Laureiro 1

I. Introduction

Cuba and the United States have always had a unique, shared history to which their paths

would constantly intertwine. Since their conceptions as nations, they have been influential in the

direction of each other’s paths and have changed the course of history together. This can be

credited to not really coincidence but geographic convenience. The capital of Cuba, Havana,

rests only 90 miles off the coast of Florida, making travel to and from the island of relative ease.

In terms of citizenry, the people themselves whether American or Cuban, or in this case Spaniard

to be explained later in this piece, have firmly planted themselves on each other’s soil, altering

history. It is here that the people themselves will be discussed. While historians do indeed talk

and argue Cuban-American interaction, they seem to overlook a monumental period in American

history which seems to have many historical focuses within that period of history alone. The

American Civil War, with its thousands of participants had a sizable immigrant group,

representative of many countries, for a seemingly American conflict to be settled by American

people alone. The world was watching and foreign bodies had jumped into the fray with some

reason backing their decisions. What makes these immigrant groups so discussed however, are

the unifying motivations and influences that they leave in this and other foreign conflicts that

they take part in. The Cuban men and women that fought in the American Civil War are no

different. Here is where their own reasons for fighting and how they would help change the

course of American history yet again is where it will be realized.

II. Background History

The American Civil War is one of the most turbulent periods in the history of the United

States. Already such a young nation by the time war erupted, the conflict had threatened the

Union itself and a split between Northern and Southern states at the Mason-Dixon line seemed

Laureiro 2

evident to a great deal of the population, these expectations mostly coming from the South. After

the election of Abraham Lincoln, a senator from Illinois, states one after the other began to

secede and create a new nation, the Confederate States of America, in order to uphold its lifestyle

and insure the long life of slavery as an institution. In May of 1861, the Civil War began and,

hundreds of thousands of casualties later, would end in August of 1865 by the surrender of

Confederate General Robert E. Lee to Union General Ulysses S. Grant.

Parallel to the buildup of the Civil War in the United States, the island of Cuba, also the

largest island in the Caribbean, was under Spanish control up until the late 1800s. It was one of

the most pivotal colonies that the Spanish empire held and also served as a major slave hub for

the Western hemisphere, one of the largest in Latin America. Around the time our focus was

born, Cuba was important because of its powerful agricultural economy. Its main export was

sugar cane to which during this time was in high demand in the international market.1 The United

States, due to its proximity to Cuba, had always been noteworthy on the island as many Cubans

looked to the Western power with hope and fear. Events such as the Monroe Doctrine became

big news in Cuba. However, it stated that the United States could not interfere with colonized

nations under foreign control. At the time, countries such as Mexico, Columbia and nearly all of

South America successfully took military action to overthrow Spanish control and become

independent. By the end of 1825, only Cuba and Puerto Rico would remain under the tight

control of Spain, most likely due to their value as agricultural and slave hubs in the West Indies.2

In Cuba, there was enough anger, dissent, and revolutionary thought as the Confederates had in

the South but the first rebellion against Spanish rule would not begin until 1868, only 3 years

after the conclusion of the Civil War in the United States. Many Cubans had gone to the United 1Stevens, Michel W. Cubans in the Confederacy: Jose Agustin Quintero, Ambrosio Jose Gonzales, and Loreta Janeta Velazquez. ed. Phillip Thomas Tucker, (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2002), 144.2 Stevens, 145.

Laureiro 3

States or had looked to it for support through many different channels. These are events that

would prove to make an interesting connection with Cubans involved in the neighboring war and

it would in fact capture the attention of the United States.

The United States was still interested in acquiring Cuba but the complications of slavery and

the turmoil within the United States government made things difficult and the focus on having

Cuba become a colony had to be put on the backburner. Pro and anti-slavery ideologies divided

Cuban politics as it did politics in Washington, D.C. By the 1840s, Cuba was being considered

for annexation. However, this would add yet another slave state which Congress was trying to

avoid. This was similar to Congress preventing slave states budding in recently acquired western

lands from the Mexican-American War.3

With ethnic identity, for clarification purposes, most citizens of the island identified

primarily as Cuban, which included all racial or ethnic origins whether originating from Spain or

brought in as a slave from Africa, despite many still being considered Spaniard at the time.

