among Aboriginal persons, and has the pattern of migration in‐

to large urban centres played a contributing factor in exacerbating

the extent of hidden homelessness?

2. To what extent does the condition and availability of the housing

stock, and housing services, exacerbate the hidden homelessness

situation in prairie cities?

3. How are governments, community ‐based organizations and sup‐

port agencies addressing the needs of Aboriginal people who expe‐

rience hidden homelessness in Winnipeg Saskatoon and Regina?

The focus of the first research question relates to the characteristics

of Aboriginal persons experiencing hidden homelessness, and the effect

of migration to urban centres on this phenomenon. Overall, the results of

the study suggest that:

1. Aboriginal persons experiencing hidden homelessness a diverse

group represented by males and females, youth, single parent fami‐

lies, elders, and, increasingly, families.

2. The reasons for housing distress amongst this group are wide‐

ranging, however, all suffer from overwhelming poverty and the

lack of adequate shelter.

3. The primary concern for the majority of respondents in the sample

was the inability to access a permanent residence.





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4. For many Aboriginal peoples, migration from rural communities to ur‐

ban areas creates a complex dynamic between their inability to find ap‐

propriate accommodation in the city and their connections to home.

The second research question refers to the condition and availability

of housing stock and the provision of housing services in Prairie cities.

Specifically, the question poses whether the inadequacies of housing

provision exacerbate hidden homelessness amongst Aboriginal peoples.

Two main responses were generated from this question:

1. There is a significant shortage of affordable shelter accommodations

for the urban Aboriginal population in Canadian Prairie cities to

address both short‐ and long‐term needs.

2. Despite the lack of housing provision, most respondents indicated

that they had social supports that assisted them in maintaining a

roof over their heads. This social support distinguishes absolute

homelessness from hidden homelessness. Moreover, this social

support network “hides” the problem of Aboriginal hidden home‐

lessness from mainstream society.

The third question asks how government, organizations and agen‐

cies are attempting to address the needs of Aboriginal people who expe‐

rience hidden homelessness in Prairie cities. The study found:

1. Most program responses to hidden homelessness are reactive rather

than proactive. In order to eliminate hidden homelessness, pro‐

gramming must establish long‐term goals that will lead to perma‐

nent housing.

2. In each Prairie city, supportive networks do exist for the hidden

homeless Aboriginal population. These supports span a continuum

that ranges from formal to informal supports. In addition, individu‐

als staying temporarily also contribute support to the household

through contributions to the rent as well as in‐kind support such as

childcare.

3. A paradigm shift is occurring with the downloading of services to

the community level. With increasing demand on community agen‐

cies, their resources are being strained. Nonetheless, the grassroots

foundation of these agencies has allowed the development of sup‐

portive networks that would not be possible in government pro‐

gramming.





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Recommendations

The following recommendations are outlined in relation to the core

themes of the study (mobility, shelter and services).

Mobility

Further investigation is required to gain a better understanding of the

complex dynamic between home communities and urban centres for

Aboriginal peoples. In particular, focus should be on the hidden home‐

less experiences of those in the sample who indicated a connection with

their reserve resulting in movement between reserve and urban centres.

Programming must be established to address the hyper‐mobility of

Aboriginal peoples in urban areas. It is only with substantive increases in

housing provision, both on and off reserve, that the “churn” of Abori‐

ginal peoples will be recognized.

Shelter

Increased funding is required for the construction of transitional and

permanent housing units to accommodate both short‐term needs, such

as migrating to the city, as well long‐term needs, such as those wishing

to reside in urban centres.

Choices in housing design must be expanded and diversified to in‐

corporate Aboriginal culturally appropriate housing for the Aboriginal

population. For example, such housing could accommodate the tradition

of maintaining three‐ and four‐generation households through multi‐

generational housing units and guest accommodation.

Recognition must be accorded to emerging literature that promotes

a holistic approach to the provision of housing. Based on this approach,

housing represents far more than shelter and incorporates a range of ser‐

vices that enables Aboriginal peoples to sustain an independent lifestyle

in a metropolitan centre.

The overwhelming message of participants in the study was that

access to shelter is significantly hindered by systemic barriers that in‐

clude perceived discrimination by landlords, as well as requirements for

references and damage deposits, especially for those new arrivals that

lack local connections and financial means.





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These barriers must be addressed to facilitate access to housing for

Aboriginal peoples experiencing housing distress.

Services and Support

The significance of informal support networks (such as family members

providing shelter or assistance) for the hidden homeless in the Aborigin‐

al population must be acknowledged. Moreover, the critical nature of

this support must be formally solidified so that financial resources will

be available to those households that are providing shelter to the hidden

homeless. This might take the form of an innovative program that recog‐

nizes the unique circumstances of those in need of shelter and the role of

friends and family in providing care .

Increases in shelter assistance programs are required to allow great‐

er access to housing through increases in shelter dollars. For example, in

Manitoba, the shelter assistance rates, which have not increased substan‐

tially since the early 1990s, must be addressed to match the current mar‐

ket conditions, which have increased dramatically. In addition, access to

shelter assistance programs needs to be better communicated to those in

housing distress to ensure that they are all aware of all of their options to

address their situation.

For example, in Winnipeg, there are numerous organizations and

agencies that provide programs ranging from temporary or emergency

accommodation to long‐term, affordable options. In addition, govern‐

ment subsidized housing programs also exist that provide shelter on a

rent to income ratio or provide shelter assistance payments to those in

need. While many of these programs have extensive wait‐lists, it is sug‐

gested by the outcome of this research that many in critical need of shel‐

ter are sometimes unaware of the programs and options available to ad‐

dress their shelter needs. Therefore, continuing to disseminate

information about existing programs and supports is one small piece of

the solution.

Jino Distasio is Associate Professor of Geography and Director of the Institute

of Urban Studies at the University of Winnipeg. Gina Sylvestre and Susan

Mulligan are research associates at the Institute of Urban Studies.

hidden homelessness among aboriginal peoples in prairie cities · terogeneous group and they remain...

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