Hidden Maps, Hidden City: The Jamestown Connection To The Lost Colony

By Fred Willard And Phillip McMullan

Research Assistant Kathryn Sugg

DRAFT COPY AUGUST 18, 2012

7/25/2013

Requirement for a Multidiscipline Study Degree on Coastal Carolina Indians

for Dr. James Kirkland and Dr. Karen Mulchaey

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HIDDEN MAPS, HIDDEN CITY:

THE JAMESTOWN CONNECTION TO THE LOST COLONY

By

Fred Willard and Philip McMullan

Research Assistant Kathryn Sugg

Dedication

The research and findings presented in the below work is a collaboration of many years

of dedication with many people, and all by volunteers, receiving only expenses in most cases.

However, several people have made very significant contributions, and deserve to be singled out.

This research and collaboration of many individuals has resulted in the formalization of the Lost

Colony Center for Science and Research, Inc., now located in Williamston, North Carolina, with

field stations in East Lake, Dare County, and in Gumneck, Tyrell County, where most of the

book- and map-learned research is being ground-proofed today.

Recognition and thanks need to go the originators of the research center, and its humble

beginnings, which were located in Buxton, North Carolina, in the Outer Banks. The group’s

origins started as the Croatan Group, which was founded by Fred Willard (one of the co-authors

of this paper), Barbara Midgette, G.G. Rosell, and Mr. and Mrs. Bornfriend. It was formed to

facilitate a very important partnership with the eminent archaeologist, Dr. David Phelps, East

Carolina University Director of the Archaeology Department. The formalization of a plan for

research, excavation, and archaeological examination of the proffered site of the Croatan Indians

has become widely-known as the Croatan Project.

All of the above people certainly deserve recognition for the most important discovery in

the last 400 years, as to the possible fate of the 1587 “Lost Colony”. This certainly was a major

achievement, but the future stage was set for even more important research, based on the

hypothesis that, in all likelihood, the colony did not disappear, but simply went native and were

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completely assimilated into coastal North Carolina Indian cultures. With the realization that this

merger of cultures did in fact most likely take place, it became evident that the way to find the

mysterious Lost Colony was to follow and track the movements of the colonists’ best friends, the

Croatan Indians. And it was about this time that a Native American researcher by the name of

Charles Shepherd called the Archaeology Department at East Carolina University, and was

referred to the Croatan Group, who has since then renamed themselves the Lost Colony Center

for Science & Research, Inc.

Charles Shepherd is of an African-American and Native American mixed culture, who

may possibly share genes with members of the 1587 colony himself. Having dealt with hundreds

of people interested in these stories, including academic researchers, Charles is one of the most-

focused researchers relating to the coastal Indians of North Carolina, and for fifteen years has

dedicated thousands of hours partnering with the Lost Colony Center preparing its research

design, which has recently received partial credit for a major paradigm shift in the thinking of

what happened to the Lost Colony.

Many scholars proffered that the colony migrated to Chesapeake Bay and were murdered

by Pocahontas’ father, the great Chief Powhatan. Today, the consensus of all research indicates

that this is no longer the number one considered theory, and that the old paradigm has been

overturned with the new theory: an enculturation process between the 1587 colony and coastal

Indians likely did take place, and the Croatan Indians were catapulted to coastal prominence as a

result, replacing the once-very-powerful Secotan Confederation. Although depicted on many

maps after that period, the Secotan seemingly ceased to exist, although in all probability they

were just assimilated. The English and Croatan alliance showed other Native Americans how to

merge back into the new political environment. Everybody working with the original Croatan

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Group, now the much-larger Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc., all owe a

tremendous gratitude to the self-proclaimed Mattamuskeet Indian, Charles “Sweet-Water

Medicine” Shepherd (see photograph below).

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Introduction

“The Roanoke voyages and colonizing experiments of the years

1584 to 1590 were the first to bring English men, women, and

children to settle in any part of North America. Although these

attempts failed, they lie at the very roots of English experience in

North America and the beginnings of what was to become the

thirteen colonies and the United States.”1 1

In a “well-known” story, Sir Walter Raleigh’s attempt to settle ‘Virginia’ in 1587 became

‘The Lost Colony’; 117 men, women and children simply disappeared. John White, the

Colony’s governor, described how the colonists were forced to remain on Roanoke Island when

their intended destination was Chesapeake Bay. There they were abandoned and became lost to

history because the Spanish Armada was about to sail, and Queen Elizabeth caused their

resupply ships to be diverted. However, significant evidence suggests that they intentionally

relocated inland and that Raleigh, at least, and his investors kept in touch with them. The colony

continued the alliance they had formed with the Croatan Indians and, for at least ten more years,

supplied Raleigh with a valuable secret commodity - sassafras. They chose Beechland, a

protected sassafras site about 50 miles into the mainland, in order to prevent the Spaniards (and

potential competitors) from finding them (see Clue #23 in Appendix, the “smoking gun” clue).

This profitable venture ended after Raleigh was arrested for treason and consequently lost

his patent and his head after the death of Queen Elizabeth. In this theoretical scenario, the so-

called ‘Lost Colonists’ were not lost, but were abandoned when Raleigh could no longer send

ships to them after 1618. An ever-accumulating amount of evidence for the colonists’ movement

has been recently found, regarding Beechland as their final destination, from multiple sources:

original accounts, native alliances, oral histories, naming patterns, archeological artifacts,

1 David B. Quinn and Allison M. Quinn, eds., The First Colonists: Document on the Planning of the First English

Settlements in North America 1584-1590 (Raleigh: North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Division of

Archives and History, 1982), iii.

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reanalysis of certain early maps, and the recent discovery of two more early maps relating to the

1587 colony. A thorough archeological investigation of the Beechland area might yield the

crucial clues to resolve the longstanding mystery of what became of the Lost Colony. The

proffered theory that the Lost Colony “went native” was not highly considered by early scholars;

however, it is now the number one paradigm accepted by most researchers.

According to the histories of seventeenth-century North Carolina, the coastal Native

Americans, found at the time of European contact, ceased to exist as an identifiable, political

group by approximately 1690. In 1701-09, John Lawson visited the famous Croatan Indians (by

this time they were called Hatteras Indians). He noted light hair and blue eyes and their affection

for the English, stating they had ancestors whom could “speak from the book”2.2 The last

recorded mention of these coastal Indians was in 1729 by the Surveyor General of North

Carolina, Edward Mosley: “There are no Indians living on the coast but seven or eight Hatteras

Indians living at Indian Town, with the English”33(present Cape Point and King’s Creek on the

Outer Banks in what is now called Buxton, and the villages are located on the sound sides). The

Croatan Indians, as a group, from this point forward are reported to have disappeared off of the

face of the earth.

This well-documented scenario may not be the case about one of the most famous Indian

tribes of North America. “Croatoan” is the enciphered message left on the tree for John White,

the governor of the 1587 “Lost Colony”, indicating where the colony could be found. This site

2 John D. Lawson, A New Voyage To Carolina, edited with an Introduction and Notes by Hugh Talmage Lefler

(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press), reprint edition 1967. Original title & publication: A New Voyage

to Carolina; Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country: Together with the Present

State Thereof. And a Journal of a Thousand Miles, Travel'd Thro' Several Nations of Indians. Giving a Particular

Account of Their Customs, Manners, &c., London: [s.n.], 1709. Lawson also noted that the Hatteras Indians

dressed more like Europeans than Natives, with linen shirts and long stockings.

3 The Moseley Map of 1729-33, where this information and quote came from, can be found in the Special

Collections Department of East Carolina University’s Joyner Library.

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was discovered and excavated by the Croatan Group (now the Lost Colony Center for Science &

Research, Inc.) in partnership with Dr. David Phelps44in the mid-1980s, where some of the most

significant early English artifacts ever found in North America were uncovered5.5 The research

done since then has elevated anticipation and excitement about these lost English colonists in the

wilderness, and their probable eventual fate of going native. As a result, this story is now widely

reported as the most exciting and important unsolved mystery in North America. Furthermore,

when the story has been pieced together, it will possibly become a compelling screenplay to rival

the Pocahontas story.

The works presented below are intended to proffer that the New City of Raleigh, which

was founded in 1587 by Sir Walter Raleigh and John White as Governor, was located between

the Indian villages of Pomeyooc and Tramanskecooc (50 miles inland), as depicted on the

original John White Manuscript Maps A and B (see page numbers 13 and 22 below). This places

the Lost Colony of 1587 in the area of Engelhard, North Carolina and the Alligator River today.

Four mapmakers over a 65-year period all gave parts of the information as to where the

Lost Colony of 1587 was located. It is only when their maps and their correlating information

are compared together that the location of the Lost Colony (i.e. the new city of Raleigh) might be

determined. The co-authors of this paper have shown through maps where the colonists known

to Jamestown leaders were expected to be located, and furthermore, the information garnered has

strong indications that contact was made in the 1607-1609 period.

4 Dr. Phelps was the director of the archaeological department of East Carolina University at the time. 5 Details can be found on the website www.lost-colony.com: Jim Morrison, “In Search of the Lost Colony”,

American Archaeology, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Maryland: Archaeological Conservancy Quarterly Publication (Eastern

Region)), Winter 2006-2007: 38-44, http://lost-colony.com/magazineAA.html, and Catherine Kozak Virginian-

Pilot (Hampton Roads, VA) articles: “Buxton Crew Digs Up Possible Lost Colony Link” 10/14/98; “New Hints to

Lost Colonists Found” 3/31/01; “Paper Linking Croatan Indians, the Lost Colony Garners Awards” 4/29/03; “Old

Account May Yield New Clues to Lost Colony” 2/3/05; “ECSU (Elizabeth City State University) Researchers Go

High-Tech in Old Search” 3/6/05; “Team Plans to Resurrect Excavations at Croatan Site” 11/1/05; “At 75, Historian

Still Hits the Books in College” 6/5/06; “Seeking the Lost Colony” 7/2/06; “Team Hopes DNA is Clue to Lost

Colony Mystery” 6/11/07.

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The map findings below can be reviewed more thoroughly and in-depth from the website

http://www.lost-colony.com/currentresearch.html6.6 In addition, a new interpretation of the

Zuniga Map and the support of the Percy Map7 has provided compelling evidence for the co-

authors’ hypothesis8 that the location is between Engelhard and the Alligator River floodplain.

This paper’s major purpose is to show convincingly that colonists from the 1587 voyage

were alive and contacted in 1607-1609, and that the co-authors’ hypothesis predicts their new

settlement location is in Beechland today. The co-authors have found new evidence of the

colonists’ location through a re-examination of maps that were prepared between 1587 and 1651.

These maps are John White’s 1585 Manuscript Maps A and B, the Zuniga map c1609, the Percy

map c1609, and the John Farrar Map of 16519. When examined together, and transparency

overlays are made, these maps show that, in 1608, there were men in English clothing near the

bend in the Alligator River four miles west of the Indian village of Pomeyooc, where sassafras

was indicated on the Farrar Map. This new evidence firmly locates the colonists where the co-

authors’ hypothesis places them in 1587, in all of the research papers cited in Footnote 6 below.

6 Please refer to the following research papers and material at http://www.lost-colony.com/currentresearch.html:

Philip McMullan, “A Role for Sassafras in the Search for the Lost Colony”(Lost Colony Center for Science and

Research), 2006; Fred L. Willard, “The Machapungo Indians and the Barbados Connection: 1663 to 1840” (East

Carolina University History Department: Dr. Angela Thompson - Directed Studies in History), 2008; Philip

McMullan, “A Search For The Lost Colony In Beechland” (Northeastern NC Development), 2002; Phil

McMullan, “Beechland & The Lost Colony” (North Carolina State University History Department: Dr. Holly

Brewer (A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts)), 2010; Fred L. Willard, “Migration Patterns of Coastal N.C. Indians” (East Carolina University: An

independent study in English as a requirement for the East Carolina University Honors Program combined with an

Interdisciplinary Minor on the study of “The 1587 Lost Colony”), 1998; Fred L. Willard, “A Reassessment of the

Zuniga Map” (East Carolina University History Department: Dr. Christopher Oakley - Problems in North Carolina

History), 2008; and “Elizabeth City State University 2005 Research” Lost Colony and Remote-Sensing Team with

archaeologists Dr. Anne Garland, Dr. Francisco San Juan & Dr. Palipin of Missouri University: Croatan, Buck

Ridge, and Goshen Ridge).

7 The author of this map has not been definitely confirmed as of this date, but one of the map researchers has

tentative identified Sir George Percy’s handwriting on the map. More probably, the author is Nathan Powell (see P.

10). H. P. Kraus, Monumenta Cartographica, cat. 124, no. 28 (1969), pp. 43-6. The map legend reads: No. 28

VIRGINIA Manuscript map (Virginia c1610) (Greatly reduced from 470 x 635 mm); Quinn, 1955.

8 Dr. Ralph Scott, Personal Communication, May 2012; Dr. David LaVere, Personal Communication, July 2012

9 It should be noted that although this map was drawn some 60 years after the original John White map, its etiology

actually originates in a book that possibly came from Thomas Harriot’s original work (see p. 12-13 of that book).

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The Zuniga Map

On September 10, 1608, King Phillip III (of Spain) received intelligence from the

London spy network of Pedro de Zuniga. Contained in a packet from Zuniga was a tracing of a

map (the person is described by Zuniga as an Englishman, probably Captain Francis Nelson) sent

home to England from John Smith in Virginia (see Footnote 12 and Fig. 1 for details). This

document gave intelligence that Panawicke (possibly now located near Engelhard, North

Carolina), Pakercanick (possibly in Pamlico County, North Carolina) and Ohanhowan (possibly

on the Roanoke River) were all locations where colonists from Roanoke Island were now

residing with Indians, probably as captive slaves.

Historian David Beers Quinn wrote: “Clearly the Zuniga map is of the greatest

importance in showing us what was known and surmised in 1608 as to the area south of the

James (River)10.”7 Alexander Brown first published the Zuniga map in America in Genesis of the

United States in 189011.8 Brown wrote that the map was a rough drawing sent by Francis Nelson

from Virginia, in 1608, to illustrate Captain John Smith’s True Relation12.9 The Zuniga Map was

purloined from London and sent to Spain that same year by Spanish Ambassador Pedro de

Zuniga13. It remained undisturbed in the Spanish archives for the next three centuries.

David Beers Quinn asserts that on the expedition to find the Lost Colony in 1607, with

the chief of the Paspahegh Indians, and although two English men started out with him, but the

chief turned back. The English men, however, did go much further south. A report on this

10 David Beers Quinn, England and the Discovery of America 1481-1620 (London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.),

1974: 461.

11 Alexander Brown, Genesis of the United States (Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin, and Co.), 1890.

12 John Smith, A True Relation of Such Occurrences and Accidents of Note as Hath Hapned in Virginia Since

the First Planting of that Colony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, till the last returne from

thence. Written by Captaine Smith, one of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend of his in England. London:

Printed for John Tappe, and are to bee solde at the Greyhound in Paules-Church yard, by W.W. 1608.

13 Brown, Genesis of the United States, Vol. 2, 1890: 1067-8.

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expedition, which has not survived, was sent to London, and was the basis for more orders given

by the Royal Council for Virginia in May 1609 to make further contact14.

Fig. 1 - The Original Zuniga Map of Virginia

The complete Zuniga map, as discovered in the Spanish archives, is shown in Figure

115.10 Alexander Brown cropped the segment within the dashed lines on Figure 1 and turned the

map 45 degrees, to place the James River to the north. The resulting map in Figure 2 shows the

scribbled notes that historians (with many other maps) have attempted to decipher for the past

100 years. Alexander Brown’s interpretation attempts of the scribbled notes are presented in

Figure 3. Many other historians, such as David Beers Quinn, Philip Barbour, James Horn16, Lee

Miller and Thomas Parramore have attempted an interpretation, but there has been no agreement

about the locations of the three groups of Englishmen that the map suggests were survivors of the

1587 colony. The co-authors of this paper, however, are in agreement with Quinn and Barbour,

but not with Parramore, Horn and Miller.

14 David Beers Quinn, Set Fair For Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606 (Chapel Hill: University of

North Carolina Press, America’s 400th Anniversary Committee), 1985: 370-1. 15 The original map is in the Archivo General de Simancas, M.P.D., IV-66, XIX-153; reproduced in Barbour, The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Charter, 1606-1609, Vol. I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1969,

facing p. 238 and James Horn, A Kingdom Strange (New York: Basic Books), 2010: 212. 16 Horn, 2010: 228-230. Horn has interpreted the Zuniga map, placing Panawicki on Salmon Creek, and

Pakerakanic at the head of the Tar River. The map work did not take into account that Pakerakanic has been placed

on the Neuse River by every other authority researching it for the last 100 years. And Ocanahonan, clearly shown on

the Zuniga map, is in a totally different body of water (the Roanoke River) and location than Panawicki, located

halfway between the Pamlico River and the Chowan---clearly not on Salmon Creek (see Percy and Zuniga overlays).

South of the James River

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Fig. 2 - Zuniga Map South of the James River

The Albemarle Sound is clearly discernible just south of the James River, extending to the west into the

coastal plain of what is now North Carolina. In addition, the Pamlico River also extends to the west, and is just

below the Albemarle Sound. Halfway between these two, extending (although the scale is imperfect) is the most

important notation on this map, and is denoted as “Pananiok”, and has been indicated by many sources as the

location of many of Sir Water Raleigh’s colony. The actual spelling of this site, as designated on approximately

twenty maps and specifically on the John White 1585 Manuscript A map, is “Pomeyooc” (for many of the clues and

citations, see “Clues” in the Appendix). Many interpretations of this location have been made by scholars over the

past hundred years. It is not until this map is compared with the Farrar and Percy Maps, a transparency rescaled to

the John White map, and a modern map of North Carolina, that the exact shoreline at the Pananiok location is shown

to match the shoreline on the John White map. More importantly, it is in close proximity to Pomeyooc and extends

inland, and seems to terminate at the village site on the White map named “Tramanskecooc”. When the White and

Zuniga maps are compared with the Farrar map, the sassafras tree is depicted in the same area of Tramanskecooc on

the White map, despite certain river orientation eschewment on every map drawn prior to the Percy map.

It is important, when logically researching locations, that discoveries are confirmed from multiple sources.

In the referenced material above, the authors of this paper have just discovered that the Percy Map of 1607 (see

below) seems to confirm both of the Indian sites of Tramanskecooc and Pomeyooc. This added information

proffered from the Percy map has also given strong evidence that contact with the Lost Colony was achieved by

whoever drew this map (indications are it may have been Nathan Powell, a cartographer who accompanied Smith on

his Chesapeake Bay adventures)17.11

The above assumption about contact being made is clearly inexplicable,

because the Albemarle and Pamlico River orientations to the coast are misaligned and eschewed, but they are

aligned when the scales of the two maps are justified (by increasing the Percy map location of the Pamlico and

Albemarle to match a modern-day map of North Carolina). When this is accomplished, the two black dots

(embellished to red) on the Percy map below are in very close proximity on the modern map to Engelhard, North

Carolina and the headwaters of the Alligator River---as depicted on both the White and Farrar maps as where

sassafras and the Indian village of Tramansquecooc were found. It must be noted that this Indian village

mysteriously disappeared on all future maps after the publication of Thomas Harriot’s Brief & True Report, where

he for the first time announces that secrets commodities in a secret location have been found, but because of

“welwillers not to the good of the action” (people who would steal the secrets), the location will be withheld.