III. The Cuban Immigrant Group

Through research, it is clear to see that many works on the Civil War overlook the Cuban

population and experience despite the Cuban presence being evident in both armies even being

amongst their leadership. Historians constantly argue the lack of documentation on foreign

persons fighting the Civil War is all too prevalent. However, it is the lack of thorough study in

specific immigrant groups that do the overall concept of foreign fighters in the American Civil

War great injustice. Immigrant groups that have been thoroughly analyzed by historians include

the Irish and the Germans as well as a few others, mostly European groups. While there are

studies on these European immigrants, they have the luxury of being the primary focus of most 3 Stevens, 146.

Laureiro 4

historians and are continued to be studied thusly. This is by no means a racial claim, for when

historians speak of the Hispanic experience, they do not generalize and there has been specific

case studies on Mexican combatants in the Civil War. It is worthy of note that even when dealing

with other sources on general Hispanic histories in the United States, there are surprisingly, and

even frustratingly, blatant omissions of the Hispanic presence in important American events such

as the Civil War. When these general historical works focus on Cubans, all they really share is

history about the 1959 revolution and after, briefly describing the Cuban presence in the late 19th

century but offering nothing else to note. Sadly, American history does not recall them during

these earlier periods of American history as easily as household names like Ulysses S. Grant or

Jefferson Davis. But when leaders such as these were heavily reliant or influenced by Cubans

such as Cavada, it is difficult to overwrite the influence of immigrants such as these.

Even with discussions on other immigrant groups, there seems to be a thematic quality to

each group that emphasizes their ethnicity with making these immigrant groups notably “Irish”

or “German”, highlighting their origins a major part of their identity as a group and the

contributions that they will make to the Civil War that they participated in. They leave legacies

that one would see as notably Irish or German, setting them apart as an ethnic group or foreign

body in American history rather than a part of the masses of soldiers involved or rather,

categorizing them as American.

The focus here is on the Cubans, who do not have many works on them and no thoroughly

analyzed work that brings the Cuban population together to narrate a single experience, speaking

on behalf of those involved. These other works on different immigrant groups prove that it is

possible by showing the cultural “flavor” these immigrant groups gave to the battle and with the

Cuban population being significantly smaller than many other immigrant groups, a case study

Laureiro 5

can be made on their behalf. The aim here is to see what special Cuban twist was given to the

Civil War itself from one noteworthy Civil War combatant and to enrich our understanding of

the motivation and influence behind another immigrant body that witnessed such a pivotal

moment in United States history.

This case study can be made for the Cubans involved in the American Civil War through

questions that historians can ask all participating groups whether based on racial, ideological,

cultural or political grounds. In this case, we look at all of these in some way through the lens of

one prominent Cuban that, through his status and actions, would be an exemplary study to peek

into the Cuban experience of the Civil War. The story of this one combatant is not unique to the

overall experience of a soldier in the war but is unique in the grand narrative of immigrant

groups, especially the Cubans. When we observe a soldier’s experience, Cavada’s story in his

own words will help enrich that focus but we will use his story to enrich the narrative of the Civil

War, immigrant groups in the war and the history between Cuba and the United States. In what

way does Cavada leave a notably Cuban legacy in his time during the Civil War? His time in

both countries paints a picture that brings many questions to the table in regards to being Cuban

in the Civil War and what it meant to them.

In defense of the analysis of a single individual being a case-study for an entire immigrant

group, certain points must be made. Other historians have analyzed the experiences of immigrant

groups have sought deeper understanding of ethnic experiences. It is these historians that will

help the research and taking the first steps for studying such a concept, to look at immigrant

motivation and participation in the Civil War through a cultural lens. Two examples may be

brought up from research done with aforementioned German and Irish groups. Earl J. Hess had

compiled a collection of letters authored by one Henry A. Kircher, a native Illinois citizen, but

Laureiro 6

one that had come from a strongly German community and someone who had understood a

German identity and “fight for the fatherland.” Kircher had been aware of a German influence in

the Civil War that he was a part of as well as being an American soldier. Hess makes it clear that

what made the German unique was his special focus of ethnic heritage and upbringing and that

his words brought to light a little known twist in immigrant groups. Kircher had recognized an

identity separate from being American and that the presence of people around the world is

making itself known.4 The Irish have been researched as well through one notable work by

Lawrence Kohl and Margaret Cosse Richard who bring us a collection of letters from Irishman

Peter Welsh from the Massachusetts volunteers. Welsh is similar to Kircher in bringing ethnic

identity to the forefront and making it a very recognizable part of his service to America’s

reunification. His letters signify a defensive battle in defense of a rightfully free government in

comparison to the state of Ireland and their battle against the British forces at the time.5

What these two historians apply a biographical look at the men who had fought and who had

also integrated their cultural identity into the war. The story of Cavada’s involvement in the Civil

War with focus on his Cuban identity will be representative of only himself and his story.

