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1892. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- SENATE: 3435 the passage of the Brosius (or Conger) lard bill, H. R. 395-to the Committee on Agriculture.

By Mr. PEEL: Petition of J. M. L. Thomasson and 22 other citizens of Dr~w County, Ark., asking for the passage of the anti­option bill-to the Committee on Agriculture.

Also, resolution of the Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, against opening the World's Fair on Sunday-to the Select Committee on the Columbian Exposition.

By Mr. RAY: Two petitions of Lincklaen Grange, No. 703, of New York; one in favor of prohibiting the adulteration of food and drugs, and the other to prevent gambling in farm products-to the Committee on Agriculture. ·

Also, petition by the same grange, in favor of House bill395, defining lard-to the Committee on Ways and Means.

Also, petition by the same grange, for a law prohibiting con­tracts discrediting legal-tender currency-to the Committee on Banking and Currency.

Also, petition of citizens of Oneida, Madison County, N.Y., for an international arbitration commission-to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Also, petition of the town of Linckla®, Chenango County, N. Y., for the free delivery of mails in country districts-to the Com­mittee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads.

By Mr. RIFE: Petition of 74 citizens of New Buffalo, Perry County, Pa., and of the Fourteenth Congressional district for the passage of House bill401 amending the immigration laws­to the Select Committee on Immigration and Naturalization.

Also, petition of 37 citizens of Palmyra, Pa., and of the Four­teenth Congressional district against the passage of House bill 7690, for the local government of the Territory of Utah, and to provide for the election of certain officers in said Territory-to the Committee on the Territories.

By Mr. REYBURN: Petition of David S. Thompson relative to investigating the methods and practices of the Census Office­to the Select Committee on the Eleventh Census.

By Mr. RUSK: Petition of Mrs. Emily J. Fardy, widow of the late John T. Fardy, for relief-to the Committee on Claims.

By Mr. SAYERS: Petition of citizens of Mason County, Tex., for regulating speculation in fictitious farm products-to the Committee on Agriculture.

By Mr. SCULL: Memorial of 94 citizens of Somerset County, Pa., in favor of House bill401 relative to immigration, etc.-to the Select Committee on Immigration and Naturalization.

By Mr. STAHLNECKER: Petition of George Heyman, ask­ing appropriation to complete the improvement of the Savannah

. Rh·er, under plans of the engineer in charge as adopted by last Congress-to the Committee on Rivers and Harbors.

Also, petitions of citizens of White Plains, N.Y., asking the passage of House bill 401, entitled "An act in amendment to the various acts relative to the immigration and importation of a.liens under contract to perform labor "-to the Select Commit­tee on Immigration and Naturalization.

Also, petition of Joseph B. See and 19 others, praying the pas­sage of the same bill-to the Select Committee on Immigration and Naturalization.

By Mr. STEPHENSON: Petition of Franklin Squire and oth­era, members of the Seventh Day Adventists, protesting against a union of rdligion and the state-to the Committee on the Ju­diciary.

Also, petition of National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, asking that no exposition for which appropriations are made by Congress shall be opened on Sunday-to the Select Committee on the Columbian Exposition.

By Mr. TRACEY: Petition of citizens of New York City, favor­ing the passage of the Lodge bill providing for the suspension of the purchase of silver bullion-to the Committee on Coinage, Weights, and Measures.

By Mr. WADSWORTH: Petition of members of the Presby­terian Church and congregation of Holley, Orleans County, N. Y., favoring the closing of the World's Fair on Sunday-to the Select Committee on the Columbian Exposition.

By Mr. WARWICK: Two petitions of citizens of Ohio, as follows: Of Trinity Reformed Church of Wadsworth, and of Presbyterian Church of Holmesville, against opening the Colum­bian Exposition on Sunday-to the Select Committee on the Co­lumbian Ex-position.

Also, petition of Wayne Post, Grand Army of the Republic, of Orville, Ohio, for the passage of a bill to mark battle lines at Get­tysburg-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. WE'VER: Petitionof WingPost,No.147,GrandArmy of the Republic, Department of New York, for preserving and properly marking the battle lines of Gettysburg, Pa.-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. WILLIAMS of Massachusetts: Petition of 72members of the Newton (Mass.) and other theological institutions, praying

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that the World's Fair be closed on Sunday-to the Select Com­mittee on the Columbian Exposition.