17 William P. Cummings, The Southeast In Early Maps (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press), 1998:

136-137, citing Clifford M. Lewis & Albert J. Loomie, The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, 1570-1572 (Chapel

Hill: University of North Carolina Press), 1953: 262-263.

James River

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Fig. 3 - Alexander Brown’s Interpretation of the of Zuniga Map

The scribble sentences on the Zuniga map are clearly related to sentences in John Smith’s

True Relation. Captain Smith wrote in True Relation that Opechancanough, the brother of Chief

Powhatan, told him “of certain men cloathed at a place called Ocanahona, clothed like me.”

Most map interpreters agree that Ocanahonan [A] was on Roanoke River, despite ‘Morattac’ [B]

being relocated on the river to the south, but near the mouth of the Roanoke River, as depicted on

most earlier maps. The map also states, “Here remayneth 4 men clothed that came from

Roonock to Ochanahowan18”12above the word “Pakrakwich”, on what is generally assumed to be

18 Lee Miller, Roanoke: Solving The Mystery Of The Lost Colony (New York: Arcade Publishing), 2000: 245-53.

“Ocanahowan” is Siouan for “many people gather here”; the Algonquian equivalent is “Occaneechi”.

A

B

D

C

E

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the Neuse River [C]. Smith also wrote, “We agreed with the king of Paspahegh to conduct two

of our men to a place called Panawicke, beyond Roonok, where he reported many men to be

appareled.” A very similar statement - “Here Paspahegh and two of our men landed to go to

Pananiock” - appears on the map below the James River [D].

One purpose of this paper is to identify the region immediately west of the island of

“Roonok” where the word “Pananiock” is written [E]. Under Pananiock on the map, Brown has

written: “Here the King of Paspahegh reported our men to be and want to go.” Others have

interpreted this to say: “Here the King of Paspahegh reported our men to be and went to se19.”13

It is this location and this statement that is of most interest to the authors’ hypothesis. If

Pananiock can be shown to be John White’s village of Pomeyooc, and if that is where “the King

of Paspahegh reported our men to be,” this would provide significant support to the co-authors’

hypothesis. That proof would be the key to unlocking the interpretation of all other parts of the

map - and the location of the 1587 colonists in 1608. It is also reported at this site

(Pananiok/Pomeyooc, see Letter “E” in Figure 3 above) there is a large store of salt stones20.

19 Miller, 2000: 246; Quinn, 1974: 460; Barbour, 1969: 190. These authors all agree with this particular

interpretation, supporting the theory that the Zuniga and Percy maps were drawn by a person who was at the Indian

village of Pananiock (Pomeyooc) in 1607-1608.

20 Miller, 2000: 259. This information is noteworthy because it is the only one of the Indian villages previously

targeted by scholars that is close enough to the coast to produce salt. The upper Pamlico or Chowanoc (cited by

many authors as being the location of Pananiok on the Zuniga map) are locations with fresh water, ergo no salt

stones could have be made there (see “Chief Eyanoco” in Appendix). This would serve to eliminate Salmon Creek

or the Tar River west of Washington, NC as the location of Pananiock (Panawiki or Pomeyooc) as proffered by

Thomas Parramore.

A

13

Fig. 4 - John White’s 1585 Manuscript Map B

John White’s 1585 Manuscript Map B of Virginia is shown in Figure 4. The text and

arrows show where two of the inscriptions on the Zuniga map would be located on John White’s

map, if the co-authors’ interpretation is correct. Their hypothesis states that the colonists, on

Raleigh’s instruction, traveled by water with the Croatan to the lower end of the Alligator River,

where they found sassafras near the village of Tramanskecooc21.14 The red line shows the route

21 The John White Map of Eastern North America, as noted by Paul Hulton of the British Museum, indicates two

Indian village locations on the east side of the Alligator River named Tramanskecooc (which are not discernible

except on the original), one at the river’s edge and another somewhat inland (Paul Hulton, America 1585: The

Complete Drawings of John White (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press), 1984: 85). The location of

this village correlates with four other unexplainable notations and maps (see Zuniga, Percy, Farrar, and White-

DeBry map figures throughout this paper) where it is either relocated or missing entirely (White-DeBry map, 1588,

in Brief & True Report) when the secret commodity discovery is announced.

“Men depart with King Paspahegh to find the men at Pananiock” Route of the colonists from Roanoke Island to “50 miles into the main.” The actual measured water route to the red dot is 49.9 miles. Destination Tramanskecooc Pomeyooc is almost assuredly Pananiock on the Zuniga map “where the King of Paspahegh reported our men to be & went to

se.”

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they would have most likely taken from Roanoke Island to their destination. The lowest legend

states the co-authors’ belief that Pomeyooc is Pananiock, “where the King of Paspahege reported

our men to be and went to se (see Footnote 19).”

One of the earliest and most significant clues discovered relating to deliberate

misinformation and conspiracy was the disappearance of Tramanskecooc village in the

headwaters of the Alligator River on all future maps after 1585. The importance of this clue only

became relevant after the discovery of how many times this area was seemingly mentioned in

abundance of other clues relating to the disappearance of the Lost Colony (see Harriot quote &

Footnote 34, p. 19) and secret commodities in secret locations.

Fig. 5 – White-DeBry Map Segment On The Left Compared to Zuniga Map Segment On The Right

Although the Zuniga map is much cruder, its comparison in Figure 5 to the White-DeBry

map also showed similarities in the shapes of the region in which Pomeyooc/Pananiock is

located on the two maps.

Pomeyooc/Pananiock

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Fig. 6 - John White’s Map Segment On The Left Compared to Zuniga Map Segment On The Right

The co-authors then compared the White and Zuniga maps in Figure 6, and this

comparison also showed similarities. This suggests that both maps depict the peninsula between

the Albemarle and Pamlico sounds. For the two to be so similar, it is probable that the person

who drew the Zuniga map must have had access to the White maps when he drew the area shown

in the segment in Figure 6. 15

Willard proposed a comparison that would expose the maps to an even stricter test. He

placed a transparency of the Zuniga map over White’s 1585 Manuscript Map B [Figure 7].

When the transparency scale is justified to the White map, Pomeyooc and Pananiock are in

agreement22. The western-trailing trail or waterway on the Zuniga map then points directly, from

a creek on the Pamlico Sound (possibly Far Creek), to the Indian village of Tramanskecooc on

the White map. It also terminates at the headwaters of the Alligator River, where

Tramanskecooc is proffered to be located today. Willard has since shown the map and

transparency to a map expert who said that such agreement is no coincidence in maps of that

period. Other scholars, Dr. Ralph Scott23 and Dr. David LaVere for example, have also proffered

22 This is also in agreement with Tramanskecooc and the sassafras tree on the Farrar map.

23 Dr. Ralph Scott, Personal Communication, May 2012

16

that this degree of agreement could not be a coincidence: “These maps are a very compelling

and persuasive argument as to the location indicated on the Zuniga map being Pomeyooc”24.

THIS MAP WILL BE REPLACED BY FRED’S MAP AND OVERLAY

Fig. 7 - Zuniga Map Transparency over John White 1585 Map B

David Beers Quinn has strongly asserted that Pananiok on the Zuniga map can be in no

other location than where Hyde County is today, and is in all probability the Indian site of

Pomeyooc, as designated on the White 1585 Manuscript Map B25. 16

24 Dr. David LaVere, Personal Communication, July 2012

25 Quinn, 1955: 191 & 870.

Albemarle Sound

Pamlico River

17

Fig. 9 - Segments of 1651 Farrar Map on the left and 1585 White Map on the right (north is to right)

The Farrar Map

With Pananiock identified, there is little question that there were members of the 1587

colony in that vicinity in 1608. A map prepared in 1651 by John Farrar shows that sassafras was

also found at that site. The co-authors of this paper learned of the sassafras location from a map

drawn in 1651 by John Farrar, the relevant segment of which is shown on the left in Figure 9.

Sassafras outlined in the dotted rectangle is shown at no other location on the map. The Farrar

map segment in Figure 9 is very similar to the segment beside it in the White 1585 map.

The Farrar map was found in the first two editions of Edward Williams’ Virgo

Triumphans26. 17According to map expert William Cummings, Edward Williams credited John

Farrar with the all the information in his document. This map has not previously been identified

in the consulted literature as being related to the Roanoke Voyages, but the entire publication is

26 Virgo Triumphans: or, Virginia richly and truly valued; more especially the South part thereof viz. The fertile

Carolana, and no lesse excellent Isle of Roanoke ... By Edward Williams, Gent. London, (Printed by Thomas

Harper, for John Stephenson, and are to be sold at his shop on Ludgate-Hill, at the Signe of the Sunne, 1650). No

extant copy has the map, but Mr. Coolie Verner (an expert on the Farrar map) states the book is not complete

without it (Cummings, 1998: 149-150; Plate 29, Map 47 is a copy which does not show the fortifications; the copy

that does is located in the University of Virginia Library: http://www2.lib.virginia.edu/exhibits/lewis_clark/

exploring/1maps/map6.jpg).

18

focused on the 1585 Roanoke expedition, and the map was specifically customized to fit with the

Virgo Triumphans publication. It is important to note that there are significant fort locations on

the Farrar map, one in the area of a location long-called “Fort Landing”, at the mouth of the

Alligator River, and a second fort depicted on the Chowan River, near the location of the

Chowanock Indian site on the White map. The forts and the sassafras tree strongly support the

contention that Farrar had Harriot’s Chronicle and materials related to the attempted settlement

of the 1585 voyage when he compiled Virgo Triumpans and drew the above map. No other

extant documents have been identified showing fortifications at these locations.

It is not until the Farrar Map, the White Map, and the DeBry Map (along with the Percy

and Zuniga maps), are all compared with each other that a true significance of the sassafras tree

on the Farrar map becomes evident. The location of the sassafras tree on the Farrar map is

correlated to Tramanskecooc on the White map because the two locations are identical, and the

Farrar map, although drawn 70 years after the White map, is most probably taken from the 1585

information supplied by Thomas Harriot himself, because the time spanning the two maps is

almost a completely dark period with no apparent re-colonization of the area in question. 18

The DeBry map is also relevant because of its timing with Thomas Harriot’s Brief &

True Report, which for the first time acknowledges that a secret commodity in a secret location

has been found, but they are not divulging what it is. The clue is shown in the Farrar map, with

only one tree labeled among the 30+ depicted: sassafras27. The 1590 White-DeBry map was one

27 Background research of why and how the Farrar map gains such a prominent role in deciphering the information

from this location can only be evaluated when the context of the book it was attached to, Virgo Triumphans, is

thoroughly studied (see Footnote 26). With close scrutiny, many other items in Virgo Triumphans are expanded

well beyond information that can be found in Brief & True Report or any other colonist writings. All of the above

gives a clear impression that John Farrar is writing about the 1585 colony from primary sources not available to

anyone else, making it evidently clear the 1587 colony was intending to procure the commodity of sassafras from

Beechland on the Alligator River.

19

of the centerpieces of Thomas Harriot’s Brief and True Report28.19 Harriot wrote that this report

would be followed by a fuller report: “I have ready in a discourse by itself in maner of a

Chronicle according to the course of times, and when time shall bee thought convenient shall

be also published29.”20 In the introduction to Harriot’s True Report, editor Paul Hulton stated:

“Of Harriot’s Chronicle, which we know he compiled during his time with the colony, nothing

remains but an abstract30.”21

However, others (including the co-authors of this paper) have concluded that Farrar must

have had access to the Chronicle31”; such access would likely explain why Virgo Triumphans

and Farrar’s map included more specific information about the region than was found in

Harriot’s Brief and True Report32. 22All of the principle people on the 1585 voyage are

mentioned repeatedly in Virgo Triumphans33.23

Thomas Harriot must have learned that there was sassafras at Tramanskecooc when he

spent 1585 and 1586 in Virginia with Ralph Lane. Sassafras almost certainly was one of the two

secret commodities referred to by Harriot in Brief and True Report34: 24

“Two more commodities of great value one of certaintie . . . there to be raised & in short

time to be provided and prepared, I might have specified. So likewise of those

commodities already set downe I might have said more; as of the particular places where

they are founde and best to be planted and prepared: . . . but because others then

welwillers might bee therewithall acquainted, not to the good of the action, I have

28 Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia: The Complete 1590 Theodor de

Bry Edition, Paul Hulton, Ed., (New York: Dover), 1972: 42-3. Note: unlike the previously shown White map of

1585, Tramanskecooc is on the north side of the river (see Footnote 21). 29 Harriot/Hulton, 1972: 32-3; Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, (1955): 387. 30 Harriot/Hulton, 1972: ix. At his death, Harriot had all his papers regarding the Roanoke Voyages burned (see

“Harriot/Percy Relationship” in Appendix). 31 Cummings, 1998: 149. 32 William Cummings first suggested this when he wrote: “Information on the map was apparently derived from

various sources available to John Farrer (Ferrar, Farrar), long an important officer in the Virginia Company;

many details show that he drew upon reports and first-hand information not found in the printed maps of the

period.” Cummings, 1998: 149. 33 Willard, “Spies and Lies”: 7. 34 Harriot/Hulton, Brief and True Report: 12.

20

wittingly omitted them: knowing that to those that are well disposed I have uttered,

according to my promise and purpose, for this part sufficient.”

There were huge profits being made on the sale of sassafras in England and Europe at the

time of the Roanoke voyages and the ten years afterward, and Raleigh profited from sassafras as

long as he held the charter to the New World (see “Consignment of Sassafras” and “Rariorum

plantorium listoria” in Appendix). The Virginia Company arrived in Jamestown with full

knowledge of the value of sassafras, because the president of the Jamestown council said in

1607: “Our easiest and richest commodity [is] sassafrass35.”25 According to Rariorum

plantorium listeria, a recently discovered translated Latin document, large amounts of sassafras

were being imported into England, and according to the document and its translation, the

sassafras was coming from Sir Walter Raleigh’s “Wingandecao” (sic.), which is the name first

presented on all the documents for the patents of Raleigh’s new lands in Virginia.

There are four items on the Farrar map that are significant to the co-authors’ hypothesis.

The most important item is the sassafras tree located on the lower Alligator River. Farrar’s

sassafras tree [A in Figure 9] was the first rationale that the co-authors found to explain why the

colonists went “fifty miles into the main” where the village of Tramanskecooc was located36.26

35 Mary Stanard, The Story of Virginia’s First Century (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company), 1928: 40.

36 McMullan, “A Role for Sassafras in the Search for the Lost Colony”, 2006: http://www.lost-colony.com/

currentresearch.html.

21

Fig. 9 - Farrar Map Segment37

The label ‘Dasamoncak’ at [B] is shown on the southern shore of the “Rolli Passa”

[“Raleigh Passage” or Albemarle Sound]. When the co-authors first began their research, they

were under the impression that Dasmonsquepuce was a Secotan village that is now Mann’s

Harbor. With the discovery of the Farrar map, which is believed to be related to the lost Thomas

Harriot Chronicles, it was indicated that the village had been moved inland, and also designated

with an English fortification near the Alligator River. Stephen Weeks, North Carolina’s first

professional historian, recognized this realignment more than 100 years ago. 27

Weeks wrote that Dasmonsquepuce was a peninsula named after a village at its center.

He said that the peninsula known to the explorers of 1585 as ‘Dasmonsquepuce’ is the same

general location as ‘Pananiock’ on the Zuniga map. He believed that the colonists were led into

37 John Farrar, “A mapp of Virginia discovered to ye Hills, and in it’s Latt: From 35. deg. & ½ neer Florida, to 41.

deg. bounds of New England” (Collegit: Domina Virginia Farrar. Sold by I. Stevenson at ye Sunne below

Ludgate), 1651: (University of Virginia Library) http://www2.lib.virginia.edu/ exhibits/lewis_clark/exploring/

1maps/map6.jpg

A

B

C

D

22

the Dasamonquepeuc interior by the Croatoan Indians after Governor John White had declared

Manteo ‘Lord of Dasamonquepeiuc and Roanoak’ for his faithful service38, and was a directive

of Sir Walter Raleigh himself, in all probability to protect the owners’ investments in sassafras39.

Fig. 10 - Dasamonquepeuc on White 1585 A, and Croatan on Speed 1676 (center) and Morden 1688 (right)40

Weeks presented a number of maps in which the entire peninsula was first labeled

Dasamonquepeiuc (as in the Farrar map) and then ‘Croatan’ in later historic maps41.28Figure 10

contains three of Weeks’ referenced maps. The co-authors agree with Weeks that this is

evidence that the Croatan and their English allies had become masters of a large area of land

around the Alligator River, after having totally supplanting the once-powerful Secotan

Confederation, which was never heard from again after Manteo became “Lord of

38 Stephen B. Weeks, The Lost Colony of Roanoke: It’s Fate And Survival (New York: The Knickerbocker Press),

1891: 24-5

39 Quinn, 1955: 531.

40 “White 1585 Manuscript Map A”, Cummings, 1998: Plate 11, Map 7; “Speed 1676 Map”, Cummings, 1998:

Map 77, Color Plate 4; “Morden 1688 Map”, www.cummingmapsociety.org/17thC_Maps.htm. 41 ‘Croatan’ is the name of the Indian people who befriended the English, and ‘Croatoan’ means ‘the land of the

Croatan people’. Weeks, 1891: 23-4. The co-authors of this paper concur with Weeks.

23

Dasamonquepeiuc and Roanoak”42, centered 50 miles inland “into the main” from the original

Roanoke settlement. 29

Two different symbols for fortification are on the Farrar map at [C] above ‘Dasamoncak’

and on the Chowan River at [D]. The fortifications are consistent with Ralph Lane’s practice of

building a protective enclosure wherever he would camp for any period of time43. The difference

between the square fortress symbol on the Chowan River and the circular fortress symbol on the

Albemarle Sound shore is not yet explained, but they must have had meaning to Farrar (see Fig.

10).

The co-authors suggest that the fort beside Dasamoncak may have been a signal fort, on

watch for Spanish ships entering the Albemarle Sound. Signal forts were often used as decoys to

protect and alert the main fort: while the signal fort is in easy view, the main fort is hidden

further back inland, and if any enemies attack, it will be the signal fort which is attacked first,

giving the main fort time to mount a defense and/or a counterattack. This is evidenced by Ralph

Lane building small fortifications at the point of Shallowbag Bay and the northern end of

Roanoke Island, and further documented in the instruction to Raleigh’s colony to always place a

second fort where retreat is possible44. 30

42 Weeks, 1891: 25. The area of control of the Croatan Indians supersedes the entire area of the Secotan

Confederation, which controlled this large peninsula at the Contact Period. This only could have transpired with a

partnership with the English colony, who had cannons, guns and superior military technology. This area

encompassed the region of the Roanoke River (Plymouth, NC today), all of the Pamlico River, Lake Mattamuskeet,

the Outer Banks, to Roanoke Island and the entire Albemarle Sound area (see Morden 1688 map above). The co-

authors of this paper were able to determine this by in-depth map research study, which all indicated that the

Croatans moved inland immediately after the ceremony with Manteo, “the 13th of August 1587, by the

commandment of Sir Walter Raleigh.” Quinn, 1955: 431.

43 There have been nine confirmed fortifications (so far) credited to Sir Ralph Lane. See “Ralph Lane

Fortifications” in Appendix for details on them.

