Apéndice A

Información histórica:

The Salvadoran Civil War (1980–1992) was a conflict in El Salvador between the military-led government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition or umbrella organization of five left-wing militias. Significant tensions and violence had already existed, before the civil war's full outbreak, over the course of the 1970s. El Salvador's Civil War was the third longest civil war in Latin America after the Guatemalan Civil War and the Armed conflict in Peru. The United States supported the Salvadorian military government. The conflict ended in the early 1990s. Some 75,000 people were killed.

El Salvador is a small country located in Central America bordered by Honduras, Guatemala and the Pacific Ocean. In recent years, it has been plagued by violence and poverty due to over-population and class struggles. The conflict between the rich and the poor of the country has existed for more than a century.

In the late 1880s, coffee became a major cash crop for El Salvador. It brought in 95% of the country's income. Unfortunately, this wealth was confined within only 2% of the population. Tensions between the classes grew, and in 1932 Augustín Farabundo Marti formed the Central American Socialist Party and led peasants and indigenous people against the government. In response, the government supported military death squads which killed anyone who even looked Indian or may have been supporting the uprising. The killing became known as La Matanza (the Massacre) and left more than 30,000 people dead. Marti was eventually arrested and put to death.

The struggle continued through the years. Both sides continued to fight back and forth in an endless string of assassinations and coups. As the presence of guerillas existed, the military reinstated the death squads in order to combat the rebel forces. In 1979, yet another military junta overthrew the government. When the Junta made promises to improve living standards in the country but failed to do so, discontent with the government provoked the five main guerrilla groups in the country to unite in the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN).

In 1980, El Salvador's civil war officially began. The government-supported military targeted anyone they suspected of supporting social and economic reform. Often the victims were unionists, clergy, independent farmers and university officials. Over the ensuing twelve years, thousands of victims perished. Some of the most notable were Archbishop Oscar Romero (shot to death 1980), four US church workers (raped and murdered 1980) and six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper and her daughter (shot to death at home 1989). The military death squads wiped-out entire villages believed to be assisting the guerrilla efforts. In 1981, the military killed over 1,000 people in the village of El Mozote. The first reports of the attacks were denied by both El Salvador and the United States, but after the mass graves were uncovered, it was hard to deny what had taken place.

As the military defended their stand of killing any alleged rebels, the FMLN also worked to blow-up bridges, cut power lines, destroy coffee plantations and anything else to

damage the economy that supported the government. The FMLN also murdered and kidnapped government officials. As time passed, guerrilla efforts became more advanced. The FMLN progressed from using machetes and small pistols to using grenade launchers and other imported arms. Their advances became more strategic and better planned.

The war persisted despite efforts from both sides to bring an end to the fighting. The FMLN refused to participate in presidential elections, feeling that any election results would be adjusted in favor of right-wing parties. The government refused to attend peace talks organized by the FMLN.

In the end about 75,000 people died as result of the civil war between 1980 and 1992. With the passage of time, more evidence of war crimes emerges and more former government officials are prosecuted.

Apéndice B

Información del autor:

Roque Dalton García (San Salvador, El Salvador, 14 May 1935 – Quezaltepeque, El Salvador, 10 May 1975) was a leftist Salvadoran poet and journalist. He is considered one of Latin America's most compelling poets. He wrote emotionally strong, sometimes sarcastic, and image-loaded works dealing with life, death, love, and politics.

In 1970 Roque Dalton had become a recognized figure in the Salvadoran left. He tried hard to become a revolutionary soldier, for which reason he participated in military training camps in Cuba several times. He once wrote "Politics are taken up at the risk of life, or else you don't talk about it".

Roque Dalton (1937–75) was the major literary figure and an important political architect of the revolutionary movement in El Salvador. Dalton represents a new type of Latin American writer: no longer the genial 'fellow traveler' of the revolution, like Pablo Neruda, but rather the rank and file revolutionary activist for whom the intricate cabbala of clandestine struggle-pass- words, safe houses, escape routes, forged documents, sectarian squabbles- was as familiar as Parisian surrealism. A dangerous and difficult profession, in which the event that seals a writer's reputation is often precocious martyrdom.