By Mr. WILSON of Missouri: Petition of Thomas Blue, Sam­uel D. Tanger, and 34 other ex-soldiers and sailors of the civil war, and now of John Kelsey Post, No. 278, Grand Army of the Republic, Department of Missouri, favoring the marking and better preserving at Gettysburg the lines of that battle-to the Committee on Military Affairs.

By Mr. WILSON of Washington: Three petitions of citizens of the State of Washingt<>n, as follows: Of 20 citizens of Klicki­tat, of 9 citizens of the State of Washington, and of 19 citizens of Lincoln County, all praying for the passage of the Washburn­Hatch antioption bill-to the Committee on Agriculture.

Also, two petitions as follows: Of 73 citizens of Ring County, and of 17 others of the same county, remonstrating ~ainst the reduction of duty on hops-to the Committee on Ways and ~~ .

Also, resolution of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce, praying the removal of the restrictions of the Puyallup Indian Reserva­tion-to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

By Mr. YOUMANS: Petition of H. A. Fenner and others, of Michigan, asking that the World's Fair be closed on Sunday­to the Select Committee on the Columbian Exposition.

SENATE. WEDNESDAY, April20, 1892.

Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. J. G. BUTLER, D. D. The Journal of yesterday's proceedings was read and approved.

EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATION.

The VICE-PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a communica­tion.from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting, in response to a resolution of March 24, 1892, a list of the subordinates in that Department not specially appropriated for, etc.· which, with the accompanying papers, was referred to the Committee on Civil Service and Retrenchment, and ordered to be printed.

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS. The VICE-PRESIDENT presented the memorial of Thomas

Bowman, president, and James B. Kenyon, secretary, of the Northern New York Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, composed of over 200 churches and representing over 28,000 church members, "earnestly remonstrating against the passage of the severe Chinese exclusion act now pending before the Senate," praying that unfriendly legislation be stayed and that instead uniform laws relative to immigration be enacted that shall equally apply to persons coming from all nations to our ·shores; which was ordered to lie on the table.

He also presented the petition of Peter Hutton and 30 other citizens of Southington, Conn.; the petition of Rev. Joseph Danielson and .341 members of the Con~regational Church of Southington, Conn.; the petition of George A. Francis and 60 other members of Gospel Mission Church of Southington, Conn.; the petition of John C. Breaker and 21 other citizens of South­ingt<>n, Conn.; the petition of Mrs. H. M. Fisk, president, and 40 members of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Con­necticut, and the petition of A. J. Cutting and 200 members of the Methodist Church of Southington, Conn., praying Congress to prohibit the opening on Sunday of any exhibition or expo­sition where United States funds are ex;pended; which were re­ferred to the Committee o.n the Quadro·Centennial (Select).

Mr. DAWES presented a memorial of citizens of the United States, remonstrating against the passage of the so-called Geary bill for the exclusion of Chinese, and praying that section 14 of the act of May 6, 1882, be amended so as not to include Chinese who came into the United States prior thereto, with the intention of becoming citizens; which was OJ'dered to lie on the table.

Mr. CASEY presented a petition of 228 citizens of Fairmount and Thompson, N.Dak., and a petition of 171 citizens oi Ellen­dale, N.Dak., praying thatnoexpositionorexhibitionforwhich appropriations are made by Congress shall be opened on Sunday: which were referred to the Committee on the Quadro-Centennial (Select).

Mr. FELTON presented a petition of citizens of Fresno County, Cal., -praying for the closing of the World's Columbian Exposi­tion on Sunday; which was referred to the Committee on the Quadro-Cen tenn ial (Select).

He also presented the following petitions of Grass Valley Grange, Patrons of Husba.ndry, of California:

Petition praying jor the enactment of legislation to prevent g·ambling in farm products-referred to the Committee on the Judiciary .

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3436 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. .APRIL 20,

Petition praying for the passage of House bill 395, defining lard and imposing a tax thereon-ordered to lie on the table.

Petition praying for the passage of a bill to prevent the adul­teration of food and drugs-ordered to lie on the table.

Petition praying for the free delivery of mails in rural dis­tricts-referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

Mr. WOLCOTT presented a petition of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union of Fort Collins, Colo., praying for the free delivery of mails in rural districts; which was referred to the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.

He also presented a petition of the Farmers' Alliance and In­dustrial Union of Fort Collins, Colo., praying for the passage of legislation regulating speculati~n in fictHious ~a!'m products; which was referred to the Committee on the Judwiary.