44 Quinn, 1955: 134.

24

Fig. 11 - The Percy Map, circa 16104531

The Percy Map

Willard has acquired a copy of another map from early Jamestown that further confirms

the location of Pananiock, thereby providing additional evidence for the co-authors’

interpretation of the Zuniga map. The map in Figure 11 was possibly drawn by or for

Jamestown’s governor, Sir George Percy. The dotted rectangle in the figure encompasses three

major rivers below the James River. David Beers Quinn was aware of this Percy map of

Virginia and its possible relationship to the Zuniga Map46 (see “Thomas Harriot/Percy

Relationship” and Clues # 39 and 40 in Appendix):32

“Clearly the Zuniga map is of the greatest importance in showing us what was known and

surmised in 1608 as to the area south of the James. The Virginia map offered for sale by

45 H. P. Kraus, Monumenta Cartographica, cat. 124, no. 28 (1969), pp. 43-6. The map legend reads: No. 28

VIRGINIA Manuscript map (Virginia c1610) (Greatly reduced from 470 x 635 mm). Map authorship has not yet

been determined but for the purposes of this paper, the co-authors will refer it as the Percy map, as Kraus used this

designation.

46 Quinn, 1974: 461.

James River

25

Mr. H. P. Kraus of New York in 1969 has perhaps some relationship to the Zuniga map.

If so, it is more likely to belong to late 1608 or early 1609 than the 1610 date tentatively

assigned to it. This map has four rivers entering the sea from the west to the south of the

James, but they are not sharply differentiated and contain no named locations, though a

total of fifteen half-circles, apparently indicating Indian village sites on them, are shown.

It might be suggested that this part of the map does reflect, though very faintly, the first

1608 expedition to the south, but there is nothing of evidential value in it for that area”47. 33

The co-authors do not agree with Quinn’s conclusion that “there is nothing of evidential

value in it” (due to the fact they have far more technologies, documentations, correctly correlated

maps, and related knowledge than Quinn did), but they do agree that “this part of the map does

reflect the first 1608 expedition to the south.” The half-moon shapes are representative of Indian

villages, as Quinn suggests, and their locations suggest knowledge of the John White maps of the

Albemarle Sound/Roanoke River, Pamlico Sound/Pamlico River, and the Neuse River (see

Appendix for “Percy Map with Villages Named”).

Willard has prepared a transparency of the dotted portion of the Percy Map in Figure 11.

He has reoriented the transparency 30 degrees to the left, changed the scale to match, and placed

it over a modern North Carolina map in Figure 12. Thus oriented, the upper two water bodies in

the Percy map are notably representative of the Pamlico and the Albemarle Sounds, which is the

main focus of the map. The precise alignment of the river orientation strongly indicates that

whoever drew this map must have actually visited the site in 1608, because such accuracy can

only come from first-hand knowledge of the area. All known maps prior to the Percy map have

total misalignment of the two bodies of water. Every circle on the Percy map is identifiable with

a known Indian village, derived from other maps, and is in the same approximate

Pamlico/Albemarle/Neuse River area. The more interesting addition to the map in Figure 12 is

two black dots (accented in red) and a line pointed to by two arrows by the co-authors. That

47 Quinn, 1974: 460-462.

26

segment of the map was extracted, made large and presented in Figure 13 on the next page for a

closer examination.

TO BE REPLACED BY FRED

Fig. 12 - Percy Map Over North Carolina Map

27

Fig. 13 - Segment of Percy Map between the Albemarle and Pamlico Sound

The overlay established that two water bodies in the segment are meant to represent the

Albemarle Sound/Roanoke River and the Pamlico Sound/Tar River. The marks on the land

between them are marks unlike any on the rest of the map. It is proposed by the co-authors that

the two black dots seen above, when compared with the John White map, represent Pomeyooc

and Tramanskecooc, and thusly can be none other than Pananiock on the Zuniga map. The line

to one of the dots represents the path or waterway from the Pamlico to the villages. The Percy

map alone provides little evidence of the location of the men John Smith’s expedition searched

for. However, when viewed as one more piece of evidence (in conjunction with the

Farrar/White/Zuniga maps and other evidence from Jamestown) that the Jamestown expedition

found that there were colonists at Pomeyooc and Tramanskecooc, it becomes very persuasive.

28

Fig. 14 - Anonymous Map Sent to Walsingham by Lane4834

Anonymous 1585 Map

There is one more map that may throw light on the Zuniga/Percy interpretation. When

Sir Richard Grenville left Ralph Lane and the Roanoke Hundred behind on Roanoke Island,

Lane sent letters to Sir Francis Walsingham. One of the letters contained the anonymous map in

Figure 1449. The dashed rectangle added by the co-authors of this paper shows the location of a

waterway leading to ‘Pomaioke’ that has the appearance of the trail and dot in the Percy map and

the Zuniga configuration. When a transparency overlay of this map is placed on the Percy map,

the small waterway leading to Pomeyooc and the waterway on the Percy map are identical. The

overlay of the Sketch Map on the Percy Map can be found on the next page in Figure 15.

48 Anonymous, “A Description of the Land of Virginia” (Colonial Papers, Vol. 1, No. 42,-II), 1585; Cummings,

1998: Plate 10, Map 6. http://www.she-philosopher.com/images/gallery/exhibits/smithMSmap(6280x4100).jpg

49 Quinn, 1955: 847.

29

Fig. 15 - Sketch Map Overlay On Percy Map

(Overlay needs to be finished)

30

Conclusions

The mystery of the Lost Colony is tantalizing, romantic, and one riddled with controversy

and problems. Many academic factions have been arguing about their ultimate fate, and their

disagreements and altercations have not been resolved by any concise agreement. Although all

of the scholars presented noteworthy facts to support their individual conclusions, to-date, no

two are in complete concurrence.

This research paper’s main thrust in helping to clarify a very confusing puzzle is relying

on the number of clues that point to the colony going native with the Croatan Indians, and the

overwhelming number of incidents that have been reported, that have centered near the coastal

settlement called the Beechland area. There are several instances that have documented that

splintered groups of the colony did in fact end up in several other locations. The main evidence,

indicating an Indian weroance named Eyanoco was involved with the colonists, was documented

from Jamestown (see “Chief Eyanoco” in Appendix).

In addition, several colonists were mentioned as being on the Chowanoc River near

Salmon Creek. A third location, called “Pakrawick”, is also well-documented from Jamestown

sources. The strongest evidence of the ultimate fate of the colonists rested on the John White

narratives, where he said they intended to go to Chesapeake Bay. All of the above scenarios are

bits of information with no supporting evidence ever found in the way of artifacts, documents,

skeletons, or genealogy that would support the surnames surviving.

Since 1982 the co-authors of this paper have also attempted to determine the fate of the

1587 colony, popularly known as the “Lost Colony.” McMullan began his research when he

uncovered the legend of Beechland, a community of indeterminate age in the heart of the Dare

County mainland, whose descendants have always claimed that their ancestors were a mixture of

31

Indians and Raleigh’s Colonists. A few years later, Willard became obsessed with the fate of the

colonists when he and Barbara Midgette became responsible for uncovering European artifacts in

the Croatan Indian village in Buxton on Hatteras Island50 in 1993, discovering the location of the

relict inlet of Port Ferdinando51 and most importantly, discovering thousands of living

descendants of the Croatan/Hatteras/Mattamuskeet Indians who all came from the Beechland

area52. After independently coming to the same conclusion about the fate of the colonists at

Beechland, the co-authors began to share their related discoveries and present their results at

www.lost-colony.com, the website of the Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc. 35

Thirty years of combined studies, using multidiscipline research in eight sciences

(archaeology, biology, geography/map studies, computer science/satellite-imaging, geology,

history, genealogy, and DNA studies), have given these co-authors a strong research basis in

realizing that hundreds of clues related to the Lost Colony are all emanating out of one location:

Beechland, located on the coastal plain of North Carolina. The most popular paradigm related to

the Lost Colony for the last 100 years has been that they migrated to Chesapeake Bay and were

murdered by the great Chief Powhatan, proffered by David Beers Quinn, David Stick, and David

Phelps. A new wave of research first led by Thomas Parramore, Lee Miller, and the Lost Colony

Center for Science & Research, Inc. centered on a coastal North Carolina disposition, and an

absorption by the local Indians.

This new theme has gained so much success that in late 2011, Wikipedia acknowledged

the realignment of this paradigm. Lee Miller and the Lost Colony Center for Science &

50 Mary Helen Goodlow, “Trash Will Tell Very Tall Tale”, The Coastland Times (Manteo, NC: July 31, 1994):

www.lost-colony.com/Buxtonfind.html. 51 Fred L. Willard, Barbra Midgette, E. Thomson Shields (Edited by Charles Ewen), “The Roanoke Sagas:

Searching for the Roanoke Colonies” (North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources: Office of Archives and

History), 2003, http://www.lost-colony.com/sagas.html. 52 Willard, “Disappearing Indians”, 2000; McMullan, “A Search For The Lost Colony In Beechland”, 2002;

Willard, “Migration Patterns of Coastal N.C. Indians”, 1998.

32

Research, Inc. were given most of the credit for this paradigm shift. However, the leading

proponent and strongest advocate was and is Thomas Parramore, history professor of Meredith

College, who unfortunately died before this paradigm shift took place. 36

The above research has culminated into 23 highly-regarded research papers, three

academic research awards, two hundred lectures, eighty-nine television shows, and on July 14,

2007, with the announcement of the DNA Symposium, 234 thousand newspapers, bloggers and

media picking up the story of the DNA study and the Lost Colony being elevated to the most

important and exciting unsolved mystery in North America53. The Research Center received 15

thousand emails within the next few weeks after the story appeared in every major newspaper in

Europe and North America54.

There are still many proffered locations of which Indians the 1587 Colony settled with.

At this time, the overwhelming amount of evidence suggests that the location of the new

settlement was in fact Beechland (also known as “Wocondaland”, Tramansquecooc,

Dasmansquepuce and on all of the Raleigh patents as “Assomacomuck”, which all fall within 50

miles of Roanoke Island, as indicated by the governor of the Colony, John White himself, on

more than one occasion).

Until the ultimate indisputable evidence is found, the area of research should focus on the

totality of the clues, and what story or fate can be derived from the preponderance of the

evidence available at the time (please refer to the 41 important clues in the Appendix).

53 see www.lost-colony.com, “Overwhelming Response To DNA Project Symposium”

54 see www.lost-colony.com, “DNA Project, Croatan Indians, Sir Walter Raleigh”

33

APPENDIX

I. Most Important Breadcrumb Clues On This Trail

The research presented in this paper is the first attempt to categorize, dissect, and

assimilate all the bits of information about the Lost Colony---scattered like breadcrumbs---into a

format that locates their final destination, after they had removed themselves from Roanoke

Island (possibly 1588) to the mainland, never to be seen again. Of the many theories developed

as to what happened to them, only four or five are now considered valid. The evidence listed

below, compiled by the co-authors of this paper, strongly suggests all remaining evidence points

to one location: Beechland (Hyde, Tyrell, & Dare Co. and the Pungo/Alligator River area),

which from 400 years ago to today can only be accessed by small watercraft.

1---James Sprunt recorded Coree Indians informed the Barbados colony at Cape Fear, in

1654, that the Lost Colony had survived and were living with Yeopim and Hatteras Indians at

Croatan. After Cape Fear foundered, they re-established the Barbados colony on the north shore

of the Albemarle River and intermarried with the Hatteras Indians (see Fred L. Willard, “The

Machapungo Indians and the Barbados Connection 1663 to 1840”, East Carolina University:

Directed Studies in History for Dr. Angela Thompson, http://www.lost-colony.com/

currentresearch.html, Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc., 2008). Also note

John Lawson reported that these Indians dressed as English, and in the margin of his report wrote

“Hatteras Indians” (John D. Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, Edited with an Introduction

and Notes by Hugh Talmage Lefler (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press), 1967:

200-20).

34

Quoting Sprunt: “The Hatteras tribe numbered about 3,000 warriors when Raleigh’s

expedition landed on Roanoke Island in 1584, and when the English made permanent settlements

in that vicinity, 80 years later, they were reduced to about 15 bowmen. The Cape Fear Coree

Indians told the English settlers of the Yeamans colony in 1669 that their lost kindred of the

Roanoke colony, including Virginia Dare, the first white child born in America, had been

adopted by the once-powerful Hatteras tribe and had become amalgamated with the children of

the wilderness. It is believed that the Croatans of the vicinity are descendants of that race”

(James Sprunt, Tales and Traditions of the Lower Cape Fear: 1661-1896, Wilmington:

Carolina Insurance Co., 1896, Printed by Acquintin Bros., P. 54-55).

2---In the Beechland chapter of his 1966 book, “Legends of the Outer Banks and Tarheel

Tidewater”, Judge Charles Whedbee wrote: “Within the memory of men still living, there was at

Beechlands [sic] a tribe of fair-skinned, blue-eyed Indians”. Was it just coincidence, he asked,

that some bore the names of colonists on Governor White’s rolls; names such as John White,

Culbert White, Thomas Coleman, Richard Taverner, John Gibbs, James Hynde, Michael Bishop,

Thomas Phevens, and Henry Paine? (Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina, 1967: 200-20

(primary source); Charles Whedbee, Legends of the Outer Banks and Tar Heel Tidewater,

“Beechland” (Winston-Salem: John F. Blair, Publisher), 1966: 31).

3---Lawson’s accounts of the native populations are more detailed and are the best early

records yet found to-date. New-found evidence has been discovered that the

Pasquotank or Yeopim Indians make up a very large percentage of the Hatteras/Croatan Indians

when they resided in the Beechland area some 60 to 100 years after the settlement was left on

Roanoke Island in 1587. For a more in-depth reading of how these Pasquotank Indians ev9lved

as English, please refer to Clue #42 and the research paper “The Machapungo Indians and the

35

Barbados Connection 1663 to 1840”. Lawson reports that the Pasquotank/Paspitank (sic)

Indians did formally keep cattle and make butter. He also made a profound statement relating

specifically to the culture, manners and dress of these Indians, and furthermore, that they are

different from all other natives he has encountered: “The dresses of these people are so different,

according to the Nation that they belong to. . .” “. . .which wear Hats, Shooes, Stockings, and

Breeches, with very tolerable Linnen Shirts, which is not common amongst these. . .” Native

Americans (Willard, “The Machapungo Indians and the Barbados Connection 1663 to 1840”,

citing Lawson, 1967: 200-1).

4---Appleton magazine article on P. 24 about a priest in 1660 preaching to white Indians

on the Pantego River that could speak English: “In 1660 the Rev. Morgan Jones, of Virginia,

was captured by the Tuscarora Indians living in North Carolina along the Neuse River. After

some time in captivity he returned civilization to make the solemn statement that he had found a

tribe settled on the Pantego River, near Cape Atros (Hatteras), known to their neighbors as the

white Indians on account of their light color; he tells that they spoke British, in which language

he preached to them three times a week.” (Alexander Hume Ford, “The Finding of Raleigh’s

Lost Colony”, Appleton’s Magaine (Location: The Library of the University of North Carolina

at Chapel Hill, Department: The Collection of North Carolina, Registration #: Cp970.03,F69f,

ID #: 00032198381), July 1907: 22-32, http://archive.org/stream/findingofraleigh00ford#page/

30/mode/2up).

5---John White, the governor of the 1587 colony, twice states that they intended to move

to Chesapeake Bay but changed their minds and intended to place their new city and fortification

fifty miles into the main from “Roanone” (Quinn, 1955: 1001): 1587: “Also he (John White)

alleaged, that seing they intended to remoue 50. miles further vp into the maine presently, he

36

(John White) being then absent, his stuff and goods, might be both spoiled, and most of it

pilfered away…” (Quinn, 1955: 533-534) and 1590: “…for at my coming away they were

prepared to remoue from Roanoke 50 miles into the maine” (Quinn, 1955: 613). According to

calculations and studies of modern maps, the proffered location is cited on the Alligator River,

and this correlates with incidents occurring along its banks.

6---Publication of A Brief and True Report by Thomas Harriot mentions secret

commodities, but will not divulge their location: “Two more commodities of great value one of

certaintie, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but there to be raised & in a short time to be

provided and prepared, I might have specified. So like wise of those commodities already set

downe I might have said more; as of the particular places where they are founde ----; But

because others then welwillers might bee therewithall acquainted, not to the good of the action, I

haue wittingly ommited them: knowing that to those that are well dsposed I have uttered,

according to my promise and purpose, for this part sufficient” (Harriot/Hulton, Brief and True

Report: 12; Quinn, 1955: 314).

7---“Mysteriously” Tramanskecooc village was removed almost immediately from the

map after the publication of Thomas Harriot’s Brief and True Report (see Quinn: White 1585

Manuscript B vis a vi White-DeBry 1590).

8---At Sir Walter Raleigh’s request a ceremony took place, proclaiming Manteo “Great

Lord and Chief of Dasemunkepeuc (many variant spellings)”, enabling Manteo to have supreme

authority of all the Indians in the area, under Raleigh and his representatives’ command, on the

31st of August 1587 (which was just five days before Virginia Dare was born). This gave

Raleigh control of over 4 million acres of land, and protected the location of his transplanted

37

village and secret commodities (see Farrar map, indicating sassafras & English forts, and the

movement of Dasmansquepuce) (Quinn, 1955: 504-5, 531).

9---Although it has now become evident, scholars have totally missed that the once-

powerful Secotan Confederacy was completely supplanted by the small Croatan Indian tribe. It

is very doubtful that the Croatans could have achieved this feat without a partnership with the

English, as outlined in Clue #8 (see above). The documentation that this in fact did occur can be

found on the maps on Pages 10, 11, and 27-9 of “Spies & Lies”).

10---The notations found on the Zuniga map---from the Jamestown sources, only 30

years after the colony is lost---are the most important clues concerning the Lost Colony of 1587.

Although the notations are the most important evidence to-date supporting the co-authors’

hypothesis (supported by renown historian David Beers Quinn), the rough-drawn sketch map

lacks definitive locations of the Indian villages because the map is not drawn to scale. This

problem is in all probability resolved with the discoveries of the Farrar and Percy maps, as they

more accurately determine the location of the Pomeyooc village (a.k.a. “Pananiock” or

“Panawiki”).

11---William Cummings reports that John Farrar, mapmaker, had access to papers,

reports, and information that were not available to others, and also that Farrar commissioned

Williams to write Virgo Triumphans, and all the information about the 1585 Roanoke voyage

was obtained from him (Cummings, 1998: 148). On his map in Virgo Triumpans (not in any

extant copy today) is a sassafras tree (at the location of the Tramanskecooc Indian village on the

White 1585 map) and two English fortifications located at Fort Landing and near the Chowanoc

Indian village (this information in all probability could only have come from Thomas Harriot’s

lost-lost Chronicles).

38

12---Discovery of the Percy map, and comparing it with the Zuniga, White and Farrar

maps shows that the possible location of Pomeyooc and Tramanskecooc is forthcoming. How

every Indian village in North Carolina is named helps to identify locations on the map.

13---Many accounts from the body of literature from Jamestown place survivors of the

Lost Colony in the area or near the territory of the expanded Croatan Empire. The most

important citation relating to survivors in the Croatan dominion is the village of Pomeyooc (sic),

which is near Engelhard, North Carolina today (see Pages 30-34 of “Spies & Lies” for Zuniga

map and Percy Map and correlating citations relating to survivors of the Lost Colony, from

Jamestown). The location of Pomeyooc (a.k.a. Pananiock) is easily referenced by White’s 1585

Manuscript Map B and the Farrar map.

14---Richard Hakluyt to Sir Walter Raleigh letter in 1587: “One of your followers knows

about the ‘certain secret commodities’ already discovered by your servants” (Quinn, 1955: 545,

548-9).