However, following in the footsteps of Kircher and Kohl, he will be a case-study and one of the

early steps into explaining cultural and foreign significance in an immigrant group’s participation

in the Civil War. It is impractical to use Cavada’s experience to speak on behalf of all the

Cubans involved. However, his experience will help historians pick up certain patterns that can

help explain ethnic identity’s role in Cuban motivation and participation in the Civil War.

4 Kircher, Henry A. In A German in the Yankee fatherland: the Civil War letters of Henry A. Kircher, edited by Earl J. Hess, (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1983).5 Welsh, Peter, Margaret Cosse Richard, and Lawrence Frederick Kohl. Irish Green and Union Blue: The Civil War Letters of Peter Welsh, Color Sergeant, 28th Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteers. (New York: Oxford University Press USA, 1986). eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed November 3, 2015).

Laureiro 7

Federico Fernández-Cavada of the Union Army will be analyzed and case-studied. One

Cuban from the Union military, with his background and post-war legacy, will help us look at

the significance of Cuban identity in his battle against the Confederacy. An analysis of the

soldier will be taken through an autobiographical and biographical lens, looking through his

memoir and a piece written by a friend who had pushed for Cavada’s lasting legacy. His story

will answer: What were the motives and inspirations behind Federico Fernández-Cavada’s

participation in the American Civil War from 1861 to 1865? How does his experience help

historians explain and unify the Cuban participants as a group, unified under a cause primarily

tied to their homeland? Through Cavada, the unique characteristics compared to other

immigrants are shown to which will bring this particular group to the spotlight and help us

further understand Cuban motivation and participation in the Civil War.

IV. Motivation and Participation

Upon studying the prominent Cuban veteran of the American Civil War and drawing

connections between Cuban events and the mindsets and post-war legacies of Federico

Fernández-Cavada, it will be the beginning steps in looking into tying the Cuban homeland with

the Cuban experience in the Civil War. With the events in Cuba leading the people to a

revolutionary or war-focused spirit, along with the geographical convenience and relatively short

distance between Cuba and the United States of America, the Cubans of the Civil War could

have fought because of connections and personal reasons tied to their homeland of Cuba. The

heavily relied upon United States at the time of a weakening Spanish Empire, had pushed

Cubans to come to America and participation in the Civil War had been such because some

Cubans were already in the country. Focusing in on the individual however, personal reasons

within Cavada himself. This research on the Cuban combatant was to look for the revolutionary

Laureiro 8

spirit of Cuban identity within his experience and time in America. The man had left quite a bit

for future generations to look upon and perhaps, emotional ties to Cuba and them being the

reason for participating in a battle on foreign soil would make itself evident in his writings.

However, the search for these Cuban connections are not so blatant. It is possible and

somewhat likely to be deeply veiled in the primary sources having to do with Cavada however

no concrete example exists in the documents. Strangely enough, there is no definite, smoking

gun example of a deeply or obviously Cuban connection but historians and most other who read

the book are able to make interpretations through poetic recaptures of the experiences he had

gone through. While it would be safe to assume that Cuba was the center focus behind the

combatants, Cavada’s take on the Civil War through his lens of the conflict and through his

memoir do not explicitly leave a Cuban legacy, but leave him as a noteworthy addition to the

Union Army and to the Prisoner of War population who happened to be Cuban or Hispanic.