Mr. PERKINS presented a memorial of the First Presbyterian Church of Ottawa, Kans-;; a memorial of the First Presbyterian Sabbath Scho0l of Ottawa1 Kans. , and a memorial of the Young People's Society of Christ ian Endeavorof Ottawa, Kans., remon­strating against the opening of the World's Columbian Exposi­tion on Sunday and praying that the sale of intoxicants be pro­hibited thereat; which were referred to the Committee on the Quadro-Centennial (Select).

Mr. McMILLAN pre·sented sundry petitions collected by the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Michigan, containing 134 individual signatures and1,611 representative in­dorsements,_ praying that no exposition or exhibition for which appropriations are made by Congress shall be opened on Sund~y; which were referred· to the Committee on the Quadro-Centenmal (Select).

Mr. COKE presented two petitions of citizens of Bagwell, Tex., praying for the closing of the ~orld's Columbian Expositi~n; which were referred to the Committee on the Quadro-Centennial (Select).

Mr. McPHERSON presented a petition of the faculty and stu­dents of the Union Biblical Seminary of Dayton, Ohio; a peti­tion of the students of the Union Theological Seminary, of Vir­ginia; a petition of the students of the Theological Seminary of the Reformed Church, of Lancaster, Pa.; a petition of the stu­dents of the Wittenberg Theological Seminary, of Springfield , Ohio; a petition of the faculty and students of the Theological Seminary of Princeton, N. J.; a petition of the Theological Seminary and Lincoln University, of Chester County, Pa.; a petition of the students of the Moravian Theological Seminary, of Bethlehem, Pa., and a p_etition of members of the Theolo&"ical Seminary of Virginia, praying that no loan be granted in aid of the World's Columbian Exposition unless it be closed on Sunday; which were referred to the Committee on the Quadro-Centen­nial (Select).

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES. Mr. HALE, from the Committee on Nayal Affairs, to whom

was referred the amendment submitted by Mr. DANIEL on the 18th instant intended to be proposed t.o the naval appropriation bill providu;_g for a naval review, reported it favorably ,and moved that it be referred to the Committee on Appropriations and printed; which was agreed to.

Mr. BUTLER, from the Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S.1289) to increase the efficiency of the Engineer Corps of the Navy, reported it with an amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

Mr. McMILLAN. I am instructed by the Committee on the District of Columbia to report back without amendment the bill (H. R. B658) to vacate that part of Madison street, Georgetown, west of Back street, and extend Y street in Burleith, in the Dis­trict of Columbia, and to ask that this bill take the place of Order of Business 496, Senate bill 2619, to vacate that part of Madison street, Georgetown, west of Back street, and extend Y street in Burleith, in the District of Columbia, now on the Cal­endar' and that the Senate bill be indefinitely postponed.

The'VICE-PRESIDENT. The House bill will be placed on the Calendar and the Senate bill indefinitely postponed, if there be no objection. · Mr. HARRIS. The House bill just reported, it is asked, shall take the place on the Calendar of the Senate bill indefinitely pnstponed.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. It is so ordered. Mr. PEFFER, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was

referred the bill (S. 477) for the relief of Jane Boller, asked to be discharged from its further consideration, and toot it be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs; which was agreed to.

Mr. DAVIS from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was ref~rred the bill (S. 2229) for the r elief of the owners and crew of the Hawaiian bark Arctic, reported it with amend­ments, and submit ted a report thereon.

Mr. CULLOM from the Committee on Interstate Commerce, to whom the subject was referred , reported a bill (S. 2951 ) di­recting the Interstate Commerce Commission to ascertain and

report to Congress annually certain information in respect of the adoption by common carriers engaged in interstate commerce of a uniform system of automatic couplers on freight cars, and for other purposes; which was read twice by its title.

Mr. VILAS, from the Committee on Claims, submitted the following report:

The Committee on Claims, to whom was referred the bill (S. 1352) for the relief of August Leschinsky, have carefully considered the same. and, in ac­cordance with the resolution of the Senate of February 7, 1884, report as fol-lows : ·

That they have referred the same to the Court of Claims under the provi­sions of an act entitled "An act to atrord assistance and relief to Congress and the Executive Departments in the investigation of claims and demands against the Government, " approved March 3, 1883.