15---Letter of Ralph Lane to Richard Hakluyt, 1585: “And we have found rich

commodities and apothecaries and drugs” (Quinn, 1955: 207-9, 336-7).

16---The ship’s log of the Primrose, one of Drake’s ships that relieved the 1585 colony,

has notations that there are large amounts of sassafras stored in the hold to take back to England,

and that sassafras was the most valuable commodity in all of North America (Quinn, 1955: 35,

303-8).

17---From 1588 to 1605 at least 60 ships were sent out under Raleigh’s command or by

investors in the Roanoke Colony. This hard, indisputable clue has been documented with words,

papers and articles written by many scholars over centuries of research---and has also not been

39

detailed before now (see “Voyages” in Appendix). These voyages are all important to determine

the possible location of where the Lost Colony went.

18---From 1600 to 1605 Samuel Mace is documented on five voyages to find the Lost

Colony, and to trade copper for sassafras, but he said he landed south of Roanoke and had to turn

back every time because of “foul weather” (see “Voyages” in Appendix).

19---Captain Martin Pring is sent in ships to find sassafras in 1603 (Miller: 207-8: “On

April 10, 1603, a Captain Martin Pring, in command of the Speedwell and Discoverer, sailed to

North America and returned with their holds full of sassafras. Interestingly, they were reported

to have landed far north of Roanoke Island, but at the same time, many accounts that Sir Walter

Raleigh’s colony had again been contacted were reported from several sources”).

20---David Glavin in a deposition after being captured by the Spanish reports that

Richard Hawkins, when captured, was attempting to obtain sassafras in 1595-6 (Miller: 207-8;

and also Quinn, 1955: 834. While in the hands of the Spanish at St. Augustine, Glavin claims

two additional ships were provisioned to go to Jacan (Roanoke Island) in 1599, carrying supplies

of people, ammunition, clothes, implements, axes and spades for the settlers there).

21---John Brereton in a paper to Sir Walter Raleigh, 1594: “A company of men manned a

new ship and were paid weekly wages to ensure they would not go after ships for plunder, and

they are to secure sassafras and instructed to seek out the 1587 colony” (Miller, 2000: 207-8).

22--- In 1605 two ships again are sent to Croatan and instructed to get sassafras, the

Castor and the Pollux. But the Castor and Pollux were captured by the Spanish (Phil Jones,

Raleigh’s Pirate Colony in America: The Lost Settlement of Roanoke 1594-90 (Charleston, SC:

Tempus Publishing Co.), 2001: 101-2).

40

23---The “smoking gun” clues, why the Lost Colony was lost: “Raorium” &

“Consignment of Sassafras” (see further below in Appendix). These two documents are the

most important confirmation that Sir Walter Raleigh and his investors were aggressively

importing sassafras into England, and that the location of the sassafras was Raleigh’s “lost” city

and from other sources (Farrar map and White’s “inexplicable” sounding of Chicandapiko (sic)

Inlet in 1590 (see Clue #29 below)). In addition, the considerable but not-yet-confirmed

evidence that there are at least 60 voyages by Raleigh and his investors, that place them close to

Pomeyooc, cannot be ignored (see Clue #17 above and “Voyages” below).

24---1958: Several hand-hewn (riven) coffins were discovered just a few miles from the

location of the sassafras tree on the John Farrar map (see p. 26 in “Spies & Lies”), and these

coffins had Moline crosses carved on them, which were only used during Queen Elizabeth’s

reign (McMullan, “A Search for the Lost Colony in Beechland”: http://www.lost-

colony.com/currentresearch.html).

25---It has been reported by the locals and documented by many sources that a Mr.

Mason, while logging in the area, stumbled upon a large pile of stones. There are no natural

stones in the coastal area, and the location is inaccessible by land, and could have only been

procured in this location from ballast stones (something all colonial ships would have had). As

in the instance outlined above, the location is within a few miles of the depicted John Farrar

sassafras tree (see p. 26 in “Spies & Lies” paper) (Personal communication with Marco Gibbs

(2002-2012) and Mr. Mason’s brother (1998) by the author Fred Willard. This stone pile has had

two failed expeditions attempting to relocate it).

26---Some very interesting findings have been located in the wilderness area triad of

Dare, Hyde, and Tyrell Counties. These discoveries are all within a few miles of the

41

Tramaskecooc Indian village on the White 1585 Map, and also correlate exactly with John

White’s statement for the new location of the colony fifty miles into the mainland. A very large

stand of English walnut trees was purported to have been found and harvested in the area around

sixty years ago, reported by the men who harvested the stand that it was half a mile long, and all

the trees were planted in a straight line. Although English walnut was common to the area, no

large tracts like this one have ever been found, indicating human intervention for intended

harvesting. No known community in recorded history has lived in this area (Morgan H. Harris,

Hyde Yesterdays: A History of Hyde County (Wilmington: New Hanover Printing & Publishing,

Inc.), 1995: 18. The co-author Fred Willard has received personal communication from many

residents of Hyde County who have relayed the same information, and every account verifies

that this location has never supported a known community in historic times).

27---In the heart of the Beechland area, which is a complete wilderness area now,

numerous pieces of evidence (which are all proof of cultural features) have been found. A stand

of full-cup oak trees (about 20), were found planted in a straight line between 2005 and 2009 by

the co-authors of this paper (CITATION!!!). In addition, a hand-dug well, grave-markers, riven

coffins with Elizabethan crosses, a pile of ballast stones, a hand-dug ditch, and a stand of English

walnut and chestnut trees have all been found in the same general area. All of these cultural

features have been documented from multiple sources by the co-authors of this paper (see

Willard, “Conspiracy, Spies, Secrets & Lies” and McMullan, “Beechland & The Lost Colony”).

28---The Croatan site has produced thirty to forty thousand artifacts, of which some of

the most significant English artifacts have been dated to the time of the Roanoke Voyages. It

should be noted that the inlet at Croatan is due east of Pomeyooc, which would be the natural

route for exportation of any commodities, and because of White’s sounding (see Clue #29), the

42

co-authors believe it was sassafras being shipped to England (see Goodlow, “Trash Will Tell Very

Tall Tale” and Jim Morrison, “In Search of the Lost Colony”, American Archaeology, Vol. 10,

No. 4 (Maryland: Archaeological Conservancy Quarterly Publication (Eastern Region)), Winter

2006-2007: 38-44, http://lost-colony.com/magazineAA.html).

29---One of the most important events that has been previously overlooked is that the

John White Voyage ships land at Croatan on August 12, 1590. The next day, the boats sounded

the inlet (for what purpose?) (Quinn, The First Colonists (Raleigh, NC: Department of Cultural

Resources, Division of Archives & History), 1982: 123). It is proffered by the co-authors of this

paper that White’s interest in this inlet is for the exportation of commodities from Pomeyooc,

and related to sassafras being found in the area, and confirmed by the Farrar map. Farrar clearly

depicts a sassafras tree (note it is the ONLY one labeled on the entire map; why, do you

suppose?), and the co-authors believe that Farrar had access to documents from Thomas Harriot

pertaining to the area in question.

30---Four to seven hundred Hatteras/Mattamuskeet Indians were found to be living in

Beechland in 1700 (about eight miles from the location of the Farrar sassafras tree, see map on p.

26 in Willard, “Spies & Lies”). Research, deeds, oral history, and related Indian literature have

identified 100 surnames that migrated out of this area after an endemic plague struck in 1840

(black-tongue plague). An interesting phenomenon has occurred in that 49 of these same

surnames are on the roster of the 1587 John White Colony (see “Spies & Lies” p. 12 for Elks

Deed and 22-3 for other deeds) (see Catherine Kozak, “New Hints to Lost Colonists

Found”(Hampton Roads, VA: The Virginian-Pilot), March 31, 2001: www.lost-colony.com/

newspaper.html; and also Mary Wood Long, The Five Lost Colonies (Elizabeth City: Family

Research Center), 2000; Ralph Pool, “‘Lost Colony Wasn’t’ Old Tradition Says” (Hampton

43

Roads, VA: The Virginian-Pilot), July 3, 1960; and McMullen, “A Search For The Lost Colony

In Beechland”).

31---Anthropology report of 1916 discovering remnants of Matchapungo/Croatan

Indians, Pugh being the most important surname (Frank G. Speck, “Remnants of the

Machapunga Indians of North Carolina”, American Anthropologist Vol. 18, No. #2, (Arlington,

VA: American Anthropological Association), April-June 1916: 271-276).

32---Possibly one of the most important clues recently found, although not supported by

any history books prior 2001, is the survival of a huge Croatan/Hatteras/Mattamuskeet Indian

community that all have English, Irish and Scottish names. Of all these surnames, 49 have been

found on the roster of the 1587 Colony (see Clue #30). These surnames were all obtained by

court documents of deeds, wills, birth and death certificates, and narration of early North

Carolinian records. The only challenge that can possibly be made is that these documents were

inaccurately recorded.

33---One of the earliest and important documents is of the connection between the Lost

Colony and the Lumbee Indians. For over a hundred years, scholars have documented their

findings, and the co-authors of this paper support all this research (McMullan, “Beechland & The

Lost Colony”), with one caveat: the timing of the migration westward to Lumberton did not

happen in 1587, but it was a reaction resulting from the English intrusion (and the ensuing

kidnapping of their children for the English slave trade) starting in 1650 and resulting in the

Tuscarora War in 1711 (Fred Willard, The Machapungo Indians and the Barbados Connection

1663 to 1840 (East Carolina University: Directed Studies in History for Dr. Angela Thompson),

Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc., 2008: http://www.lost-

colony.com/currentresearch.html). In addition, it is strongly believed that another Indian

44

migration took place from coastal North Carolina when a devastating outbreak of “black-tongue

plague” (possibly anthrax) occurred in 1840 (see McMullan, “Beechland & The Lost Colony”

and Willard, “Conspiracy, Spies Secrets & Lies”).

34---One of the more important actions of John White, after he left the colony in 1587,

was that he immediately reorganized and negotiated with Raleigh a new group of investors,

offering them large parcels of land in the newly-settled Dasmansquepuce area, designated by the

ceremony with Manteo. The patents that were granted are all listed as being in “Wocondaland”,

also known as “Dasmansquepuce”, and on all the new patents in 1588 are listed as

“Assomacomuc” (which means the name of the territory of North Carolina). These are all

located within the designated parameters of John White’s comment: “We are going to relocate

50 miles into the main” (Quinn, 1955: 117, 508, 570, 572-3, 575, 854: “This name

(Assomacomuc) emerges in 1587 and 1589, instead of “Wingandacoia” as the presumed

Carolina Algonquian territory for the mainland. Variant spellings are: Ossomocomuck,

Assamacomock, Asamacomock, Assamacomocke. Transliteration of this word by Professor

Gary: the land “opposite” or “facing””).

This can be construed as the land facing Roanoke Island and Dasmansquepuce, which

would indicate the land to the west, facing the land to the west, coinciding with the co-authors’

placement of all the clues referred to above. These in all probability, because of their timing

after the colony is settled, are the most important documents related to where the colony moved

(see Quinn, 1955: 506, Doc. 74: Jan. 7, 1587: “Grant of arms for the city of Raleigh in

Virginia, and for its governor and assistants”). These patents for land were issued before John

White sailed in 1587. It is noteworthy because the patents are in the country previously

discovered, called or now-termed Assomacomuc alias Wingandacoia alias Virginia, even though

45

that totally contradicts the later-written material of John White’s narratives of Chesapeake Bay

being where they intended to go.

Quinn, 1955: 569, Doc. 87: March 7, 1589: “Agreement between Sir Walter Raleigh,

Thomas Smythe, etc., and John White, etc. for the continuance of the city of Raleigh venture”.

This is the last patent granted for the new city of Raleigh two years after the colony disappeared,

and it is important to note that this is for Assomacomuc alias Wingandacoia alias Virginia, not

Roanoke. There is a whole new listed of colonists, based on the current research now being

performed, which most likely ended up in the new city of Raleigh.

35---One of the more significant recent discoveries relating to this research is an Indian

village depicted on the Alligator River on early maps. IKONOS imaging has located three sites

as possible locations for the colonists to have settled with the Croatan, and all three have been

identified and confirmed as Indian village sites (and located on many of the 16th- and 17th-

century maps along the Alligator). The IKONOS image resolution is so powerful and acute, it

can define a human standing from 420 miles in space. A 16-foot well and a foot-path trail can be

seen from this altitude (see Buck Ridge IKONOS image on next page) (Fred Willard, “The Lost

Chronicles of Thomas Harriot” (East Carolina University: Directed Studies in History for Dr.

Kenneth Wilburn), Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc., 2007).

46

In addition to IKONS, new imaging utilizing LIDAR under the mentorship of Dr.

Mulchaey and the ECU Geography Dept., with a six-hour directed studies class, has located five

more elevated locations large enough to possibly support an Indian village and 117 colonists.

This study is multi-disciplined, and the co-authors have completed approximately 50 fieldtrips in

attempting to locate these sites. So far, three successful sites with high-mineral soil ridges (an

absolute must, not just for growing corn, but growing LOTS of corn) have been discovered, and

ground-proofing and field-tests have yielded many English and Indian artifacts together. From

the volume recovered, the sites seem to have been inhabited for a long time by both Native

Americans and colonists (Fred Willard, “The Lost Chronicles of Thomas Harriot” (East Carolina

University: Directed Studies in History for Dr. Kenneth Wilburn), Lost Colony Center for

Science & Research, Inc., 2007).

47

36----Wowinchopunk, the Paspahegh king gives a relation that the Lost Colonists are

well known at an Indian village called Panawicke (possibly on the upper Tar River near

Engelhard, North Carolina (the same village as Pomeyooc or Pananiock on the Zuniga map),

beyond Roanoke many clothed men who are appareled can be found. Wowinchopunk agrees “to

conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicki” (Miller, 2000: 214, citing Smith, True

Relation CR4).

37---Strachey reports about the 1587 Colony: “The Powhatton of Roanocke slaughtered

the colony (Miller, 2000: 250, 255, 258) at Ritino. The king Eyanoco (possibly a Siouan

Indian), where all but seven were killed. Four men two boys and a young maid who were sent to

the Chowan to beat the said King’s copper”. Strachey thought this meant Pocahontas’s father.

Powhatan can be translated as priest. This possibly should be reconsidered as saying: “The

priest of Roanoke -----”, placing the attack in or near the settlement of Roanoke Island or River.

38--- Stephen B. Weeks, on P. 17 in his book The Lost Colony of Roanoke: It’s Fate And

Survival, makes a very interesting observation about the goings on between White, Lane,

Walsingham, and Raleigh: “Raleigh had learned from the experience of former fleets that the

harbor of Roanoke was, as Lane had said, “very naught.” He instructed them therefore to

abandon the settlement on Roanoke, and to coast northward, to make the Chesapeake of which

Lane had learned, and to fix their homes there (“Narrative of Fourth Voyage to Virginia,”

Hawks, i., 191-212). This was not done. Governor White says it was due to the treachery of

Simon Ferdinando, the pilot. This man was a Portuguese, who had settled in England. He

sailed with Drake in 1577; he explored the coast of Maine in 1579-80 (New England Historical

and Genealogical Register, April, 1890); he had been the pilot of Fenton’s voyage in 1582-83;

he had been on the expedition of Amadas and Barlowe in 1584; and was with Grenville in 1585.

48

White says that Lane deserted their fly-boat in the bay of Portugal, that he “loitered among the

West Indies, that he deceived and lied to the colonists, and came near causing them shipwreck

about Cape Fear”; but Walsingham, in his letter of August 12, 1585, speaks of Lane in the

highest terms, even considering him worthy to be commemorated in the inlet which was the

“beste harborough of all the reste,” since known as Hatteras (for this letter, see cf.

“Archaeologia Americana,” vol. iv., p. 9), and it is not probable that a long period of service

would have been closed with an act of treachery.” After reading this, one must ask why White

would make such a slanderous and blatant lie about Lane, when his performance record---not to

mention his boss, Walsingham---clearly states this is not true.

39---As Harriot lay dying he remembered his first patron Sir Walter Raleigh and desired

that the papers that he had of Raleigh’s should be burnt: “whereas I have divers _______ papers

(of which some are in a canvas bagge) of my accompts to Sir Walter Rawley for all which I have

discharges or acquitances lying in some boxes or other my desire is that they all be burnt---”.

(Robert Fox, Thomas Harriot: An Elizabethan Man of Science, Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate

Publications, 2000: 44-45).

40---Thomas Harriot indicated on many occasions that Sir Walter Raleigh was a man

with secrets. “Throughout his career Raleigh was to show himself an adept at intrigue, and was

ready to play any sort of double game if it suited his career.” (Raleigh Trevelyan, Sir Walter

Raleigh: Being a True and Vivid Account of the Life and Times of the Explorer, Soldier, Scholar,

Poet, and Courtier--The Controversial Hero of the Elizabethian Age, New York: Henry Holt

and Company, LLC., originally published in Great Britain by Allen Lane, an imprint of Penguin

Books, 2002: P. 27).

41---“The Machapungo Indians and the Barbados Connection 1663 to 1840”.

49

42---Further clues to investigate: many of the Roanoke Colony supporters and partners

who funded Raleigh are listed on the John Smith Map of Old Virginia. Many of these names do

not appear on our list enclosed below as investors of Raleigh.

50

II. “Rariorum Plantorium listoria” &

Consignment of Sassafras in 1603 from Raleigh to Nurnberg

The documents below prove without a doubt that Sir Walter Raleigh and his investors

were involved in a large commerce in exporting and importing sassafras from the New World to

England. “Rariorum” and “Consignment” are just two of the many breadcrumbs on a trail which

Raleigh and his investors scattered in their cover-up operations of where the secret commodities

were located, which ultimately obliterated the historic record of where the Lost Colony actually

resettled. But if, in solving the mystery of the Lost Colony to its conclusion, a smoking gun was

ever needed, the book Rariorum plantorium listeria and the report of a consignment of sassafras

in 1603 from Raleigh to Nurnberg are it.

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Charles De L'Ecluse (a.k.a. Carolus Clusius), Rariorum Plantorium listeria (Antwerp: J.

Moretus), 1601: 338 and http://imgbase-scd-ulp.u-strasbg.fr/displayimage.php?album=338&

pos=1:

Original Latin:

Donati initio fuimus fragmento huius ligni a Francisco de Zennig, Pharmacopola

Bruxellensi diligentissimo, mihique amicissimo: sed proximis his annis Londino ab aliis etiam

amicissimis viris C. V. Richardo Garth, Hugone Morgano pharmacopoeo Regio, et Iacobo

Gareto mihi Vienna missa magna eaque libralia fragmenta, quae odore et sapore faeniculum

quidem referebant, gustata tamen, plantae illius saporem magis redere videbantur, quae vulgo

Draco, nonnullis Tharco dicitur, acetariis familiaris, et cortex eius multo magis. Lignum cum

suo cortice adeo Tamarici simile est, ut, nisi odor et sapor obstarent, pro eo accipi possit: cortex

interiore parte qua ligno adhaeret nigricat, et lavis est; exteriore rugosus et ex cinereo

rubescens. Magis vulgatum deinde esse coepit hoc lignum, et arboris integri fere trunci

adferri. Sed et in Wingandecao, ab Anglis, qui eam occuparant, Virginia dicta, nasci intellexi, et

inde virgulta eius arboris in Angliam esse delata.