Which makes this even more fascinating is that the real Cuban fire did not come to show itself

officially in the documents that we have until his participation in the first Cuban Independence

Movement from Spain where he would become a leading figure and embody the Cuban struggle,

the revolutionary mindset that the world has come to know as a major characteristic of the Cuban

body. The original aim of the research was to confirm that revolutionary fire or a real Cuban

ethnic presence were there. But by studying Cavada, there is an interesting pattern. It is a shift of

more American attitudes towards the Civil War when they participated that had lasted the

entirety of his time in the conflict. The idea of Cuba and happenings there would only be the

primary focus before or after the conflict, with attention on fighting the American battle rather

than tying Cuba in some way and using it as a reason for fighting. It could be said however, that

the Civil War inspired Cavada to take up arms or specific experiences had influenced an

Laureiro 9

evolution in his thinking when remembering his native Cuba. The real conclusion to the study

would be that while there could be thinly veiled references to Cuba, there is no real confirmation

of a Cuban influence in the Civil War other than that there were Cubans who fought in the battle.

V. Federico Fernandez-Cavada

A. Early Biography

Federico Fernandez-Cavada was born in Cienfuegos, Cuba in 1832. His father would

pass away when Frederico was very young. A Philadelphia native, his mother would take her

family and return to the city where Cavada, with an exceptional few years in Delaware, would

live and complete all of his education as well. Described as a man with delicate health, his

friends and family believed his constitution would be increased with some experience outdoors,

his mother eventually giving into his request to help in surveying the route for the Panama

railroad. The experience would grant him experience being a civil engineer should he desire to

go into the profession. Against the family’s expectations, Cavada’s time in the swamps would do

lasting damage to his health and follow him throughout his life. He would spent the next several

years recuperating, focusing on relaxing and improving his drawing skills, something that would

prove highly unique about the man himself and the legacy that he would leave behind. When the

Civil War began to rise, he had turned his attention on enlisting for the three month service,

going against calls to not do so from his family and friends.6

The moment he signed on is when Fernandez-Cavada would begin to engrave his name

into histories unknown. Cavada’s regiment would be the 23rd of Pennsylvania volunteers

recruited in Philadelphia. On July 20th, 1861, Cavada and all of his fragile stature would come in

6 Davis, Oliver W. Sketch of Frederic Fernandez Cavada, a Native of Cuba: Showing Partially What One of His Friends Knew of Him as a Soldier, a Gentleman, a Poet, a Patriot and a Victim. (Philadelphia: James B. Chandler, 1871), 7-8.

Laureiro 10

with a striking confidence and officially enlist into the Union Army. After a brief exchange of

words with the recruiter, he would sign on as a Captain with his drawing skills proving useful

and noteworthy to the Generals he served under, becoming an engineer as well. These talents

along with his knowledge of topography had placed him as “the eyes” of the Army of the

Potomac. He was placed in the Hot Air Balloon Division of the Pennsylvania Regiment and

began drawing enemy lines and positions, along with scouting the area for a time. Cavada would

not become stranger to battle however, serving in the Peninsula Campaign and fighting in the

battle of Antietam under General McLellan in September of 1862. In that same fall, another

regiment would form and he would be commissioned as a Lieutenant Colonel, serving in other

battles and notably having total command of the regiment in the Battle of Gettysburg in July,

1863.7 It was on this fateful battle that the Cuban soldier would begin his first major piece of his

legacy.

B. Libby Life

Cavada would play an important role in documenting the little known experience of the

Prisoner of War camps in the Confederacy. Libby Life is his own published memoir of his

experiences in Libby Prison from 1863 to late 1864, a few months shy of the Civil War’s end.

Cavada begins by stating he was captured at Gettysburg on July 3rd, 1863. He would even get to

see Confederate General Robert E. Lee as the military leader would help organize the initial

collecting of the prisoners and get them into line.8 Despite the famous Union victory at

Gettysburg, many prisoners were captured and sent to Libby Prison, a former warehouse in

Richmond that, with his impressive drawing skills, would image in his memoir for the readers.9

7 Davis, 8-14.8Cavada, Federico F. Libby Life: Experiences of a Prisoner of War in Richmond, Va., 1863-64. (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1865), 13.9 Cavada, 21-25.

Laureiro 11

Cavada takes note that because of the exceptional leadership of one Major Turner, Libby Prison

was the safest in all of the Confederacy and thus, difficult to escape or to enter.10 This was a 200

mile journey from Pennsylvania to Virginia where the prisoners had the opportunity of hearing

news of pivotal Union victories.11 Their introduction to the prison was harsh but not as harsh as

expected. The Federal soldiers that were destined to stay received special privileges such as

cooking and were allowed to pass time by participating in certain activities, which according to

Cavada became especially necessary in the winter months. The prisoners were able to play

games, receive care packages from the Union Army, and even hold debates on various topics.