Mr. VILAS. I am directed by the Committee on Claims, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2154) for the relief of the heirs of Jo.seph Nicholson Chambers, late a resident of the parish of East Feliciana, in the State of L~misiana, to report it adversely. At the request of the junior Senator from Louisiana [Mr. WHITE] I .ask that the bill be placed on the Calendar, instead of being in­definitely postponed.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The bill will be placed on the Cal-endar wfth the ad verse report of the committee. .

Ml·. JONES of Arkansas, from the Committee on Indian Af­fairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2283) to authorize the Denison and Northern Railway Company to construct and oper­ate a railway through the Indian Territory, and for other pur­poses, reported it with an amendment.

Mr. ALLEN, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was re­ferred the bill (S . 1358) for the relief of Clara A . Graves, Lewi~ Smith Lee, Florence P . Lee, Mary S. Sheldon, and Elizabeth Smith,heirsofLewisSmith,deceased,reportedadversely thereon, and the bill was postponed indefinitely.

Mr. SANDERS, from the Committee on Claims, to whom was referred the bill (S. 1424) for the relief of the Atlantic Works, of Boston, Mass., reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred the bill (S. 60) for the relief of the estate of James T. Sanford, de­ceased, submitted an adverse report thereon, which was agreed to, and the bill was postponed indefinitely.

Mr. CAREY, from the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds, to whom was referred the bill (S. 378) for the erection of a public building at Menominee, State of Michigan, reported it without amendment, and submitted a report thereon.

DISTRICT PRODUCE DEALERS' LICENSE TAX. Mr. PERKINS. I am directed by the Committee on the Dis­

trict of Columbia, to whom was referred the bill (S. 2460) to re­peal the license tax of $25 per year now imposed upon produce dealers in the markets of the District of Columbia, to report it back favor·ably without amendment, and to submit a written re­port thereon. I make this report for the Senator from New Hampshire .{Mr. GALLINGER], who has been called from the city. The bill is brief, and if there is no objection to it I should like to have it considered now. The Districtgovernmentisquite urgent about it.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. Is there objection to the present consideration of the bill?

Mr. COCKRELL. Let it be read for information only. The bill was read, as follows:

Be it enacted, That the annual corporation license tax of $25 per year, now imposed by an ordinance of the District of Columbia upon dealers in farm­ers' produce, such as butter and cheese, poultry, eggs, fruits, and vegetables, or any other articles of family provisions, in the markets o:t the District ot Columbia, is hereby repealed, to take effect at the end of the present license year, Aprill, 1892.

SEC. 2. That all acts and parts or acts inconsistent herewith are hereby re­pealed.

Mr. PERKINS. I would say in explanation that under the existing law this tax must be paid before the 1st of May, and h ence the necessity of an early consideration of the bill.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. Is there objection to the present consideration of the bill?

Mr. COCKRELL. None. There being no objection, the Senate , as in Committee of the

Whole, proceeded to consider the bill. The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, or­

dered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

EULOGIES ON THE LATE REPRESENTATIVE GAMBLE.

Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by the Committee on Printing to report back favorably a House concurrent resolu­tion, and I ask for its present consideration.

The Senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to consider the concurrent resolution; which was read, as follows:

.Resolved by the House of .Representatives (the Senate conCU1'rinq), That there be printed of the eulogies delivered in Congress upon Hon. John R. Gamble, late a Representative from the State of South Dakota, 8,000copies, o:r which n~ber 2,000 shall be delivered to the Senators and Representat.ives of the

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1892. CONGRESSIONkL RECORD-SENATE. 3437· State of South ::lakota, which shall include 50 copies to be bound in full ;mo­rocco, to be delivered to the family of the deceased; and of thoseremaimng, 2 000 copies shall be for the use of the Senate, and 4,000 copies for the use or the House of Representatives; and the Secretary or the Treasury is directed to have engraved and, printed a portrait or the said John R. Gamble to ac­company said eulogies.

Mr. MANDERSON. The concurrent resolution is in accord with the later action of the two Houses, and is exactly the pro­vision provided for in the general printing bill.

The concurrent resolution was agreed to. POSTAL SAVINGS DEPOSITORIES.

Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by the Committee on Print­ing to report a resolution, and I ask that it be now considered.

The resolution was read, as follows: Resolved, That the argument or the Postmaster;General on the subject of

postal savings depositories, addressed to the charrman of the Senate Com­mittee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads, be printed, and that there be printed 3,000 additional copies, LOOO or which shall be for the Senate and 2,000 for dis­tribution by the Postmaster-General.