Personal Correspondence, Dr. John Stevens, May 26, 2011

English Translation:

At first we were given a fragment of this wood by Franciscus de Zennig, a most diligent

pharmacist in Brussels, and a very good friend of mine. But in the past few years, large

fragments were sent from London by other dear friends, C. V. Richard Garth, Hugo Morgan the

royal pharmacist, and Jacob Garet, to me in Vienna, and these fragments were by the

pound. Their smell and flavor indeed resembled fennel; once tasted however, they seemed to

52

give a flavor more of that plant commonly called Draco (Dracaena?), known to some as Tharco

(?), known to makers of vinegar (acids?), and much more its bark. The wood with its bark is so

similar to Tamarisk that if its smell and flavor didn’t prevent it, it could be taken for it. Its bark

is blackish on the inside where it adheres to the wood, and is lavis (washed out? washable?). On

the exterior, it is wrinkled and turns red from ash (when burned?). This wood has begun to be

more common then, and to be brought as almost entire tree trunks. But I have learned that it also

grows in Wingandecao, called Virginia by the English, who occupy it, and that from there, the

boughs of this tree have been brought to England.

Consignment of Sassafras in 1603 from Raleigh to Nurnberg

September 10, 1603: Sir William Waad, Clerk of the Privy Council wrote to Cecil, enclosing a

letter which had been intercepted on its way to Raleigh, who had been arrested on July 15th for

treason and was currently residing in the Tower of London under house arrest. Information in it

indicated that some of his American sassafras, consigned to Nurnberg for sale, had failed to

arrive at its destination. The sassafras in question was several hundred weights, which may or

may not have even been delivered, because of Raleigh’s imprisonment (Quinn, 1974: 428).

53

III: Sightings of 1587 Colony Splinter Cell Groups

In addition to the above primary clues, many more clues place the 1587 colony in several

splinter cell groups (not necessarily in Beechland, but in the nearby areas). Many local Indians

vouch with details known only to those who have observed English living practices. The

evidence below is not conclusive, but details do mention and target areas where the colonists are

reported to be. In addition, they give support that some colonists are located near Salmon Creek

on the Chowanock River, and possibly a few more survivors of the colony living in the area of

the Neuse River. Most probably, this location is Green Creek, on the east side of the Neuse.

The overriding evidence from the below citations of where the colony went indicates that

some hostilities took place with Indians, and it was not in Chesapeake Bay, and it was not

Pocahontas’ father Powhatan who was responsible for the demise of the Lost Colony, as

blatantly stated for 50 years by David Beers Quinn, David S. Phelps, and David Stick. However,

it was the Siouan Indian Confederation that had attacked some members of the colony and made

slaves of them at the villages of Ocanahohan and Peccarecamek. This Indian confederation was

much larger than the northern Powhatan Indian group, and were heavily concentrated on the

coast of North Carolina at the contact period, but moved inland sometime around 1602, whereby

the Iroquois/Tuscarora Indians became the most dominant from the Albemarle Sound all the way

to the Neuse River.

1). One of the werowances of Quiyoughcohannock (probably “Pepiscunimah” (also

called Pipsco) sent guides with an expedition to the Chowanoke Indian village to find Lost

54

Colonists that they knew where living there (Helen Rountree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia

(Oklahoma: The University Press of Oklahoma), 1989: 51, 295).

2). Opechancanouh (Powhatan’s brother), while holding John Smith captive at

Rasawrack, told John Smith that there were people at the Indian village of “Ocanahohan” (most

likely on the Roanoke river in North Carolina) who were wearing European clothing (Helen

Rountree, Powhatan’s People (Oklahoma: The University Press of Oklahoma), 1990: 37).

3). Machumps, a werowance of the village of Pespehay told William Strachey that at the

towns of “Peccarecamek” (near the Coree Indian village which is west of Cedar Island, North

Carolina, possibly Green Creek) and “Ochanahoe” the people have built houses with stone walls

(one story above another), so taught them by those English who escaped the slaughter at

“Roanok” (Miller, 2000: 250, citing Strackey, History, 1884: 26) William Strachey, The

Historie of Travaile Into Virginia Britannia: Expressing the Cosmographie and Comodities

of the Country, Togither with the Manners and Customes of the People (London: The

Hakluyt Society), 1849). There is much brass at “Pakerakanick” (possibly Peccarecamek) and

“Ocanahowan” (Roanoke River, North Carolina) where the people breed up tame turkeys about

their houses. At “Pakerakanick” they take “Apes” in the mountains (which is an Algonquin

word meaning yellow metal (‘wassador’: copper or brass)) (Miller, 2000: 255).

4). Tackonekin, a Werraskoyack leader, agrees to give John Smith two guides and

directions of where to---“search for the Lost company of Sir Walter Rawly, (and where to find)

silk grass”. Michale Sicklemore spent three months looking on the Chowan River, where he

gave presents to the King of the Chowan Indians (John Smith, “Proceedings”: 87).

5). Powhatan’s servant, named Weinock, told William Strachey “That houses are built

like ours, which is a ten days’ march from Powhaten” (Miller, 2000: 255).

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6). A report was issued to Sir Thomas Gates in May 1609: “Four days journey from

your fort (at Jamestown) southwards is a town called Ohonahorn (probably on the Roanoke

River) Seated where the River of Choanoki divideth itself into three branches and falleth into the

sea of Rawnocke in thirty-five degrees. Here two of the best rivers will supply you, besides you

are near to the rich copper mines of Ritanoc and may pass them by one branch of this river, and

by another, Peccarecamicke (possibly in Green Creek, North Carolina), where you will find four

of the English alive left by sir Walter Rawely which escaped the slaughter (in all probability

torture). They live under the protection of a Wiroane called Gepanocon (likely Siouxan), enemy

to Powhatan, by whose consent you shall never recover them. One of these were worth much

labor (Miller, 2000: 286).

7). Wahunsoacock (Powhatan’s real name) reports in 1609/10 that “The people of

Ocamahowan and the Southerly Contries, as the rest (probably Panawicky and Peccarecanick as

per above)---” he also describes a country called Anone (possibly Eno, a Siouxan Indian village

in the same area as Ocamahowan) “---where they have an abundance of brass (probably cooper)

and houses walled as ours” (Miller, 2000: 214 and citing Smith, True Relations).

8). Thomas Batts and Robert Fallen in 1671, on an expedition into Tutelo Indian

territory (possibly the contact period Indian village of Ocamahoan on or near the Roanoke

River), report that they “find letters marked into the past (burned into the trees)”. The letters are

“M A” and “N I”. Five days later still walking to the west they find (M A) and several other

scratchments on the trees. Men by the name of Morris Allen (M A) and Nicholas Johnson (N I)

are listed on the roster of the 1587 Lost Colony (Miller, 2000: 260, citing Clayton, A Journal,

1912: 186-7).

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9). In 1650 Edward Bland met a Tuscarora Indian who agreed to conduct him to a town

where possible survivors of the Lost Colony were living. The town was named

“Hocomawanank” (possibly the same as “Ocamahan”, “Ocamahowan” and “Ocanahohan” as

above). A possible translation of this village name is “The Place Where People Gather” and

“The Place Where Two Streams Meet”. Both fit the location of the Occaneechi trading village

located on the Roanoke River (Miller, 2000: 259).

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IV: Voyages to Roanoke and the Lost Colony 1584-1618

Chronological Voyages To The City Of Raleigh, Also Known As Dasmansquepuce,

Assamacomuck alias Wingandacoia, alias Virginia (Proposed Site Where Sassafras Was Located

at Tramansquecooc, and Exported Through Pomeyooc)

Reported history of the 1587 colony is that they were abandoned and no

attempts were made to contact them, give them sustenance and food, and new

colony members. The below list would suggest that scholars have not recognized

at least 60 voyages were attempted to North America over the next 10 years after

the colony was seeded. More importantly, almost all of the ventures to the New

World were by the same group who were originally drafted by Sir Francis

Walsingham as investors and financeers of all of Sir Walter Raleigh’s Roanoke

Voyages.

April 2/12, 1584: Four ships belonging to Christopher Carleill were being fitted out to

go to scout Raleigh’s new adventure. Carleill is Walsingham’s stepson (Quinn, Roanoke

Voyages, 1955: 725-6).

April 2/12, 1584: Also from the Spanish ambassador, Hawkins’ brother is also very

secretly preparing to leave shortly (William Hawkins) (Quinn, 1955: 725-6) [William Hawkins

is the elder brother of Sir John Hawkins (Quinn, 1955: 217)].

June 26, 1585: Two ships, the Elizabeth and the Tiger, reached Wococon Island on the

Outer Banks of what is now North Carolina (Old Virginia). Two more ships, the Lion and a fly

boat, were already waiting at Port Ferdinando (Hulton, America 1585: 5). The Cape Merchant

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Thomas Harvey was a chief factor for the sale of commodities brought home for sale in England

(Quinn, 1955: 233).

March-May 1586: Sir Francis Drake pillaged Spanish holdings. He attacked Santiago

in the Cape Verde islands, Santo Domingo (Haiti/Dominican Republic), Cartagena and lastly St.

Augustine. He purloined two thousand pounds of bullion at St. Augustine alone. One-third of

the original 2000-member crew died on the expedition, and one of the men who died was Walter

Bigges; his account of the voyage survived and was published in 1588. A map of the St.

Augustine Assault has survived as portrayed by Baptista Boazib (London, 1589). Drake’s fleet

of 23 ships was detected on the coast of NC at the location of the Roanoke Colonists in Port

Ferdinando (Tony Campbell, Early Maps (New York: Abbeville Press, Incorporated), 1981: 48-

9, Plate 20). On board Drake’s ship were 15 hundred galley slaves that were imprisoned by the

Spanish. Drake offered to let them go free, or if they wished, to become part of the new

settlement at Roanoke Island. Of the 15 hundred, many were Portuguese/Moroccan descent, one

third were African-American, and the balance Indians (Quinn, 1955: 252, 268, 295, 303, 310,

411, 477, 722, 745, 748, 754, 761, 763, 799, 803). The final disposition of these 15 hundred

individuals is one of the most important areas of research to be contemplated. The focus of this

group and what happened to them was or is the main impetus for the Lost Colony Center for

Science & Research, Inc. to attempt DNA evidence of past Croatan/Hatteras Indians, and match

them with living descendants in coastal North Carolina today (see www.lost-colony.com:

“Wanted Dead or Alive: Croatan/Hatteras/Mattamuskeet Indians”).

1586: Richard Grenville with seven or eight ships arrived off Roanoke Island (also

known as “Jacan” or “Jacam”) with settlers and food stores. Grenville himself travelled up into

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different places of the country (Quinn, 1955: 479), and explored parts where he had not been in

1585. Hakluyt reported he led several expeditions himself (Quinn, 1955: 469).

1586: Raleigh, shortly after Grenville left, sent out two more pinnaces, the Serpent and

the Mary Spark to take prizes in the Azores. In addition to the above Raleigh also sent out the

ship Dorothy to join in an expedition mounted by the Earl of Cumberland, which proved to be

not very successful (Mark Nicholls and Penny Williams, Sir Walter Raleigh: In Life & Legend

(London: The Continuum International Publishing Group), 2011: 67).

February 1587: Sir George Cary Squadron was commanded by Captain William Irish.

He led the Swallow, the Gabriel, and a third ship (there is evidence that they were connected to

the John White venture). A deposition of Alonso Ruizca, a captured Spanish seaman, reports

Irish went to 37º on the northeast coast (saw cattle there) (Quinn, 1955: 502). He also reports

that his and one other ship left Jacan (Roanoke Island), but five others stayed (no English report

about this landing has ever surfaced (Quinn, 1955: 782-3 and Quinn, 1985: 299). Because of

the extended visit of John White before he sailed for the new settlement in 1587, there is strong

evidence that Cary was one of the major investors in the Roanoke Ventures, and this research

needs to be extended to determine how deeply he was involved, as many of his ships are visiting

the coast very close to Roanoke Island over the next ten years. If he was a major investor, it is

ludicrous to think he would not try to contact the colony if his ships were in the immediate area.

It is suspicious that he and many of the other investors make this many voyages and not be

involved in the secret trade of sassafras, which was “mysteriously” arriving in England when no

reported contact had been made (see “Raorium & Consignment”). Although this is not definitive

proof, it would certainly lead to a suspicion that these investors were secretly exporting

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commodities from America, and also make one question why, with so many people making so

many ventures, not one trace of the “Lost” Colony was ever found.

April-May 1587: John White and Edward Stafford sailed with three ships: the Admiral

(120 tons, with John White and Simon Fernandez), a “flie boat” (name & size unknown,

captained by Edward Spicer), and a “pinnesse” (not named, captained by Edward Stafford). On

April 26, they left Portsmouth for Roanoke and came to anchor on the 28th at the Cowes, in the

Isle of Wight where they stayed for eight days. On May 8, they weighed anchor and sailed for

Virginia. Sir George Carey’s quarters were at Carisbrooke Castle, some six miles away from the

Cowes (Isle of Wright). It is widely thought that his expedition was planned with White’s

(Quinn, 1955: 515-517).

1587: William Irish was in the West Indies commanding five privateering ships as

captain. There is no documented record of Sir George Carey being at Roanoke Island, but a

deposition of a captured Spanish sailor indicates that they were at Port Ferdinando. He was

captured in June 1587 by Fancisca de Avalors. The English ship he was on sailed to 37° at the

Bay of Santa Maria, where they saw cattle and a dark-brown mule, where they stayed for three

days and went ashore to take in water. His ship left with one of the captured Spanish ships [no

mention of how many ships may have stayed, but this could be Port Ferdinando] (this is

obviously the same voyage as above, but more information has been provided) (Quinn, 1955:

782-3).

October 9, 1587: Queen Elizabeth puts a stay on all shipping (Quinn, 1955: 554).

April 22-May 22, 1588: John White attempts to reprovision the colony with the Brave

and the Roe, with Captain Arthur Facy and Pilot Pedro Diaz, a kidnapped Spanish sailor. The

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ships are plundered by a French warship, and many on White’s ships are killed, thus forcing the

crippled vessels to turn back and abort the attempt (Quinn, 1955: 562-9, Doc. 86).

1588: Some of Raleigh’s ships were in the Caribbean in 1587 and 1588, and several

other fighting ships were also out in the same year as the Queen proclaimed an embargo

(Nicholls and Williams, 2011: 64; Nicholls is citing here Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder

and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480-1630

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1984: 218).

March 7, 1589: Sir Walter Raleigh, Thomas Smythe, etc., and John White etc. agree to

continue the City of Raleigh Venture, and inhabit the “countrie called Affamacomock, alias

Wingandacoia, alias Virginia”. For this service they shall “for euer haue free trade, and

traffique for all manner of Marchandise, or commodities what soeuer” (Quinn, 1955: 569-576 &

854).

1589: Raleigh fitted out an expedition with the bark Randol, including Sir George Carey

and John Randol and others (approximately 20 merchants) (Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 67).

May 3/13 1590: Diego Menédez de Valdés, governor of Puerto Rico, reported on 3/13

May the appearance of one of Carey’s ships to King Phillip III, and Carey was a known investor

with the Raleigh Ventures (Irene A. Wright, Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583-

1594: Documents from the Archives of the Indies at Seville illustrating English Voyages to the

Caribbean, the Spanish Main, Florida, and Virginia, The Hakluyt Society, Second Series.

London: The Hakluyt Society. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1951: 249 and Quinn,

1955: 581, 797).

May 12, 1590: Three other English ships and a pynnace were discovered at the port of

San Francisco de La Aquada, northwest of San Juan, Puerto Rico (Quinn, 1955: 798).

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1590: [John?] Watts had three ships out: the Hopewell, Little John and the John

Evangelist. Also a prize named the Water’s Heart in Puerto Rico. This expedition was in

cooperation with Watts and Raleigh, which culminated in a slender return (Nicholls & Williams,

2011: 62, 67-8).

May 27, 1590: An English ship of 200 tons that had 26 pieces of Iron Ordynunce and

more ordynunce in the bottom of the ship with 220 men and with them a Governor (John

White?) [The Hopewell sailed by the coast of Puerto Rico between 5/15 May and 12/22 May

(Quinn, 1955: 799 and citing Further English Voyages: 244 and 587-8)]. This would be the

same expedition that took John White to Roanoke Island but first anchored at the inlet of

Chacandapecko to gain information for transporting through the inlet (Nicholls & Williams,

2011: 67) (see below for reference).

July 25 to August 4, 1590: Two English sails were seen at San Juan Puerto Rico, where

the English landed and burnt and spoiled the village of Aillarcibo (Arecibo, west of San Juan),

took fresh water and went their ways (Quinn, 1955: 798, Doc 52, intercepted notes and letters

from Diego Menédez de Valdés).

August 12, 1590: The John White Voyage ships land at Croatan. The next day, the

boats sounded the inlet (for what purpose?) (Quinn, The First Colonists (Raleigh, NC:

Department of Cultural Resources, Division of Archives & History), 1982: 123). The co-

authors of this paper have documented evidence of the exportation of the secret commodity of

sassafras, and White’s inquiry into this inlet helps greatly to support that the commodity was

being transported overland from the headwaters of the Alligator River (Tramanskecocc) to

Pomeyooc, and then carried by canoe to the Croatan Indian site, to be transported out into larger

ships making their return voyage to England up the Atlantic Gulf Stream. All of the ships

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visiting the Caribbean would have come within 16 miles of the Croatan Indian site, and it is

documented that almost 100 ships were in this area the ten years after the colony was “lost”,

most of them investors in the colony itself.

1591: Raleigh partners with the Watt’s Shipping Syndicate, led by the Hopewell, which

goods, when they arrived back in England with, amounted to £31,150, of which the crew

received £14,952. The twelve investors put up £8,000 for outfitting, which netted them a return

on their investment (Quinn, 1974: 300; Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 68).

April-May 1592: Sir Walter Raleigh led an expedition himself with sixteen ships: two

of them were owned by the Queen herself. Raleigh outfitted his own ship, the Roe Buck, and his

brother Carew fitted out the gallant Rawlighe, and in addition John Watts sent out with this

expedition the Aledo, the Margaret and the John, along with many other ships with Raleigh in

command. Martin Frobisher followed behind this expedition and caught up on May 6 with orders

from the Queen herself that Raleigh was to return to England at her majesty’s command, with

Martin Frobisher assuming Raleigh’s position as commander (Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 68).

1593: Captain Samuel Mace may have made contact with the Lost Colony. Thomas

Harriot had instructed him on how to trade copper for sassafras with the natives, and in addition,

make contact with the 1587 Colony at their new location (Miller, 2000: 208-9).

June 12/22, 1593: Richard Hawkins sailed from Plymouth (James A. Williamson, The

Age of Drake (London: Adam and Charles Black), 1938: 346 and Quinn, 1955: 837). During

his voyage, he sailed with two ships carrying supplies, people, ammunition, clothes, implements,

and axes for the people at Jacan (Roanoke Island), for the settlers (no record of these two ships in

1593 have been documented) (Quinn, 1955: 836-7). This is in all probability the voyage that

Samuel Mace is on (see above).

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1593: Raleigh sent his own ship, the Roe Buck, with Sir John Burgh in command, with a

squadron to the Caribbean, where they unsuccessfully attempted to sack the Spanish settlement

on the island of La Margarita, off the northern coast of South America. This may be the

expedition as per above that Hawkins sailed with (Quinn 1955: 798, and Nicholls & Williams,

2011: 68).