Cavada and the other prisoners of war had formed a Debate Club and would go back and forth on

the conflict and explore philosophical concepts, all hosted by an imagined moderator in an empty

chair. In Cavada’s words, they sat on the floor in a circle “like Indian Chiefs at a war council”.

Cavada’s role would be instrumental in the formation of this group to which would birth a prison

newspaper called the Libby Chronicle, a collection of writings to which the Union combatants

were able to detail their shared experiences in the prison.12

What makes Cavada’s memoir fascinating and instrumental in understanding the Civil War is

that the memoir not only captures his own experiences but makes sure to document others’

experiences as well. Examples include his observations of the “fresh fish”, the term coined for

newly captured Union soldiers, being detained and recalling all questions asked of them for

Confederate documentation.13 He notes that during his time, Cavada shared the warehouse turned

prison with 500 other inmates.14 In sleeping with his studies of other prisoners, he recalls in vivid

detail many unique experiences that prisoners had to deal with, speaking of many examples in

10 Cavada, 138-140.11 Cavada, 13-19.12 Cavada, 34-35, 75.13 Cavada, 42-43, 45, 44-47, 52-58, 64-67, 83-85, 85-87, 106-121.14 Cavada, 45.

Laureiro 12

his work.15 This special focus on the effects of war gives us a highly fascinating interpretation of

Cavada’s views of describing the shared experience. Here we also begin to see the beginnings of

a psychological evaluation and its eventual progression to which one may assume an opportunity

to flesh out his deeper thoughts. Cavada makes note so far only of the experience of he and his

fellow Americans with note on the Civil War.

Continuing through Libby Life, Cavada takes note of the psychological effects and the

increase in intensity of treatment over time from the captors, but more importantly his fellow

captives as they exert this deep depression through two major attempted escapes and a

psychological evaluation of Cavada himself which beckons an opportunity for a possible nod in

terms of some connection between the Civil War, and Cuba which subsequently leads to his

involvement in the war. First off, Cavada speaks of a deep seated hatred for Copperheads,

southerners who were sympathetic to the Union cause and explicitly states this as the thing that is

most hated in the South. This can present an interesting argument in debates about the Civil War

as there are many when it comes to Southern animosity towards the Union and to slavery and,

according to the Cuban soldier’s account, Copperheads can be thrown at the top of that list for

there is “no class more heartily hated”.16 Secondly, he speaks of two major escapes. The first of

which he helped conjure, involved an escape plan and the immediate acquisition of arms and

ammunitions for the takeover of Richmond, Virginia itself. They were to receive help from the

Copperheads in Richmond on the day of the first meeting of the Confederate Congress which

was to expect Confederate President Jefferson Davis. The escapees wanted to take the

Confederate leader and other important Confederates hostage, hold Richmond, and wait until

Union forces had arrived. This bold plan was eventually leaked and had captured the

15 Cavada, 44-47.16 Cavada, 78

Laureiro 13

Confederacy’s attention, increasing security around the prison to the point where the soldiers in

grey had placed cannons facing the street to deter regular citizens from even getting close.17

Another escape plan to which he would know the secrets and take part in a leadership role,

consisting of about 25 men, would find success in getting soldiers out of the prison. However,

due to unforeseen circumstances and deception at the hands of the Confederates, many would go

on to be sent back to Libby Prison and it was remembered as the Grand Escapade.18 As with the

first attempted escape, Confederates took precaution with Major Turner swearing that no other

prisoners shall escape, subsequently making life more difficult in Libby.19 These attempted

prison breaks and the subsequent acquisition of the Confederacy’s attention makes Cavada’s role

in causing internal Confederate dissent and distress influential. Cavada had aided in escape plans

that distracted the Confederate forces and cause them to divert resources to keeping the Federal

prisoners contained.