Apéndice C

Información geográfica:

El Salvador:

http://maps.google.com/maps?client=safari&rls=en&q=map+of+el+salvador&oe=UTF-8&um=1&ie=UTF-

8&hq=&hnear=El+Salvador&gl=us&ei=gILHTbONAYTAsAPZxLiVAQ&sa=X&oi=geocode_result&ct=title&resnum=1&ved=0CBoQ8gEwAA

Apéndice D

Información cultural:

Before the Spanish conquest, the area that is now El Salvador was made up of two large Indian states and several principalities. Most of the area was inhabited by the Pipil. Spain's first attempt to conquer the area failed as the Pipil forced Spanish troops to retreat. In 1525, the district fell under the control of the Captaincy General of Guatemala, a colony of Spain, which retained authority until independence in 1821. During the colonial period, the Spaniards replaced the communal property of the indigenous population with a system of private property. The encomienda system obliged Indians to work for the Spanish in order to pay a large tax. At the top of the colonial hierarchy were the Peninsulares , Spaniards born in Spain. Under them were the criollos, Spaniards born in the Americas. The mestizos were people of mixed Spanish and indigenous descent, who had some rights but could not hold private property. The indigenous peoples were exploited and mistreated.

The first decades of independence saw uprisings by poor mestizos and Indians to protest their impoverishment and marginalization. Before the cultivation of coffee was

introduced in the late nineteenth century, indigo was the principal export crop. In 1833, an Indian rebellion of indigo sowers and cutters led by Anastasio Aquino demanded distribution of land to the poor and the just application of the penal laws, the only laws applied to the poor. The rebellion was crushed by the government. Thousands of rural peasants were displaced as new laws incorporated their lands into large "modern" coffee plantations where peasants were forced to work for very low wages. This created a coffee oligarchy made up of fourteen families. The economy is still controlled by a wealthy landowning caste (1 percent of the population still owns 40 percent of the arable land).The civil war in the 1980s led to a huge population upheaval, with up to 40 percent of the population relocating and close to 20 percent leaving the country. Estimates of deaths in the twelve years of civil war have reached 80,000, including twelve thousand civilians killed in 1981. In 1982, mutilation killings, particularly decapitations, of adults and children were used as mechanisms of terror.

Much of that repression was in response to the political organization of the people in the 1960s and 1970s as workers, peasants, women, students, and shanty town dwellers developed organizations to demand political and economic rights. Many political activists felt that "legal" political organizing would not lead to political change and began organizing the clandestine guerrilla units that formed the nucleus of the FMLN in 1980. By 1979 the FMLN was perceived as a threat by the military dictatorship.A new spirit of activism emerged within the Catholic Church. Rural peasants and church workers formed Christian "base communities" and agricultural cooperatives in the 1960s and 1970s. Progressive priests and nuns formed Bible study groups in which peasants reflected on local conditions in light of biblical texts. This organizing was considered communist and subversive and became a target of government repression.A group of young officers staged a military coup and formed a cabinet consisting of civilians from a wide spectrum of political parties. However, the military and the oligarchy frustrated attempts at change. Three more juntas followed, but each was incapable of implementing reform and stopping atrocities.In 1980, the archbishop of San Salvador, Oscar Romero, who had become a forceful critic of military oppression, was assassinated while saying Mass. This led many people in the base Christian communities and political organizations to turn to armed resistance. Five revolutionary armies joined together to form the FMLN.

In November 1989, the FMLN launched a bloody nationwide offensive, taking parts of the capital. International coverage of the offensive increased the pressure for a negotiated settlement to the conflict. On 31 December 1991, the government and the FMLN signed an agreement under the auspices of the United Nations, and a cease-fire took effect in 1992. The peace accords called for military reforms including a reduction in the size of the military, a new armed forces doctrine stressing democratic values and prohibiting an internal security role, and the banning of paramilitary groups. The National Civilian Police was established to replace the repressive National Police. Judicial, electoral, and social reforms included land reform and government-financed loans for land purchases.Ideological polarization between the two sides in the conflict has made reconciliation difficult, and the government has failed to prosecute human rights abusers, or address the social injustices. Many Salvadorans, especially rural peasants, do not trust the nation's

political leaders.