1594: Raleigh sent Jacob Whiddom to reconnoiter Trinidad (Nicholls & Williams, 2011:

68). This in all probability was a voyage seeking out locations to launch Sir Walter Raleigh’s

Guiana ventures in an attempt to find El Dorado, beginning in 1595 (Nicholls & Williams, 2011:

101). Raleigh is known to have sent at least one privateering voyage to the New World each

year (Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 67).

1594: John Brereton in a paper to Sir Walter Raleigh: “A company of men manned a

new ship and were paid weekly wages to ensure they would not go after ships for plunder, and

they are to secure sassafras and instructed to seek out the 1587 colony” (Miller, 2000: 207,

derived from John Brereton, A Brief & True Relation Of The Discovery of the North Part of

Virginia (London, 1602) and citing Gonçalo Mendez de Canço, “Report of David Glavin,

Irlandes, Soldado”, recorded by Canço and forwarded to Philip III of Spain, February 1600,

printed in Documentos Históricos de la Florida y la Luisiana, siglos XVI al XVIII, ed. Manuel

Serrano y Sanz, Madrid: Libería General De Victoriano Suárez, 1913: 156; Quinn, “Notes &

Documents: Thomas Harriot & The Virginia Voyages of 1602”, William & Mary Quarterly, 3rd

series, Vol. 27, No. 2, April 1970): 268-81).

1594: Florida Governor Canço learned from David Glande that the 1587 colony was still

alive, and sent word back to England; two relief boats were sent to Roanoke with planters,

clothing, supplies and tools (Miller, 2000: 207, citing Canço, Report: 156).

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1594-1597: Richard Hawkins and fourteen of his crew in the Dainty were captured off

the Peruvian coast in 1594. In 1597 they were shipped to Spain. Richard Hawkins, when

captured, was attempting to obtain sassafras. David Glavin reports this in a deposition after

being captured by the Spanish. (Miller, 2000: 318; and also Quinn, 1955: 834).

October 1597: In 1597 Lord Cumberland went on a secret expedition for Queen

Elizabeth. Robert Cecil noted archly: “Lord Cumberland is a suitor to go a royal journey in

October (1597). The plot is very secret between her Majesty and him” (Roy F. Johnson,

Algonquins, the Indians of the Part of the New World First Visited by the English: Prehistory-

Culture (Wilmington, NC: Broadfoot Publishing Company), 1972: 337). This may have

nothing to do with the Roanoke Ventures, but it is very intriguing and should be kept current in

the above chronologies until more information is obtained.

1599: Raleigh starts sending ships to bring back sassafras. A series of expeditions set

out to obtain this valuable commodity, which was thought to be a cure for syphilis (Phil Jones,

Raleigh’s Pirate Colony in America: The Lost Settlement of Roanoke 1594-90 (Charleston, SC:

Tempus Publishing Co.), 2001: 101-102).

1599: Another expedition was sent to the Lost Colony by Sir George Cary, captained by

William Irish, but they reported that they did not find the colony. Five ships were included in the

attempt but the connection, if there was one, may have been suppressed (Quinn, 1955: 498-9,

502-3 and 781-4).

1599: Another voyage was planned to go to “Jacan” (Roanoke Island), with two ships,

carrying supplies of people and ammunition (Quinn, 1955: 781-4). This may have been Samuel

Mace’s first voyage to Virginia or he may have led a separate expedition that same year (see

below 1601 and 1602).

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1599: While in the hands of the Spanish at St. Augustine, David Glavin claims two

additional ships were provisioned to go to Jacan (Roanoke Island), carrying supplies of people,

ammunition, clothes, implements, axes and spades for the settlers there (Miller: 207-8; and also

Quinn: 834).

1600: It is possible Mace went out this year to search for traces of the lost colonists, for

with the sea war running down Raleigh once again thought of reviving the colonization process

and so exploiting his dormant rights to control trade and settlement on the North American shore

(Quinn, 1974: 445).

1601: Martin Pring, with a John White (possibly the governor) on board, made another

voyage to search for the “Lost Colony” (Paul Hulton, America 1585, 1984: 16). Samuel Mace

may have been part of this group or on a separate expedition this year as well (Quinn, 1974:

445).

March 1602: Samuel Mace (Mayce) was sent by Raleigh to find the colony and trade for

sassafras (he had been to Virginia twice before, see above). He unaccountably reported he could

not find Cape Hatteras and landed at 34° or forty leagues to the southwest (34° is the location of

Cape Fear or Cape Lookout) (Quinn, 1974: 405-7). “Nonetheless”, Mace brought back

sassafras in large quantities. A member of the crew, Brereton, claimed weather kept them from

finding the colony (Quinn, 1974: 409). Thomas Harriot had helped Raleigh prepare this

“aborted” expedition to find the Lost Colony (Quinn, 1985: xxi). Mace is reported to have been

to the colony at least four times, and it is inexplicable that with all of these trips of Mace and the

other voyages that no successful contact with the colony was ever recorded.

1602: Samuel Mace, of Weymouth, who had been in Virginia twice before, was

employed by Raleigh “to find those people which were left there in 1587. To whose succor he

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hath sent five several times at his own charges.” “At this last time, to avoid all excuse,”---for the

former expeditions had accomplished nothing---Raleigh “bought a bark, and hired all the

company for wages by the month: who departing from Weymouth in March last, 1602, fell forty

leagues to the southwestward of Hatteras in 34 degrees or thereabout.” They spent a month

here, and pretended that extremity of weather and loss of tackle prevented them from entering

Hatteras Inlet, to which they had been sent (Purchas, “Pilgrimes,” iv., 1653, 1812, 1813; cf. also

“The Pilgrimage,” iii., 828). They accomplished nothing (Weeks, 1891: 20). This may be the

same voyage mentioned above, or it could be an additional voyage he made that same year, it

being stated that this particular one is his third trip. Either way, one now has to take a closer

look at him and others making the journey, because they all come back with an almost identical

and rehearsed excuse: foul weather, they couldn’t get close enough, etc.

1602: John White (not verified yet that it is the governor of 1587), Nicholas Nerborn and

Martin Pring were on board the privateer Susan Parnell in the West Indies. They transferred to

the ship Archangel captained by Michael Geere, who put them in charge of a prize crew to take a

Spanish prize ship back to England. They had little food, and when the ship started leaking

badly, they sold their cargo of “Campedia Wood” and the ship in Morocco, and received enough

money to pay their way home (Quinn, 1974: 446). This is the same Martin Pring who is

reported on a subsequent voyage to have obtained a large amount of sassafras, and again

inexplicably not from the 1587 colony of Croatan, but from New England (see below).

August 1602: Raleigh seeks Robert Cecil’s assistance, and through additional help from

the Lord Admiral, in protecting a value of cargoes of sassafras and cedar, brought back by two

recent Virginia voyages (Mace is one, and in all probability Pring is the second one). One of the

ships is a pinnace sent out in yet another futile bid to find the Roanoke colonists (this is Mark

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Nicholls’ take on the voyages). This gives more evidence that the Pring voyage with John White

possibly on board made contact with Raleigh’s colony, and again possible misinformation leads

researchers in another direction (Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 194). More research needs to be

done on the relationship between Pring and John Watts. Watts is one of the most important

investors of the Roanoke Voyages.

January 1603: Relating to below, it is documented that Sir Robert Cecil, Secretary of

State, is still collaborating with Raleigh with Cobham, another investor in privateering voyages,

some of them draped with subterfuge. Cecil agrees to finance a venture with Raleigh and

Cobham, and he pays half costs himself, utilizing a ship confiscated by the Admiralty Court.

One of the most important comments related to this study is that Cecil cautions Raleigh in a

letter not to let it be known that he is involved in the venture (this is most assuredly the same

ship for a settlement that was provisioned for in Virginia (the Lost Colony), mentioned in

Raleigh’s letter from the tower, see below) (Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 186). The importance

here is that Raleigh’s letter names Cecil as being behind his falsified charges of treason, which

ultimately lead to his execution in 1618. The above indications may have a much more

important significance in conspiracy relating to Raleigh’s ultimate demise (i.e. was this all about

money?).

April 10, 1603: Captain Martin Pring, in command of the Speedwell and Discoverer,

sailed to North America and returned with their holds full of sassafras. Interestingly, they were

reported to have landed far north of Roanoke Island, but at the same time, many accounts that Sir

Walter Raleigh’s colony had again been contacted were reported from several sources (Miller:

207-8).

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May 1603: Raleigh enters into a bond with Sir Robert Cecil, for repayment of £4,000

(Nicholls & Williams, 2011: 185).

1603: Pring goes out again for sassafras, but reportedly goes to Cape Cod instead (see

above) (Quinn, 1974: 423).

1603: Both Samuel Mace and Captain Bartholomew Gilbert, are sent in two ships to find

sassafras. The quest for sassafras was so strong it involved several ships on each expedition.

(Miller, 2000: 208-9).

May 1603: Mace was sent out again with Bartholomew Gilbert in two ships to bring

back sassafras. Gilbert was killed by the Indians, but Mace was successful, but few details of the

expedition survived (Phil Jones, 2001: 101-102; Miller, 2000: 208). This would be the same

voyage that was in the letter from Raleigh in the tower, where he is bereft that his “poor

servants” will think him a traitor (see below).

1603: There is a very strong hint of a rumor circulating that contact with the colony has

been made (David Beers Quinn, Set Fair to Roanoke: The Voyages and Colonies of 1584-1606

(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press), 1985: 354-8).

July 1603: Sir Walter Raleigh is preparing to commit suicide, and in his suicide letter to

his wife Bess, he directs his “poor men’s wages to be paid with the goods” upon their return

from discovering and planting a colony in Virginia, and he laments how Robert Cecil has turned

against him so (Edward Edwards, The Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, Together With His Letters Now

First Collected, Vol. 2 - Letters. Macmillan and Co., 1868: 383-7). However, it must be noted

that one of the ships possibly sent to Virginia could have been Cecil’s. Nicholls indicates the

authenticity of this letter was long-questioned, but he believes that it is probably true, and for

further inquiry on this subject, see Agnes Mary Christabel Lathan, “Sir Walter Raleigh’s

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Farewell Letter To His Wife In 1603: A Question of Authenticity”, Essays and Studies #25

(London: English Association), 1939: 39-42 (Nicholls, 2011: 199).

This is the voyage that Mace is instructed to trade copper for sassafras (Quinn, 1974:

405-7). Because Mace made many voyages to America (1602, 1603, etc.), future research must

be conducted to determine whether this is his first or second trip (Quinn, 1985: 355, 356-7, 360,

and 369). If it is his second trip, it is vitally important in regards to the secret commodity and a

great deal of misinformation and misdirection going on at the time involving this commodity

(Raleigh was charged for conspiracy against the king, and there is evidence there was a

conspiracy going on at the time, a big one, it just wasn’t against him).

September 3-6, 1603: Sir Robert Cecil, while Raleigh is in the tower, gives a

demonstration at his house with Indians just back from Virginia using a canoe also brought back

from Virginia (Quinn, 1974: 420-3). This is more evidence of Cecil’s involvement as Raleigh’s

partner, and may be involved in harvesting sassafras. There were “Virginians”, Indians perhaps

from the Chesapeake, in London in 1603 (Quinn, 1985: xxi).

1603-1604: Mace is again sent in to get sassafras, along with a French-English

expedition on ships named Castor and Pollux (Quinn, 1985: 354-8).

1604: George Weymouth presented a treaty called “Jewel of Artes” to King James,

because he thought the Lost Colonists had been contacted. It appears that Weymouth assumed

that King James was already familiar that information about the Lost Colony had been

discovered (Quinn, 1985: 354-8).

1604: George Weymouth wrote a treatise for the new king, James I, extolling the

potential for profits, and there were many indications that the colony had been contacted (Phil

Jones, 2001: 101-102).

71

1605: Weymouth leads an expedition, but by accident or design, is not reported to have

gone to Croatan (Quinn, 1985: 354-8).

1605: The play ‘Eastward, Ho!’ is being produced by George Chapman, Ben Johnson,

and John Marston, that “a whole country of English is there men, bred of those who were left

there in 1579 (sic)” (Quinn, 1985: 354-8).

1605: Two ships again are sent to Croatan and instructed to get sassafras, the Castor and

the Pollux. But the Castor and Pollux were captured by the Spanish (Phil Jones, 2001: 101-2).

1608: Capt. John Smith sends a woodman to the Chowan region to inquire for the lost

colonists, but it’s in vain (Weeks, 1891: 20).

September 10, 1608: King Phillip III (of Spain) receives intelligence from the London

spy network of Pedro de Zuniga. Contained in a packet from Zuniga is a tracing of a map (the

person is described by Zuniga as an Englishman, probably Captain Francis Nelson) sent home to

England from John Smith in Virginia (see Footnote 12 and Fig. 1 for more details). This

document gives intelligence that Panawicke (possibly now located near Engelhard, North

Carolina), Pakercanick (possibly in Pamlico County, North Carolina) and Ohanhowan (possibly

on the Roanoke River) are all locations where colonists from Roanoke Island are now residing

with Indians, probably as captive slaves.

1610: An exploring expedition under Capt. Samuel Argall went from Virginia into parts

of Chowanock among the Mangoags for the same purpose, to find the Lost Colonists or

information regarding them, but without success (William Strachey, The Historie of Travaile

Into Virginia Britannia: Expressing the Cosmographie and Comodities of the Country, Togither

with the Manners and Customes of the People (London: The Hakluyt Society), 1849: 41 and

Weeks, 1891: 20).

72

March to June 21, 1618: Raleigh was on his way back from exploring the Orinoco

looking for the seven cities of gold. This second expedition to Guiana (a.k.a. El Dorado) was a

failure, and a disaster. They set sail for England, but one by one, Sir Walter's ships deserted and

sailed off to turn pirate. He was even forced to abandon plans to stop in Newfoundland (he

would have had to pass right by Hatteras to do so, him and everyone else traveling that way)

because the crew of his flagship was getting restless. He returned to England on June 21, 1618,

with only one ship remaining of his fleet and nothing to show for his journey (Christopher

Minster, “Sir Walter Raleigh's Second Journey to El Dorado”:

http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/latinamericatheconquest/p/Sir-Walter-Raleigh-S-

Second-Journey-To-El-Dorado.htm citing Robert Silverberg, The Golden Dream: Seekers of El

Dorado (Athens: the Ohio University Press), 1985).

Every voyage sent to the Caribbean (including the 60? ships above from 1587 to 1618),

in order to get back to England, would disembogue through the Florida Straits, catching the

northern flow of the Gulf Stream, which would carry them 16 miles east of Cape Hatteras Island

(also known as Croatan Indian village, and where Chacandapecko Inlet was located). Almost

every ship listed above is owned by mercantile merchants who are also documented as

participants, investors, supporters, and Sir Walter Raleigh’s partners in the Roanoke Ventures.

These investors would have ventured huge amounts of money in the Roanoke settlements, and it

is totally unreasonable to suggest that they would not stop in and check on the Raleigh Colony,

and the potential harvesting of the very valuable commodity of sassafras. At the same time all of

this is going on (1587-1618), huge amounts of sassafras are documented to be arriving in

England under the control, through his patents, of Sir Walter Raleigh (see below or above the

73

documentation of huge amounts of sassafras arriving in England, and the note that the value of

sassafras, which was originally £2 per ton rose to £2,000 per ton (Quinn, 1955: 35, 303-8)).

V. “John White Map With Indian Villages Named”

74

VI. “Percy Map With Indian Villages Named”

75

This map is the Coastal area of what is today North Carolina (Old Virginia). The three

bodies of water from the right side of the map (the east) are first the Albemarle Sound and is

located at the top, the Pamlico River is in the middle and the Neuse River at the Bottom. The

lower red dot is the village of Pomeyooc, between the Pamlico and the Albemarle Sound, called

Engelhard today; this is the location of Panawick on the Zuniga map, where many “Lost

Mascoming

↓

Chepanuuu

↓

Pasquenoke

↓

Aquscgoc

Sectuooc

Cotan

Panauuaioc

Neuustooc

Cwareteuuo

c

Kinickac Corrain

76

Colonist” are allegedly located. Far Creek is the body of water, and the Indian site of Pomeyooc

is clearly depicted and detailed as no other Indian village on this map.

The red dot located above it (to the northwest) is the location of the vanished Indian

Village of Tramanskecooc, drawn on the John White map of 1585, but after Thomas Harriot

published his Brief and True Report of The New Found Land of Virginia. In it he describes the

secret commodities that the 1585 colony discovered, but were kept a secret along with the

location, because reported individuals “not to the good of the action” would gain the large profits

that Sir Walter Raleigh and his investors did gain exporting sassafras back to England.

Moreover, this is also the location of the stone pile found by the Mason Lumber Company in the

1950s and, in addition, the location of the sassafras found by Ralph Lane’s Colony in 1585.

Many letters have recently been identified that have information about the new commodities

found in 1585, and the John Farrar Map published in 1650 was included for the first time in

Virgo Triumphans. Virgo was a seventy-six page book written entirely about the Ralph Lane

Colony, and many items in the publication are not found in any of the Roanoke Voyages

literature, including, but most importantly, the location of the sassafras on the map. Many

unreported voyages by the investors of the Roanoke Colonies are involved in reported failed

attempts to find the Colony.

77

VII. Thomas Harriot/Percy Relationship

Thomas Harriot induced Henry Percy (the Earl of Northumberland) into encouraging his

epileptic younger brother George to go out to Virginia in 1603. The Earl sent to his younger

brother clothes, books and papers. George Percy returned home in 1612. Christopher Newport

returned from Jamestown in 1609 with one of Powatan’s sons (this could have been the means of

the Zuniga map arriving back to England, and also Percy’s map if it was him who drew it.

Conjecture of other authors are one of the two men sent by Smith to contact the colonists at

Panowiok) (Fox, 2000: 43).

As Harriot lay dying he remembered his first patron Sir Walter Raleigh and desired that

the papers that he had of Raleigh’s should be burnt: “whereas I have divers _______ papers (of

which some are in a canvas bagge) of my accompts to Sir Walter Rawley for all which I have

discharges or acquitances lying in some boxes or other my desire is that they all be burnt---”

(Fox, 2000: 44-45).

78

VIII. “Chief Eyanoco and The Lost Colony”

1609: Strachey’s summary is very specific---“At Ritanoe (?), the weroance Eyanoco

(a.k.a. Gepanocon) preserved seven of the English alive, fower men, twoo Boyes, and one young

Maid, who eascaped and fled up the river of Choanoke, to beat his copper, of which he hath

certayn mines at the said Ritanoe, as also at Pannawaiack (Pananiok/Pomeyooc) are said to be

store of salt stones (Miller, 2000: 259)” (Miller, 2000: 236, 242 & 255).

This evidence, first presented by William Strachey, secretary of the Jamestown colony, is

the strongest evidence (to-date) of a splinter cell of the Lost Colony being settled. They were

purported to be located at Salmon Creek, which is based across from the Chowanoc River. This

was reinforced by the discovery of a stone there, which is believed to be a message from Eleanor

Dare. There is seemingly no way to scientifically confirm or disprove the Eleanor Dare Stone

(and its reported twin, the Turner Stone). The co-authors of the paper, however, strongly agree

that these two stones are possibly authentic.

79

IX. Ralph Lane Fortifications

Mosquito Bay, Puerto Rico

Ralph Lane gives us an idea of what the fort shape is like when he says: “What manner

of fort I would have I would have it a pentangle in this manner” (Quinn, 1955: 131-5, 403-5).