What makes Libby Life such a unique account, especially from a soldier’s perspective, is the

deep psychological study of the author himself. While he looks at the psychological effects of

being in prison, he takes note of Confederate worries that the mental and physical fall of the

prisoners would lead to the “collapse” of the prison and serious consequences but also to a

rumored prisoner exchange to which would be proven true in time.20 The memoir is a serious

self-analysis that such deep thought was only able to be reached after so much time in in these

conditions, at this point enduring 6 months of prison life.21 Cavada makes an interesting point

that he knows of Bulgarian peoples who immigrate to Constantinople and become wealthy by

17 Cavada 90-91.18 Cavada, 167-176.19 Cavada, 189.20 Cavada, 134.21 Cavada, 180.

Laureiro 14

working hard and returning to their young wives with their savings. He is unsure why he says

this but believes it may be having to do with rumors of having to stay in the prison until the war

is over and never really returning home. He concludes this thought with hoping that he could

return to a home himself and go about his life in bliss and make sure that his time in a prison was

not all for nothing.22

Interpretations can be made that this connects to Cuba. At this point in using the most

important primary source, one can ascertain that these are thinly veiled comments in connection

to Cuba. Would that go inspire him to fight in Cuba or was a feeling of uselessness prevalent in

him before his volunteering in the Civil War? Did prison life bring to light these thoughts from

deep within him? The man has made psychological evaluations on himself and others so his time

in prison may have influenced him to think of his own reasoning to fight in the war that he has

not mentioned up until now, this moment in the memoir and this moment in his time in prison.

Perhaps the Union Army and the Civil War was his way of making up for uselessness in his lack

of action against Spain to which he would try to make up for later, which would eventually lead

to his death. As the book keeps recalling his time in prison, he goes deeper and deeper into self-

reflection. This self-reflection is important in determining a character or actor of history but does

not give concrete proof of Cuba’s connection to personal motivation, but helps strengthen the

possibility of ideological and nationalistic shifts in his person and in his life. The focuses that his

work reflects on does not make evident any Cuban influence in the war or any Cuban

connection. The American Civil War would provide the gateway to make a difference and

gateway back home to Cuba.

C. Post-Civil War and Time in Cuba

22 Cavada, 183-184.

Laureiro 15

Cavada would come to know the experiences of a prisoner of war as well as a soldier in

America’s bloodiest battle. With his experience, he was granted full American citizenship in

August of 1865 directly from the Philadelphia office.23 It is here at this point in his life during his

recovery from time in prison that a high degree of depression would begin to fester. His down

disposition was so apparent that his friend began to take notice and it was here Cavada begins to

mention his homeland, hearing of the turmoil happening on the Caribbean island. Level of

influence would increase as his time would go on and leave the United States to return to Cuba to

join its first official revolution against Spain for Cuba’s independence. Before this, he would face

damning accusations against his character and, with 2 years left in the war, Cavada would spend

his leisure time managing his already poor health despite showing great preservice in Libby

Prison. Cavada however would decide to resign his commission before war’s end coming close

once before being dissuaded to do so. The death of a friend, and a superior, made him resign

having him shift his attention to Cuba to recover his health there.24

Before his departure, he was granted a position as a United States Consul to the Trinidad of

Cuba in 1864 until he decided to leave the role to take part in the Cuban independence

movement in 1869.25 In Cuba, this status had appointed him as General of the Cuban Forces of

the Trinidad District of Cuba, subsequently put as Commander in Chief of the Trinidad and

numerous other districts and finally, as the Commander in Chief of all the Cuban forces on the

island fighting against Spain.26 A lithograph from Harper’s Weekly was published and his face

printed as one of the major leaders in the fight, giving him worldwide acclaim and recognition.27

23“Certificate of Naturalization”. Philadelphia District Court. October 2, 1865. From latinamericanstudies.org. (Accessed August 30th, 2015). http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cavada/cavada-citizenship.gif24 Davis, 19.25 Davis, 29-31.26 Davis, 31.27 “’The Cuban Revolution’ lithograph in Harper’s Weekly”. Harper’s Weekly. October 16th, 1869. From the University of Miami- Fernando Fernández-Cavada Collection. (Accessed October 4th, 2015).

Laureiro 16

Cavada’s Cuban focus would become extremely evident upon his return to Cuba. Upon

seeing these patterns, there were shifts in attention from American to Cuban perspectives

dependent on what was being fought. Cavada’s Cuban identity would not flare up or become

significant in the Civil War because it wasn’t a notably Cuban conflict. However, revolutionary

fire usually characteristic of Cuban peoples at this time would only be applicable when it a

situation arose in the country. At this point, Cuba would act upon its first organized

revolutionary war against the Spanish Empire, thus recruiting many Cubans to the cause and

garnering the attention of global powers. The fervor to which he fought would be remembered by

his compatriot who had authored the Sketch of Frederic Fernandez Cavada, a Native of Cuba:

Showing Partially What One of His Friends Knew of Him as a Soldier, a Gentleman, a Poet, a

Patriot and a Victim of the man saying:

“The campaigns of Cavada cover the operations of the past two and a half years in the Cinco-

villas Department. It consisted of hard fighting without intermission. The men, though scantily

and badly armed and clothed kept the Spaniards at bay, defending their positions in the

mountains with wooden cannon, &c., capturing several Spanish garrisons and fortified places,

continually harassing the enemy and doing all that the most indomitable energy and heroism

could do unsupported and unaided.”28

Such fire would be also seen within his time in the Civil War, however, the fight did not

pertain to the Cuban cause and thus, an American lens would be used for the American Civil

War while a Cuban lens would be used upon the civil conflict in Cuba.

Continuing on in Cavada’s story, the Commander would be captured by the Spanish Army.

Word of this would reach his friend Davis, receiving the news from another Cuban individual

28 Davis, 32.

Laureiro 17

who had known Cavada personally. Immediately, efforts were made to save his life, further

emphasizing the legacy he had left behind for even Ulysses S. Grant would do what he could to

try to save the man. There were even some debates and specific against the wording and phrasing

of reports as well as attempts to make sense of whether the man was alive, facing trial, or had

already died in battle.29 After some time, the official report came in declaring the Cavada had

been captured and taken to Puerto Principe. The Fire King, as the Spanish had come to call him

had been executed on July 1st, 1871 having faced his death “without bravado or cynicism”.

Reportedly, his last words were “Goodbye Cuba, forever”. Davis concludes his involvement in

the story stressing that while Cavada should not be forgotten, he in fact would be.30

VI. Cavada and Looking at the Cuban Motivation Behind the Civil War

Cavada had a long and storied history in terms of his involvement with Cuba and the

American Civil War and both would not have nearly the attention other immigrant groups get or

the attention that they would receive from historians and their craft. Cavada’s deep involvement

in both makes him a fascinating study of the Cuban experience in the American Civil War.

However, the answer as to why Cubans as a whole as that answer would require that specific

Cuban connection and speaking on behalf of every Cuban is problematic. Cavada cannot speak

on behalf of all Cubans as Kircher and Welsh could not dictate the stories of the Germans and

Irish involved because not all of these individuals had the same experience despite their cultural

ties. However, they were representative of the fact there were cultural influences from select

members of these immigrant groups.

This is why Cavada is simply a case-study. He was chosen for this particular research

because his experience had been one of the better fits of the changes in cultural identity and the 29 Davis, 34-47.30 Davis, 51-59.

Laureiro 18

radical shifts that they were. From analyzing an autobiographical and a biographical look of

Cavada, Cuba goes unmentioned and is of no importance during his time in Cuba. In comparison

to the other immigrant soldiers, cultural identity was prevalent and a factor in their involvement.

Tying participation for reasons connected to their homeland is alluded to and the same was

attempted to be made for Cavada and the Cubans. However, upon researching the soldier, it can

be said that the Cubans stand out as an immigrant group due to the lack of cultural focus in their

participation in the American Civil War. It simply had no place or was of no importance for

reasons based on the individual. For Cavada, it was a sense of American patriotism during the

war that would be noteworthy with his role in Cuba becoming something of similar patriotic

fervor.

Cavada himself was Cuban, but his collected legacy and what he stands for as an immigrant

was not Cuban as there were no apparent emotional ties to the nation as other immigrant groups

had. This is by no means a way to detach him as a part of the historiography and legacy of

immigrant groups that were involved within the Civil War as a whole. With Cavada, he would be

not be a notably Cuban soldier who had applied Cuban attitudes to a foreign battle, but a soldier

who had embodied American spirit and who happened to be Cuban. When the need for the

revolutionary fire had made itself known, it would arise just as much as his need to help the

United States had. It could also be seen that the Cuban fire had always sat within Cavada and he

was further inspired to partake in the war in Cuba because of his time in America. This is simply

what makes him unique. It can be said that Cubans overall were more Americanized or had

allowed themselves to go deeper into their American identities than other immigrant groups but

that requires deeper analysis and more concrete patterns to be picked up and shared. The United

States’ connections to Cuba are amplified but the visibly established connection of the Cubans to

Laureiro 19

the United States are just as important. They would leave a mark on United States history as well

as the history of the fatherland, coming face to face to more recognizable and famous figures

while playing roles in the shaping of those of the people around them, these famous figures such

as Jefferson Davis or Robert E. Lee themselves. The chronicles that Cavada would leave are

invaluable and represent the whole rather than just the Cubans. Cavada alone would come face to

face or be recognized with many great historical leaders.