Salvadoran national identity is comprised of a mix of indigenous and Spanish influences expressed in food, language, customs, and religious beliefs. Indians were at the bottom of the social hierarchy in colonial times and subject to massacre and exploitation well into the twentieth century. Ninety-seven percent of the population in El Salvador is now "mestizo." However, those who have more indigenous features suffer some discrimination and are referred to by the derogatory terms "indios" (Indians) or "negros" (blacks).

About half the population lives below the national poverty line, able to buy food but not clothing and medicine. Over half of these families live in a situation of extreme poverty. Forty-seven percent of the population does not have access to clean water.

The difference between the incomes of the most wealthy and the poorest are extreme and increasing. The poorest 20 percent receive only 2 percent of the national income, whereas the richest 20 percent receive 66 percent. The distinction between the rich and poor is no longer ethnic, as the vast majority of the population is now mestizo (about 97 percent).

The rich have more access to American goods and typically dress like Americans. They also have access to education at home and abroad and often speak English, as well as a more grammatical form of Spanish.

Read more: Culture of El Salvador - traditional, history, people, clothing, women, beliefs, food, customs, family http://www.everyculture.com/Cr-Ga/El-Salvador.html#ixzz1LpoirRjt

También, los estudiantes pueden buscar más información sobre la cultura salvadoreña por este sitio: http://www.salvaide.ca/salvadoranculture.html

Apéndice E

Información sobre la Guerra Civil en los Estados Unidos:

The American Civil War (1861–1865), also less commonly known as the War Between the States (among other names), was a civil war in the United States of America. Eleven Southern slave states declared their secession from the United States and formed the Confederate States of America, also known as "the Confederacy". Led by Jefferson Davis, the Confederacy fought for its independence from the United States. The U.S. federal government was supported by twenty mostly-Northern free states in which slavery already had been abolished, and by five slave states that became known as the border states. These twenty-five states, referred to as the Union, had a much larger base of population and industry than the South. After four years of bloody, devastating warfare (mostly within the Southern states), the Confederacy surrendered and slavery was

outlawed everywhere in the nation. The restoration of the Union, and the Reconstruction Era that followed, dealt with issues that remained unresolved for generations.

Apéndice F

Como Tú

Por Roque Dalton

Yo como túamo el amorla vida,el dulce1 encanto de las cosasel paisaje celeste2 de los días de enero.

También mi sangre bulle3

y río por los ojosque han conocido el brote de las lágrimas4

creo que el mundo es belloque la poesía es como el pande todos

Y que mis venas5 no terminan en mísino en la sangre unánimede los que luchan por la vidael amor, las cosas,el paisaje y el pan, la poesía de todos

Apéndice G

Preguntas de comprensión:

1.) ¿Cómo es la poesía similar al pan?

2.) ¿Cuál es un símil en este poema?

1 sweet2 heavenly landscape3 blood boils4 that have known the burst of tears5 veins

3.) Escribe tres adjetivos que describen el tono del poema?

4.) ¿Qué puede simbolizar “enero” en el poema?

5.) Explica la cita: “Y que mis venas no terminan en mí, sino en la sangre unánime de los que luchan por la vida…”

6.) ¿Dónde está el apóstrofe? ¿Por qué usa un apóstrofe?

7.) ¿Dónde están los imágenes en el poema? ¿Qué representan?

8.) ¿Qué es el mensaje del poema?

Apéndice H

¿Cuáles símbolos están en esta foto? ¿Cuáles conexiones puedes hacer entre la foto y el poema?

Apéndice I

Haga un dibujo de cómo interpretas el poema:

Apéndice J

Haga tu propio poema sobre un tema que te interesa. Puede ser un poema sobre un tema político, un tema social, o un tema cultural.

Apéndice K

Haga un resumen sobre las diferencias y las semejanzas entre la película, Voces Inocentes y el poema, “Como Tú”.