Cape Rojo, Puerto Rico

The main function of this fort was seizing captured Spanish salt mounds: “Lane

‘intrenched himself vpon the sandes immediately, compassing one of their salte hils within the

trench’” (Quinn, 1955: 131-5, 403-5, illustration beside 905).

Port Ferdinando

This fortification is the one referred to below as the “new fort in Virginia”. Lane also

says this inlet is the deepest in the Outer Banks, and that the fort is so strong the entire Spanish

fleet cannot pass by it (Quinn, 1955: 202; “Roanoke Sagas”, www.lost-colony.com).

North End Of Roanoke

This fort was long believed to be the main fortification at Roanoke described in a letter

by Ralph Lane as “a new fort in Virginia” (Quinn, 1955: 903-9). This fortification has since

fallen out of favor in that the main fortification is most probably on Shallowbag Bay in Doe’s

Creek, see below, and also not the one referred to in Lane’s letter.

Shallowbag Bay in Doe’s Creek, Manteo

Has been proffered as being the fort described by Pedro Diaz in the author’s paper

entitled “Roanoke Sagas” and a translation error found in the Spanish document of the deposition

of Pedro Diaz. Both can be found on the website www.lost-colony.com.

80

Point of Shallowbag Bay overlooking sound (not found yet)

John White’s narrative of 1590 indicates that there are still falcons (cannons) and small

ordinances left at this site (Quinn, 1955: 615).

Fortification at Salmon Creek in Bertie County (not found yet)

Thadd White, “Lost Colony Found?”, Roanoke-Chowan News Herald (Chapel Hill, NC:

May 3, 2012): http://www.roanoke-chowannewsherald.com/2012/05/03/lost-colony-found/

Fortification at Chowan River on west side (not found yet)

John Farrar, “A mapp of Virginia discovered to ye Hills, and in it’s Latt: From 35. deg.

& ½ neer Florida, to 41. deg. bounds of New England” (Collegit: Domina Virginia Farrar. Sold

by I. Stevenson at ye Sunne below Ludgate), 1651: http://www2.lib.virginia.edu/ exhibits/lewis_

clark/exploring/1maps/map6.jpg. This is the square fortress, the main fort, on the Farrar map.

Fortification at Little Alligator Creek on Alligator River, Fort Landing (not found yet)

John Farrar, “A mapp of Virginia discovered to ye Hills, and in it’s Latt: From 35. deg.

& ½ neer Florida, to 41. deg. bounds of New England” (Collegit: Domina Virginia Farrar. Sold

by I. Stevenson at ye Sunne below Ludgate), 1651: http://www2.lib.virginia.edu/ exhibits/lewis_

clark/exploring/1maps/map6.jpg. This is the circular fortress, the signal fort, depicted on the

Farrar map.

Indication of a propensity for Ralph Lane to build forts and may account for the fort on

the mouth of the Alligator River at Fort Landing, the fortification found under the patch on the

1585 map at Salmon Creek and possibly the fort found on the Farrar map at the Chowanock

Indian village (Quinn, 1955: 263).

81

X. Future Studies: Investors of the Roanoke Ventures

and The Lost Colony

Beyond the scope of this paper, it has become obvious that many voyages (at least 40)

were made to the coast of NE North America. This paper has documented that almost all of

these voyages are associated and partners with Sir Walter Raleigh, who had invested large sums

of money in the ventures and knew about the secret commodity of sassafras. Future studies to

expand this paper should involve investigating more thoroughly who the investors were, and

what their relationship was with Raleigh.

Please see the indicated names below, who on a surface-level examination have possible

ties to Raleigh’s Roanoke Ventures. In addition, all of them would have had a financial interest

in securing any profits from commodities or privateering against Spanish ships.

Queen Elizabeth I

Sir Francis Walsingham

Simon Fernandez

Sir Walter Raleigh

Lord Burghley

(Father of Cecil)

Sir Robert Cecil

John White

(Governor of 1587 Colony)

Sir Thomas Harriot

Lord Thomas Howard of Effingham

Sir Thomas Myddleton

82

William Sanderson

Sir John Watts

Cobham

Sir Richard Grenville

Bartholomew Gilbert

Sir George Percy

William Hawkins

Sir John Hawkins

Henry Oughtred

Christopher Carleill

Adrian Gilbert

(Raleigh’s half-brother)

John Davis

Sir John Gilbert

(Sir Humphrey’s heir)

Sir Francis Drake

Sir Henry Percy

(George Percy’s brother, Earl of Northumberland)

Sir John Carey

Sir Thomas Smith (Smythe)

Thomas Smith (Symthe)

(Son of Sir Thomas)

Richard Hakluyt

John Gerard

Thomas Hood

(protégé to the two Smiths)

83

Walter Baylye

(possibly connected with Roger Baylye)

Roger Baylye

Richard Wright

(Haberdasher of London)

William Gamage

(Ironmonger)

Edmund Nevil

Thomas Harding

Walter Marler

(Clothworker or Salter)

Thomas Martin

(Possibly member of family of goldsmiths later concerned with Virginia in early 1600s)

Gabriel Harris

William George

William Stone

(Clothworker)

Henry Fleetwood

Robert Macklyn

Thomas Wade

Edward Walden

John Nichols

(Only one of three Assistants left in England in 1587 to appear)

William Nicoles

(Was in the 1587 Colony, possibly connected to John Nichols)

Humfray Dimmocke

William Fullwood

84

James Plat

Percy was Northumberland’s younger brother (the employer of Thomas Harriot and an

investor in the Roanoke Ventures), who set out with the first band of settlers and was maintained

at the Earl of Northumberland’s expense. The Earl’s first name was Henry (Nicholls &

Williams, 2011: 228).

Sanderson was unsuccessful in litigation with Sir John Watts over the prize of the Buen

Jesu, which resulted in Sanderson’s efforts on Raleigh’s behalf to relieve the Roanoke colony

(this was the voyage that John White returned to Roanoke on, but before doing so, sounded the

inlet of Chicandapiko). Watts, another Raleigh investor, was out with several ships in 1590, and

also would have, on the way home, gone right by Hatteras and Chicandapiko (sic.) Inlet (Franks,

2009: 132).

William Sanderson, in 1590, arranged for a £5,000 loan from John Watts (a long-time

financial supporter of Raleigh) and agreed that they would join forces with three ships that Watts

was sending out (this was the voyage in which the Buen Jesu was captured) (Franks, 2009: 50).

Christopher Carleill visited the Roanoke colony very briefly in June 1586 when he was

servicing Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian voyage (Quinn, 1985: 8-9).

85

Assessment of the Paradigm Argument That the Long-Held Belief That the Colony

Moved to Chesapeake Bay

A. Introduction

The research presented in this appendix is an attempt to categorize, dissect, and

assimilate all the bits of information about the Lost Colony---scattered like breadcrumbs---into a

format that locates the destination of the colonist. Of the many theories developed about what

happened to them, only four or five are now considered valid. The evidence compiled by the co-

authors of this paper and listed below, strongly suggests all remaining evidence points to one

location: the Beechland region (Hyde, Tyrell, & Dare Co. and the Pungo/Alligator River area),

which from 400 years ago to today can only be accessed by small watercraft. The following are

the breadcrumbs or clues that the co-authors have accumulated.

B. Clues that the Chesapeake was not their destination

In his narrative of the 1587 voyage, Governor John White wrote that the colonists’

destination was Chesapeake Bay, but he said they were forced by Simon Ferdinand to remain on

Roanoke Island. Because his narrative was published shortly after his return, this may have been

an attempt to conceal his true destination from the Spanish and from those who might try to find

the source of Raleigh’s valuable sassafras:

1. Stephen B. Weeks questioned John White’s claim that Simon Ferdinando, in addition

to other treacheries, forced the colonists to remain on Roanoke Island when their

intended destination was Chesapeake.37 Weeks offered with a litany of Ferdinando’s

(many spellings) services to England, then wrote: Walsingham, in his letter of August

12, 1585, speaks of Ferdinando in the highest terms, even considering him worthy to

be commemorated in the inlet which was the ‘beste harborough of all the reste,’ and

37 Weeks, 17

86

it is not probable that a long period of service would have been closed with an act of

treachery.” After reading Weeks, one must ask why White would make such a

slanderous and blatant lie about Ferdinando, when his performance record---not to

mention Ferdinando boss, Walsingham---clearly states this is not true.

2. When Governor White arrived off Roanoke Island, he said he boarded the pinnace

only to confer with the 15 men left on the island by Sir Richard Grenville. As he left

in the pinnace, “a Gentleman by the meanes of Fernando, who was appointed to

returne for England, called to the sailers in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring

any of the planters backe againe, but leave them in the Island.”38 White was

“accompanied with fortie of his best men.” The 40 men with White seems more than

necessary if he only planned a brief visit with the 15 men.

3. Fernando’s excuse for not going on to Chesapeake was that, “the Summer was farre

spent, wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place.”39 Despite his

apparent haste to depart, he did not leave until White was ready to return to England,

and he accompanied Whites ‘Flie Boat’ east in his Admiral’s ship. From his arrival at

Roanoke Island on July 22, 1587, Fernando remained in the service of Governor John

White until September 17, 1587, -- almost two month -- before breaking off to hunt

Spanish ships near Flores Island.

4. White stated twice that the colonist had no intention of remaining on Roanoke Island.

In his 1587 narrative he wrote, “Also he (John White) alleaged, that seing they

intended to remoue 50. miles further vp into the maine presently, he (John White)

being then absent, his stuff and goods, might be both spoiled, and most of it pilfered

away…”40 He confirmed this intent in his 1590 narrative “…for at my coming away

they were prepared to remoue from Roanoke 50 miles into the maine”41

38 White 1587: 97 39 Ibid. 40 Quinn, 1955: 533-534 41 Quinn, 1955: 613 .

87

5. The colonists clearly intended to build a new ‘City’ in their new location because they

dismantled and took with them all of their houses. White wrote: “. . . they were left in

sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe.”42

C. Clues that the Croatan/Hatteras Indians allied with the colonists

It was well established in the Roanoke Voyage narratives that Manteo and the Croatan

Indians of were close allies of the 1587 colonists. As shown in the text, Steven B. Weeks first

documented that the Croatan were in control of a vast territory between the Albemarle and the

Pamlico Sounds after they supplanted the Secotan Confederation. There is ample evidence that

the 1587 colonist and the Croatan were allies and had villages on the Alligator:

1. At Sir Walter Raleigh’s request a ceremony took place, proclaiming Manteo “Great

Lord and Chief of Dasemunkepeuc” (many variant spellings) on the 31st of August

1587. 43 This enabled Manteo to have supreme authority over all the Indians in the

area and over 4 million acres of land. It also protected the location of Raleigh’s secret

commodities. (See Farrar map indicating sassafras, English forts, and

Dasmansquepuce.)

2. Although it has now become evident, scholars have totally missed that the once-

powerful Secotan Confederacy was completely supplanted by the small Croatan Indian

tribe. It is very doubtful that the Croatan could have achieved this feat without a

partnership with the English. The documentation that this did occur can be found on

the maps on Pages 10, 11, and 27-29 of “Spies & Lies” at the Lost Colony Center web

site.

3. One of the more significant recent discoveries relating to this research is an Indian

village depicted on the Alligator River on early maps. IKONOS imaging has located

three sites as possible locations for the colonists to have settled with the Croatan, and

all three have been identified and confirmed as Indian village sites (and located on

many of the 16th- and 17th-century maps along the Alligator). The IKONOS image

42 White 1590: 126 43 Quinn, 1955: 504-5, 531 .

88

resolution is so powerful and acute, it can define a human standing from 420 miles in

space. A 16-foot well and a foot-path trail can be seen from this altitude (see Buck

Ridge IKONOS image below.)

4. In addition to IKONS, new imaging utilizing LIDAR has located five more elevated

locations large enough to possibly support an Indian village and 117 colonists.44 This

study is multi-disciplined, and the co-authors have completed approximately 50

fieldtrips in attempting to locate these sites. So far, three successful sites with high-

mineral soil ridges (an absolute must, not just for growing corn, but growing LOTS of

corn) have been discovered, and ground-proofing and field-tests have yielded many

English and Indian artifacts together. From the volume recovered, the sites seem to

have been inhabited for a long time by both Native Americans and colonists45

44 Performed under the mentorship of Dr. Mulchaey and the ECU Geography Dept., with a six-hour directed

studies class. 45 Fred Willard, “The Lost Chronicles of Thomas Harriot” (East Carolina University: Directed Studies in

History for Dr. Kenneth Wilburn , Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc., 2007).

89

Other clues show that the Croatan/Hatteras Indians and the descendants of the colonists

continued to live together long after the colonists lost contact with England.

5. The notations found on the Zuniga map only 30 years after the colony was lost are the

most important clues concerning the Lost Colony of 1587. Although the notations

support the co-authors’ hypothesis, the rough-drawn sketch map lacks definitive

locations of the Indian villages because the map is not drawn to scale. This problem

may have been resolved with the discoveries of the Farrar and Percy maps because

they more accurately determine the location of Pomeyooc village (a.k.a. “Pananiock”

or “Panawiki”).

6. According to author James Sprunt, the Coree Indians informed the Barbados colony at

Cape Fear in 1654 that the Lost Colony had survived and were living with Hatteras

Indians at Croatan. After their Cape Fear colony foundered, they re-established their

Barbados-related colony on the north shore of the Albemarle River and intermarried

with the Hatteras Indians.46 [Needs a reference.]

7. This coincides with John Lawson’s report that these Indians dressed as English, and in

the margin of his report wrote “Hatteras Indians.”47

8. Lawson’s accounts of the native populations are more detailed and are the best early

records yet found to-date. He reports that the Paspitank (sic) Indians did formally

keep cattle and make butter. He also made a profound statement relating specifically

to the culture, manners and dress of these Indians, and furthermore, that they are

different from all other natives he has encountered: “The dresses of these people are

so different, according to the Nation that they belong to. . .” “. . .which wear Hats,

Shooes, Stockings, and Breeches, with very tolerable Linnen Shirts, which is not

common amongst these. . .”48

46 Need a reference here. 47 Lawson, 200-20 . 48 Native Americans (Fred L. Willard, “The Machapungo Indians and the Barbados Connection 1663 to 1840”,

East Carolina University: Directed Studies in History for Dr. Angela Thompson, http://www.lost-colony.com/

currentresearch.html, Lost Colony Center for Science & Research, Inc., 2008” citing Lawson, 1967: 200-1).

90

9. There is an Appleton Magazine article about a priest in 1660 who preached to white

Indians on the Pantego River who could speak English: “In 1660 the Rev. Morgan

Jones, of Virginia, was captured by the Tuscarora Indians living in North Carolina

along the Neuse River. After some time in captivity he returned civilization to make

the solemn statement that he had found a tribe settled on the Pantego River, near Cape

Atros (Hatteras), known to their neighbors as the white Indians on account of their

light color; he tells that they spoke British, in which language he preached to them

three times a week.” [Needs a reference.]

D. Clues that the colonists went inland secretly to harvest sassafras

The co-author’s hypothesis leans heavily on evidence that sassafras was a major

commodity shipped frequently from the Virginia to England. Their hypothesis states that the

colonists, on Raleigh’s instruction, traveled by water with the Croatan to the lower end of the

Alligator River, where they found sassafras near the village of Tramanskecooc in the Beechland

area. The most importance evidence that there was sassafras near Tramanskecooc was found in

the Farrar map.

1. William Cummings reports that John Farrar, mapmaker, had access to papers, reports,

and information that were not available to others, and also that Farrar commissioned

Williams to write Virgo Triumphans, and all the information about the 1585 Roanoke

voyage was obtained from him.49

2. On the map that was in Virgo Triumpans is a sassafras tree (at the location of the

Tramansquecooc Indian village on the White 1585 map) and two English fortifications

located at Fort Landing and near the Chowanoc Indian village. Farrar clearly depicts a

sassafras tree in this one location, and no other trees are identified. The co-authors

believe that Farrar had access to documents from Thomas Harriot’s lost Chronicles

pertaining to the area in question.

49 Cummings, 1998: 148 .

91

3. Discovery of the Percy map, and comparing it with the Zuniga, White and Farrar maps

shows that the possible location of Pomeyooc and Tramansquekooc is forthcoming. How

every Indian village in North Carolina is named helps to identify locations on the map.

The authors contend that Sir Walter Raleigh purposely tried to hide the knowledge that

his men had discovered sassafras in Virginia. We have obtained some specific evidence of the

classification of sassafras as a ‘secret commodity’ in the Roanoke Voyage narratives.

4. Richard Hakluyt to Sir Walter Raleigh letter in 1587: “One of your followers knows

about the ‘certain secret commodities’ already discovered by your servants.”50

5. Letter of Ralph Lane to Richard Hakluyt, 1585: “And we have found rich commodities

and apothecaries and drugs.”51

6. In A Brief and True Report, Thomas Harriot mentions secret commodities, but he would

not divulge their location to those who did not wish him well: “Two more commodities of

great value one of certaintie, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but there to be

raised & in a short time to be provided and prepared, I might have specified. So like

wise of those commodities already set downe I might have said more; as of the particular

places where they are founde ----; But because others then welwillers might bee

therewithall acquainted, not to the good of the action, I haue wittingly ommited them:

knowing that to those that are well dsposed I have uttered, according to my promise and

purpose, for this part sufficient.”52

7. Mysteriously” Tramaskecooc village was removed almost immediately from the map

after the publication of Thomas Harriot’s Brief and True Report.53

E. Clues that the colonists exported sassafras to England

Ample evidence has also been found that sassafras was exported to England. Our

assumption is that it was first moved to Croatoan village near Chacandapeco Inlet (Cape

50 Quinn, 1955: 545, 548-9 . 51 Quinn, 1955: 207-9, 336-7 . 52 Harriot/Hulton, Brief and True Report: 12; Quinn, 1955: 314 . 53 see Quinn: White 1585 Manuscript B vis a vi White-DeBry 1590 .

92

Hatteras) where English sailors would transfer it to their ships. These shipments occurred while

Sir Walter Raleigh’s Royal Charter allowed him to control all commodities shipping from

Virginia, including sassafras.

From 1588 to 1605 at least 60 ships were sent out under Raleigh’s command or by

investors in the Roanoke Colony. This hard, indisputable clue has been documented with words,

papers and articles written by many scholars over centuries of research---and has also not been

detailed before now. The voyages that are known to have reached the Outer Banks and returned

with sassafras follow.

1. The ship’s log of the Primrose, one of Drake’s ships that relieved the 1585 colony, has

notations that there are large amounts of sassafras stored in the hold to take back to

England, and that sassafras was the most valuable commodity in all of North America.54

2. From 1600 to 1605 Samuel Mace is documented on five voyages to find the Lost Colony,

and to trade copper for sassafras. He claimed he landed south of Roanoke and had to turn

back every time because of “foul weather.”

3. Captain Martin Pring was sent in ships to find sassafras in 1603 “On April 10, 1603, a

Captain Martin Pring, in command of the Speedwell and Discoverer, sailed to North

America and returned with their holds full of sassafras. Interestingly, they were reported

to have landed far north of Roanoke Island, but at the same time, many accounts that Sir

Walter Raleigh’s colony had again been contacted were reported from several sources.”55

4. In a deposition after being captured by the Spanish, David Glavin reported that Richard

Hawkins, when captured, was attempting to obtain sassafras in 1595-6.56. While in the

hands of the Spanish at St. Augustine, Glavin claimed two additional ships were

provisioned to go to Jacan (Roanoke Island) in 1599, carrying supplies of people,

ammunition, clothes, implements, axes and spades for the settlers there.