How, however, does this help further delve into our understanding of the complexity of the

relationship between the United States and Cuba? Looking at Cavada and his brethren shed a

light on cooperation and the reliance that each other had even before the events of the Cold War

or the 1957 Revolution. The United States was Cuba’s most powerful neighbor and Cuba was

rich in resources and potential to make the United States even greater than it was. But the

interactions between the peoples of the two different nations and cultures intertwine and meet in

both countries in support of causes and what they believed were right. Single individuals from

each country would find themselves in foreign soil and play important roles in shaping their

fates. Friction that was formed in the 1960s due to competing ideologies suggests an amnesic

attitude towards what the Cuban and American peoples felt towards each other as their own

worlds were changing all around them. It was not just simply geographic convenience that

brought these two peoples together, it was a sense of reliance and understanding. Historians will

continue to debate the relationship between Cuba and the United States for years to come but

only starting with the 1957 Revolution and after. This research suggests that one looks towards

Cuban-American relationships before 100 years prior to that. If anything is to be learned from

the Cubans of the American Civil War, it is that causes unite peoples no matter the differences

and that somewhere laced in the histories of two peoples, there is alliance and friendship.

Laureiro 20

VII. Conclusion

The American Civil War of 1861 to 1865 was a pivotal moment through American history.

As we are able to see in the research, it proved to be an important time for immigrants and

geographic neighbors as well. Even the Cuban population felt the call to serve in this turbulent

part of American history. The rippling effects that the Civil War would have went throughout the

world’s cultures and it serves as a testament to its massive significance. In terms of immigrants,

the Cubans felt the desire to fight, not as a unified force tied to Cuba, but unified in their sense to

fight the American fight. The “Cuban spirit” would only come before or after.

The Cubans of the Civil War, especially Federico Fernández Cavada, were inspired by what

was happening and had participated in a cause that was not their own without looking through

cultural or ethnic lenses, making them unique foreign participants in the fight and solidifying

their part in American history. They adopted the ideologies of the North and South and fought to

see those ideologies come to fruition. After the war, they would take that and continue the fight

for Cuban struggles in their own way if they so desired to, always looking back to the fatherland

and dreaming of a brighter future for the land from which they came.

Laureiro 21

VIII. References

A. Primary

Cavada, Federico F. Libby Life: Experiences of a Prisoner of War in Richmond, Va., 1863-64.

Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1865.

“Certificate of Naturalization”. Philadelphia District Court. October 2, 1865. From

latinamericanstudies.org. (Accessed August 30th, 2015).

http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cavada/cavada-citizenship.gif

“’The Cuban Revolution’ lithograph in Harper’s Weekly”. Harper’s Weekly. October 16th, 1869.

From the University of Miami- Fernando Fernández-Cavada Collection. (Accessed

Laureiro 22

October 4th, 2015).

http://merrick.library.miami.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/chc5006/id/1399/rec/

235

Davis, Oliver W. Sketch of Frederic Fernandez Cavada, a Native of Cuba: Showing Partially

What One of His Friends Knew of Him as a Soldier, a Gentleman, a Poet, a Patriot and

a Victim. Philadelphia: James B. Chandler, Printer, 1871.

Kircher, Henry A. In A German in the Yankee fatherland: the Civil War letters of Henry A.

Kircher, edited by Earl J. Hess, Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1983.

Welsh, Peter, Margaret Cosse Richard, and Lawrence Frederick Kohl. 1986. Irish Green and

Union Blue : The Civil War Letters of Peter Welsh, Color Sergeant, 28th Regiment,

Massachusetts Volunteers. New York: Oxford University Press USA, 1986. eBook

Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed November 3, 2015).

Secondary

Stevens, Michel W. Cubans in the Confederacy: Jose Agustin Quintero, Ambrosio Jose

Gonzales, and Loreta Janeta Velazquez. ) Edited by Phillip Thomas Tucker. Jefferson,

NC: McFarland, 2002.