Mr. MANDERSON. This is a very important and valuable compilation of the custom that obtains in foreign countries with reference to postal savings banks, and also an argument with reterence to that subject-matter made by the Postmaster-General and addr2ssed by him to the chairman of the Senate Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads. That committee recommend the printing of the document in this number. 1 find that the cost of it will be trifling, under $300, and it certainly is a matter of suf­ficient importance to receive this consideration.

The resolution was considered by unanimous consent and agreed to. "

LIST OF CONGRESSIONAL DOCUMENTS. Mr. MANDERSON. I am directed by th9 Committee on

Printing to report a concurrent resolution to print additional 'cqpics of the list of Congressional documents, and I ask for its present consideration. -

The Senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to consider the concurrent resolution; which was read, as follows:

R esolved by the Senate (the Hmtse of Rep1·esentatives concurring), That 2,000 copies of the list of Congressional documents prepared by the~superintend­ent or documents, Department of the Interior, be printed anu delivered to that olficer, of which he shall supply 2 copies to each Senator, Represent.1..­tive. and Delegate in Congress, and the remainder shall be distributed to public and other libraries.

Mr. MANDERSON. This document contains in very compact form a complete list of all Government publications from the Fifteenth to the Fifty-first Congress, inclusive. The cost is trifling to print it' in this number, and it is, I think, of very great importance that it should be printed.

The concurrent resolution was agreed to. BILLS INTRODUCED.

Mr. WILS·::>N introduced a bill (S. 2952) for the relief of Pren­tice Holmes; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. McMILLAN introduced a bill (S. 2953) to provide for the support of the office of the register of wills of the District of Co­lumbia, and for other purposes; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia. - Mr. PEFFER (by request) introduced a bill (S. 2954) to tax land in the District of Columbia at its full market value, and for other purposes; which was read tw).ce by its title, and referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

Mr. GRAY introduced a bill (S. 2955) for the relief of Sarah Burton; which was read twice by its title, and, with the accom­panying papers, referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. DAVIS introduced a bill (S. 2956) for the relief of Jacob Walhart; which was read twiceoy its title, and, with the accom­panying papers, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. DANIEL introduced a bill (S. 2957) to provide for the erec­tion of a public. building at Portsmouth, Va.; which was read twice by its title, and r eferred to the Committee on Public Build­ings and Grounds.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2958) to provide fo'r the erection of a public building at Salem, Va.; which was r"ead twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pu.blic Buildings and Grounds.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2959) to provide for the erection of a public building at Ra-dford, Va.; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds.

1\fr. PERKINS introduced a bill (S. 2960) granting an honor­able discharge to Bury J. O'Brien; which was read twice by its title , and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2961 ) granting a pension to Lydia Ferr is; which was r ead twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

He also introduced a bill (S. 2962) granting a pension to Mary Cochran; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

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He also introduced a bill (S. 2963) granting a pension to Eliza­beth Breshear; which was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. KYLE (by request) introduced a bill (S. 2964) to establish a composite dollar; which was read twice by its title, and re­ferred to the Committee on Finance.

AMENDMENTS TO BILLS. Mr. DUBOISsubmittedanamendmentintended to be proposed

by him to the sundry civil appropriation bill; which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. GRAY submitted an amendment intended to be proposed by him to the river and harbor appropriation bill; which was re­ferred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. HIGGINS submitted six amendments intended to be pro­posed by him to the river and harbor appropriation bill; which were referred to the Committee on Commerce, and ordered to be printed.

MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE. A message from the House of Representati.Yes, by Mr. T. 0.

TOWLES, its Chief Clerk, announced that the House had agreed to the concurrent resolution of the Senate to print 35,000 copies of the annual report of the Commissioner of Labor relating to_ cost of production, earnings, efficie:gcy of labor, and cost of liv-ing. ·

'l'be message also announced that the House had passed a bill (H. R. 7093} making appropriations for the naval service for the

-fiscal year ending June 30,1893, and for other purposes; in which it requested the concurrence of the $enate.

ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. The message further announced that the Speaker of the House

had signed the following enrolled bills; and they were thereupon sig:Q.ed by the Vice-President:

A bill (H. R. 4429) to empower the Commissioners of the Dis­trict of Columbia to grant respites and pardons in certain cases;

A bill (H. R. 5978) to extend the time for making an assessment of real estate in the District of Columbia outside the cities of Washington and Georgetown; and

A bill (H. R. 6288) to amend the charter of the Rock Creek­Railroad Company.