54 Quinn, 1955: 35, 303-8 . 55 Miller: 207-8: 56 Miller: 207-8; and also Quinn, 1955: 834

93

5. John Brereton in a paper to Sir Walter Raleigh, 1594: “A company of men manned a new

ship and were paid weekly wages to ensure they would not go after ships for plunder, and

they are to secure sassafras and instructed to seek out the 1587 colony”57

6. In 1605 two ships, the Castor and the Pollux, again are sent to Croatan and instructed to

get sassafras. But the Castor and Pollux were captured by the Spanish.58

7. An important events that has been previously overlooked is that the John White’ ships

landed off Croatan on August 12, 1590. The next day, the boats sounded the inlet, but

John White gave not indication of their prupose.59. It is proffered by the co-authors that

White’s interest in this inlet is for the exportation of sassafras from Pomeyooc.

8. The Croatan site has produced thirty to forty thousand artifacts; some of the most

significant English artifacts have been dated to the time of the Roanoke Voyages. It

should be noted that the inlet at Croatan is due east of Pomeyooc, which would be the

natural route for exportation of any commodities, and because of White’s sounding, the

co-authors believe it was sassafras being shipped to England.60

9. But if, in solving the mystery of the Lost Colony to its conclusion, a smoking gun was

ever needed, the book Rariorum plantorium listeria and the report of a consignment of

sassafras in 1603 from Raleigh to Nurnberg are it. These two documents are the most

important confirmation that Sir Walter Raleigh and his investors were aggressively

importing sassafras into England, and that the location of the sassafras was Raleigh’s

“lost” city.

10. Consignment of Sassafras in 1603 from Raleigh to Nurnberg: On September 10, 1603:

Sir William Waad, Clerk of the Privy Council wrote to Cecil, enclosing a letter which had

been intercepted on its way to Raleigh, who had been arrested on July 15th for treason.

Information in it indicated that some of Raleigh’s American sassafras, consigned to

57 Miller, 2000: 207-8 . 58 Phil Jones, Raleigh’s Pirate Colony in America: The Lost Settlement of Roanoke 1594-90 (Charleston, SC:

Tempus Publishing Co.), 2001: 101-2). 59 Quinn, The First Colonists (Raleigh, NC: Department of Cultural Resources, Division of Archives &

History), 1982: 123) 60 see Goodlow, “Trash Will Tell Very Tall Tale” and Jim Morrison, “In Search of the Lost Colony”,

American Archaeology, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Maryland: Archaeological Conservancy Quarterly Publication (Eastern

Region)), Winter 2006-2007: 38-44, http://lost-colony.com/magazineAA.html).

94

Nurnberg for sale, had failed to arrive at its destination. The sassafras in question was

several hundred weights, which may or may not have even been delivered, because of

Raleigh’s imprisonment.61

11. Extract from the book Rariorum plantorium listeria in: 62

Original Latin: Donati initio fuimus fragmento huius ligni a Francisco de Zennig,

Pharmacopola Bruxellensi diligentissimo, mihique amicissimo: sed proximis his annis

Londino ab aliis etiam amicissimis viris C. V. Richardo Garth, Hugone Morgano

pharmacopoeo Regio, et Iacobo Gareto mihi Vienna missa magna eaque libralia fragmenta,

quae odore et sapore faeniculum quidem referebant, gustata tamen, plantae illius saporem

magis redere videbantur, quae vulgo Draco, nonnullis Tharco dicitur, acetariis familiaris, et

cortex eius multo magis. Lignum cum suo cortice adeo Tamarici simile est, ut, nisi odor et

sapor obstarent, pro eo accipi possit: cortex interiore parte qua ligno adhaeret nigricat, et

lavis est; exteriore rugosus et ex cinereo rubescens. Magis vulgatum deinde esse coepit

hoc lignum, et arboris integri fere trunci adferri. Sed et in Wingandecao, ab Anglis, qui

eam occuparant, Virginia dicta, nasci intellexi, et inde virgulta eius arboris in Angliam esse

delata.

61 Quinn, 1974: 428 . 62 Charles De L'Ecluse (a.k.a. Carolus Clusius), Rariorum Plantorium listeria (Antwerp: J. Moretus), 1601:

338 and http://imgbase-scd-ulp.u-strasbg.fr/displayimage.php?album=338& pos=1:

95

English Translation:63

At first we were given a fragment of this wood by Franciscus de Zennig, a most diligent

pharmacist in Brussels, and a very good friend of mine. But in the past few years, large

fragments were sent from London by other dear friends, C. V. Richard Garth, Hugo

Morgan the royal pharmacist, and Jacob Garet, to me in Vienna, and these fragments were

by the pound. Their smell and flavor indeed resembled fennel; once tasted however, they

seemed to give a flavor more of that plant commonly called Draco (Dracaena?), known to

some as Tharco (?), known to makers of vinegar (acids?), and much more its bark. The

wood with its bark is so similar to Tamarisk that if its smell and flavor didn’t prevent it, it

could be taken for it. Its bark is blackish on the inside where it adheres to the wood, and is

lavis (washed out? washable?). On the exterior, it is wrinkled and turns red from ash

(when burned?). This wood has begun to be more common then, and to be brought as

almost entire tree trunks. But I have learned that it also grows in Wingandecao, called

Virginia by the English, who occupy it, and that from there, the boughs of this tree have

been brought to England.

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100

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XIX-15.

Citations To Be Added

Quinn, David Beers. George Percy’s Observations Gathered Out Of Discourse of the

Plantation of the Southern Colony in Virginia by the English, 1606. University of Virginia

Press, 1967

102

http://digital.lib.ecu.edu/historyfiction/fullview.aspx?id=wet

Stephen B. Weeks, The Lost Colony of Roanoke: It’s Fate And Survival (New York: The Knickerbocker Press),

1891: 17:

The colonists sailed in three ships, May 8, 1587. They numbered 117 souls. Seventeen were women, ten of this

number perhaps being with their husbands. Ralegh had learned from the experience of former fleets that the

harbor of Roanoke was, as Lane had said, “very naught.” He instructed them therefore to abandon the settlement

on Roanoke, and to coast northward, to make the Chesapeake of which Lane had learned, and to fix their homes

there (“Narrative of Fourth Voyage to Virginia,” Hawks, i., 191-212). This was not done. Governor White says it

was due to the treachery of Simon Ferdinando, the pilot. This man was a Portuguese, who had settled in England.

He sailed with Drake in 1577; he explored the coast of Maine in 1579-80 (New England Historical and Genealogical

Register, April, 1890); he had been the pilot of Fentonʻs voyage in 1582-83; he had been on the expedition of

Amadas and Barlowe in 1584; and was with Grenville in 1585. White says that he deserted their fly-boat in the bay

of Portugal, that he loitered among the West Indies, that he deceived and lied to the colonists, and came near

causing them shipwreck about Cape Fear; but Walsingham, in his letter of August 12, 1585, speaks of Lane in the

highest terms, even considering him worthy to be commemorated in the inlet which was the “beste harborough of

all the reste,” since known as Hatteras (For this letter, cf. “Archæologia Americana,” vol. iv., p. 9), and it is not

probable that a long period of service would have been closed with an act of treachery.

Stephen B. Weeks, The Lost Colony of Roanoke: It’s Fate And Survival (New York: The Knickerbocker Press,

1891: 20:

In 1602 Samuel Mace, of Weymouth, who had been in Virginia twice before, was employed by Ralegh “to find those

people which were left there in 1587. To whose succor he hath sent five several times at his own charges.” “At this

last time, to avoid all excuse,”—for the former expeditions had accomplished nothing—Ralegh “bought a bark, and

hired all the company for wages by the month: who departing from Weymouth in March last, 1602, fell forty

leagues to the southwestward of Hatteras in 34 degrees or thereabout.” They spent a month here, and pretended

that extremity of weather and loss of tackle prevented them from entering Hatteras Inlet, to which they had been

sent (Purchas, “Pilgrimes,” iv., 1653, 1812, 1813; cf. also “The Pilgrimage,” iii., 828). They accomplished nothing.

In 1608 Capt. John Smith sent a woodman to the Chowan region to inquire for the lost colonists, but in vain. In

1610, an exploring expedition under Capt. Samuel Argall went from Virginia into parts of Chowanock among the

Mangoags for the same purpose, but without success (Strachey, “History of Travaile into Virginia Britannia,” 41).

Scott Collins Personal Correspondence July 14, 2012:

Coahohorn(?)/Onahohorne---Lee Miller emphasizes they’re talking about the Indian who saved

seven Lost Colonists for Moangoak(in) pearl farmers.

Croatoman---Cuttawomans (Lancaster County vis a vi Morden 1688 Croatum)

Moratico River---Lancaster/Richmond area

Professor Ralph Scott

Curator, Printed Books & Maps

Manuscripts and Rare Books

103

(252) 328-0265

scottr@ecu.edu

Joyner Library, Manuscripts and Rare Books

East Carolina University

Greenville, NC 27858-4353

David Beers Quinn, Set Fair to Roanoke: The Voyages and Colonies of 1584-1606 (Chapel

Hill: The University of North Carolina Press), 1985: 354-8. As this research proceeds, it is

becoming more evident that the concerted efforts of Raleigh were to suppress information. We

are finding many more voyages to procure sassafras and find it incomprehensible that no

contact with the colony was reported. There is, however, a very strong hint of a rumor

circulating in 1603 that contact with the colony was made. Mace was again sent in 1603-1604

to get sassafras, along with a French-English expedition on ships named Castor and Pollux.

In 1604, George Waymouth presented a treaty called “Jewel of Artes” to King James, because

he thought the Lost Colonists had been contacted. It appears that Waymouth assumed that

King James was already familiar that information about the Lost Colony had been discovered.

Waymouth led an expedition in 1605, but by accident or design, was not reported to have gone

to Croatan. In addition to the above, the play ‘Eastward, Ho!’ was being produced by George

Chapman, Ben Johnson, and John Marston in 1605, that “a whole country of English is there

men, bred of those who were left there in 1579 (sic)”.

Newport was at Bermuda

From: Phil McMullan [psmjr@hughes.net] Sent: Saturday, May 25, 2013 5:21 PM

To: Willard, Frederick Lawson

Subject: Newport was at Bermuda

Christopher Newport (1561–1617) was an English seaman and privateer. He is best known as the captain of

the Susan Constant, the largest of three ships which carried settlers for the Virginia Company in 1607 on the

way to find the settlement at Jamestown in the Virginia Colony, which became the first permanent English

settlement in North America. He was also in overall command of the other two ships on that initial voyage, in

order of their size, the Godspeed and the Discovery.

He made several voyages of supply between England and Jamestown; in 1609, he became Captain of the

Virginia Company's new supply ship, Sea Venture, which met a hurricane during the Third Supply mission, and

was shipwrecked on the archipelago of Bermuda. Christopher Newport Universityin Newport News, Virginia is

named for Newport. It is also possible, but less than certain, that Newport News Point (later within the city of

the same name) was named for him.

Years later (1613–1614) Newport sailed for the British East India Company to Asia. He died in Java (now part of Indonesia) in 1617 on a voyage to the East Indies.

As a young man, Christopher Newport sailed with Sir Francis Drake in the daring attack on

the Spanish fleet at Cadiz and participated in England's defeat of the Spanish Armada.

104

During the war with Spain, Newport seized fortunes of Spanish and Portuguese treasure in

fierce sea battles in the West Indies as a privateer for Queen Elizabeth I. He led more

attacks on Spanish shipping and settlements than any other English privateer. After leading

his men aboard an enemy ship off the coast of Cuba, his right arm was "strooken off", and

Newport was referred to thereafter as, "Christopher Newport of the one hand."

"A DISCOURSE OF VIRGINIA."BY EDWARD MARIA WINGFIELD, Virtual Jamestown June, 1607. -- The 22th{5} Captayne Newport retorned for England; for whose good passadge and safe retorne wee made many prayers to our Almighty God.

{5} In the tract last named, the date given for Newport's return is June 15; and some later writers have adopted that. But the date in the text is confirmed by Smith, in his first tract on Virginia, entitled "True Relation," &c., 1608 (a black-letter volume, not paged); by Percy, in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1689; and by the writer of the journal of Newport's "Discoveries in Virginia," in Archaeologia Americana, vol. iv. p. 58. Newport left 104 colonists at Jamestown.-- Percy, as above. In the Appendix to Smith's "Virginia," p. 8, the number of the "first planters" is stated to be 105; but in the list of names, so far as there given, that of Anthony Gosnold is inserted twice.

June the 25th, an Indian came to us from the great Poughwaton wth the word of peace; that he desired greatly our freindshipp; that the wyrounnces,6 Pasyaheigh and Tapahanagh,7 should be our freindes; that wee should sowe and reape in peace, or els he would make warrs vpon them wth vs. This message fell out true; for both those wyroaunces haue ever since remayned in peace and trade with vs. Wee

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rewarded the messinger wth many tryfles wch were great wonders to him.

This Powatan8 dwelleth 10 myles from vs, upon the River Pamaonche, wch lyeth North from vs. The Powatan in the former iornall9 menconed (a dwellar by Captn.Newport's faults10) ys a wyroaunce, and vnder this Great Powaton, wch before wee knew not.

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{9} Perhaps the journal of Newport's Discoveries; Archaeol. Amer., vol. iv. p. 40. It is not improbable that the Powhatan visited by Newport was the son of the emperor.--See Strachey, p. 56. Smith was with Newport at this time; and it is quite certain, from all the narratives, that the former first saw the Emperor Powhatan at Werowocomoco, when brought before him as a prisoner, in December or January following.--See Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 14; True Relation.

{10} Ibid

July.--Th 3 of July, 7 or 8 Indians presented the President a dear from Pamaonke,11 a wyrouance, desiring our friendshipp. They enquired after our shipping; wch the President said was gon to Croutoon.12 They fear much our shipps; and therefore he would not haue them think it farr from us. Their wyrounce had a hatchet sent him. They wear well contented wth trifles. A little after this came a

{12} Croaton was an Indian town on the south part of Cape Lookout; the place to which, it was supposed, the Colony, or the remnant of the Colony, left by Gov. White at Roanoke in 1587, had gone, and concerning whom all subsequent search had proved fruitless.

The . . . 16 of . . . 17 Mr Kendall was put of from being of the Counsell, and comitted to prison; for that it did manyfestly appeare he did practize to sowe discord betweene the President and Councell.18

{18} The first Council for the Colony, appointed in England, consisted of Edward Maria Wingfield, Bartholomew Gosnold, Christopher Newport, John Smith, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, George Kendall.-- Smith's Virginia, Appendix, p. 3. Owing to suspicions entertained of Smith, he was not sworn of the Council till June 10,--twelve days before the return of Newport for England.--Ibid., pp. 5, 6; Archaeol. Amer., vol. iv. p. 57. Kendall was deposed, probably, soon after the death of Gosnold.--See True Relations, and Percy as above.

To cite our sources you should refer to the particular item (for example a database or image), the project (or collection) it comes from, the VCDH, the University of Virginia, and the web address of the item. For example, if you performed a search on the 1624/5 Muster Records the appropriate citation would be: Jamestown 1624/5 Muster Records, Virtual Jamestown, Virginia Center for

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Digital History, University of Virginia

(http://www.virtualjamestown.org/Musters/muster24.html).

“Throughout his career Raleigh was to show himself an adept at intrigue, and was ready to play

any sort of double game if it suited his career.” (Raleigh Trevelyan. Sir Walter Raleigh: Being a

True and Vivid Account of the Life and Times of the Explorer, Soldier, Scholar, Poet, and

Courtier--The Controversial Hero of the Elizabethian Age. New York: Henry Holt and

Company, LLC. Originally published in Great Britain by Allen Lane, an imprint of Penguin

Books. 2002. P. 27).

Kingsbury, Susan M. The Records of the Virginia Company of London. 4Vol III, 17 Washington GPO, 1906-35.

Information for Thomas Gates, probably from John Smith.

Foure dayes journesy from your forte southewards is a town called Ohonahorn seated where the river of Choanocki

devideth itself into three branches and falleth into the sea of Rawnocke in thirtie five degrees. This place if you

seeke by Indian guides from James forte to Winocke by water, from thence to Manqueocke, some twenty miles from

thence to Caththega, as much and from thence to Oconahoen you shall finde a brave and fruitful seate every way

unaccessable to a straunger enemy, much more abundant in pochon and in the grass silke called Cour del Cherva

and in vines, then any parte of this land knowne unto us. Here we suppose, if you make your principall and cheife

seate, you shalldoe most safely and Richely because you are in the part of the land inclined to the southe, and two of

the best rivers will supply you, besides you are neere to Riche Copper mines of Ritanoc and may passe them by one

branche of this River [Morrituck, now Roanoke] and by another Peccarecamicke where you shall finde foure of the

englishe alive, left by Sr. Walter Rawely which escaped from the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke, wppon the

first arrivall of our Colonie, and live under the proteccon of a wiroance called Gepanocon enemy to Powhaton, by

whose consent you shall never recover them, one of these were worth much labor, and if you finde tghem not, yet

search into this Countrey it is more probable then towards the north. (From this Paul Hulton and David Quinn

conclude that the settlers were killed by Powhatan some time before 1607 as they attempted to move to the area

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south of Chesapeake bay. Paul Hulton and David B. Quinn, The American Drawings of John White, 1577-1590,

UNC Press, 1964.)

From: Phil McMullan [psmjr@hughes.net] Sent: Wednesday, June 26, 2013 5:28 PM

To: Willard, Frederick Lawson Subject: The 1808 Price Strothers map clearly shows the creek you are working on. Note Newport News at Gum Neck and the boat passage on the USCS 1865 map at the base of the Alligator to probably Swan Lake. I saw this boat passage on the 1939 aerial photo that was in the office of the Fish and Wildlife Office in Raleigh. When I went to see it a second time, they said they could not find it. I have read James Sprunt Chronicles of the Cape Fear. I found reference to Barbados and New England settlers moving to the Albemarle and Virginia. I did not find any reference to Core Indians telling anyone about the colonists. Reference 7 in your paper does not lead to that information. Phil

The Virginia Company[edit]

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St John’s Church, Little Gidding, as rebuilt in 1714

The Ferrar family was deeply involved in the London Virginia Company. His niece is said to be the first woman

to have received the name "Virginia".[citation needed] His family home was, often visited by Sir Walter Raleigh half-

brother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Upon returning to London he found that the family fortunes, primarily invested

in Virginia, were under threat.

Ferrar entered the Parliament of England and worked with Sir Edwin Sandys. They were part of the

parliamentary faction (the "country party" or "patriot party") which was able to seize control of the finances from

a rival group, the "court faction", grouped around Robert Rich, 2nd Earl of Warwick, on the one hand, and Sir

Thomas Smith (or Smythe), also a prominent member of the East India Company, on the other hand.

Ferrar's pamphlet Sir Thomas Smith's Misgovernment of the Virginia Companywas only published by the

Roxburghe Club in 1990.[5] Here he lays charges that Smith and his son-in-law,[citation needed] Alderman Robert

Johnson, were running a company within a company to skim off the profits from the shareholders. He also

alleged that Dr John Woodall had bought some Polish settlers as slaves, selling them on to Lord de La Warr.

He claimed that Smith was trying to reduce other colonists to slavery by extending their period of indenture

indefinitely beyond the seventh year.

The argument ended with the London Virginia Company losing its charter following a court decision in May,

1624.

Ferrar served briefly as Member of Parliament for Lymington.