DELAWARE AND REHOBOTH BAYS. Mr. IDGGINS submitted the following resolution; which was

considered by unanimous consent and agreed to: Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to furnish the Senate with

copies of the correspondence o! the Congressional delegation of Delaware and the War Department, together with copies of reports of December 18, 1891, and February 4, 1892, with inclosures from W. F. Smith, United States Army, Major of Engineers, retired, a.ll in relation to the location of the pro­posed waterway between Delaware Bay and Rehoboth Bay, on line of the in­land waterway between Chincoteague Bay and Delaware Bay.

HOUSE BILL REFERRED. The bill (H. R. 7093) making appropriations for the naval ser­

vice for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1893, and for other purposes, was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Ap-propriations. ·

PUBLICATION OF COPYRIGHTED BOOKS IN 'fHE RECORD. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Chair lays before the Senate a.

resolution coming over from a previous day relative to infringe­ment of copyright by the CONGRESSIONAL ~ECORD. The reso­lution will be read.

The Chief Clerk read the resolution submitted yesterday by­Mr._SANDERS, as follows:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire whether the publication in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, without the con­sent of the proprietor, of a copyrighted book is an infringement of the right granted to such proprietor of the sole liberty of printing, reprinting, pub­lishing, completing, copying, executing, finishing,· or vending the same, and whether the publication therein subjects any person who shall sell or expose to sale the CoNGRESSIONAL RECORD containing such reprint to the penalties prescribed in section 4964 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, and whether any person is liable to the owner of such copyright book for dam­ages for such publication; and if so, what person, and what action, if any, is desirable to be taken in view of the publication of copyright books in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD; and that said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The question is on agreeing to the· resolution.

Mr. CHANDLER. I suggest to the Senator from Montana to make the instruction to the Committee on Patents ins~dof the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. PLATT. I should like to ask the Senator from Montana whether he desires the passage of the resolution now? I have not examined the RECORD this morning, but I think there is to be found in the RECORD action by the other branch (and I sup­pose it is not improper to speak of anything that is in the REC­ORD) by which the practice which has prevailed of inserting documents, books, and all that kind of matter in the RECORD has been stopped by action of the other branch of the Legisla-

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3438 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 20,

ture. Therefore I ask whether the Senator desires to pursue the matter suggested by his resolution.

Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President-Mr. CHANDLER. Will the Senator allow me a word? Mr. SANDERS. Certainly. Mr. CHANDLER. I do not understand that any action has

been taken that strikes out from the RECORD the half dozen vol­umes that have been put into it within the last two weeks, nor does it prohibit the reestablishment of the practice at any mo­ment when an attempt may be made to reestablish it. It seems to me the resolution is a wise one, in order to determine once for all whether that thing shall be done, not merely in the past but in the future, and it is just as likely to be done hereafter as has already been the case.

Mr. PLATT. I do not want to oppose the resolution if the Senator who introduced it or other Senators think that there is necessity for it since the action of the other branch of the Legis­lature in regard to such matters.

Mr. WILSON. I think that this is a matter of some impor­tance and that it ought to be considered by a committee. I therefore move to refer the resolution to the Committee on Patents, so that that committee may consider the subject and re­port.

Mr. McPHERSON. I should like to have the resolution again read.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. It will be again read. The Chief Clerk read the resolution. The VICE-PRESIDENT. The question is on the motion to

refer the resolution to the committee on Patents. Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, this resolution is a search

after abstract truth, butitisa searchafteratruth which concerns the Senate; and as nothing in the resolution ha-s reference to the other House; I see no reason why we should not pursue this in­quiry, for we are already encumbered in the CONGRESSIONAL REcoRD with the publication of several books, the property in which is in citizens of the United States. It seems to me that before the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD shall be put into a perma­nent form we should know whether the publication of it is in violation of rights that we have secured by law, and if such publication is, those books, however poetic they may be, can be expunged from the RECORD and the citizens of the United States can be informed whether by selling a copy of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD they incur the penalties which are denounced against lit­erary piracy.

I think the information sought for by the resolution is not use­less and has not been supersed~d by any discontinuance of the policy that has heretofore been maintained by any class of men or body of men. I am particularly anxious for the information myself, because if it shall be affirmed that it is the right of Sen­ators to print copyrighted books, I wish to make some selections out of the libraries and spread them before the people of the'" United States, they being books which, in my judgment, are use­ful to be comprehended and understood. I do not know of any cheaper way than the way indicated, provided it shall be de­termined by our Judiciary Committee that this is proper.

Besides that, there is a large number of people, very excellent of character and very disappointed in their expectations, who have been guilty of divers and sundry copyrighted noncircula­tive books, and how can the circulation of those books be more easily forced than by republishing them in the CoNGRESSIONAL RECORD?

I think the resolution should pass, but I am somewhat indif­ferent as to the committee to which it should go.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The question is on the motion of the Senator from Iowa [Mr. WILSON] that the resolution be re­ferred to the Committee on Patents.

The motion was agreed to. IRRIGATION PUBLICATIONS OF GEOLOGICAL SURVEY.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The-Chair lays before the Senate a resolution coming over from a previous day, which will be read.

The Secretary read the resolution submitted by Mr. POWER April19, 1892, as follows:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be, and is hereby, directed to furnish the Senate with information in relation to the following matters and at as early a date a.s practicable:

1. What documents, reports, monographs, papers, maps, and illustrati.ons have beenprintedduringthefiscalyears of 1890-'91 a.nd 189!L'92forthe Uruted States Geological Survey in relation to irrigation, the storage of water, the measuring of streams, the construction and character of works in this and other countl'ies, the survey of arid lands for recla.mati0n purposes; also_ if any have been printed in previous years, not already published and distl'lb· uted; and, if so, what relation such reports, etc., bear to the annual and special publications of the Geological Survey, as authorized by law, and at what date (if any such documents are now printed or printing) will they be ready for distribution?

2. What reports relating to a.rid·la.nd reclamation and irrigation are in preparation in the ofllces of the United States Geological Survey and the United States Census; whether the same are now in course of printing; by

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whom are such reports being prepared, :md under what authority of law; from what appropriations are the costs of said reports, papers, etc., being borne, and from what rolls are the persons employed thereat being paid, with a. full statement or estimate of the costo! each of such publications or docu­ments, both for preparation and printing, with the number to be printed and specific authority under which the work is being or has been done.

3. That the information asked shall include a statement as to whether any portion, and if so, what portions, or said reports, etc., have been previously published and circulated, either public or private papers and reports; also as to the authority of law under which such data. have been gathered, the names and dUties of those employed to obtain and prepare the same. the rolls on which they are now or were borne and paid, the amount of the pay­ments to them while so employed, and the omces or divisions to which they were assigned

Mr. HALE. That .resolution was read in full yesterday. !ob­jected to it and it went over. I have since examined it and am in favor of it.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The question is on agreeing to the resolution.

The resolution was agreed to . The VICE-PRESIDENT. If the morning business is concluded,

the Calendar under Rule VIII ·is in order. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. T. 0. TOWLES, its Chief Clerk, announced that the House had pa sed a bill (H. R. 8001) to authorize a national bank at Chicago, Ill.,. to establish a branch office upon the grounds of the World's Co­lumbian Exposition; in which it requested the concurrence of the Senate.

ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED. The message also announc~d that the Speaker of the House

had signed the following enrolled bills; and they were thereupon signed by the Vice-President:

A bill (S. 113) to establish a military post near Little Hock, Ark.; and '

A bill (S. 1492) to authorize the appointment of an inspector of plumbing in the District of Columbia, and for other purposes.

EXCLUSION OF CHINESE. :Mr. TELLER. If agreeable t<> the Senate, I should like to

call up the resolutions introduced some time since by the Sen­ator from Alabama [Mr. MORGAN] touching the silver question, for the purpose of submitting some remarks thereo11.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Chair lays the resolutions be­fore the Senate.

Mr. TELLER. I do not desire to interlere with any business of the Senate, but this seems to me to be as favorable an oppor­tunity as I shall get.

Mr. SHERMAN. I have no objection to interpose if the Sen­ator will allow me a few moments to give the state of the law in regard to the Chinese question.

Mr. TELLER. Certainly. Mr. SHERMAN. I gave notice that I would call up the bill

reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations in respect of Chinese immigration. At that time the committee were of the opinion, or seemed to be, without any very careful examina­tion of the law, that the present law for the exclusion of Chinese immigration would expire on the 6th of May of the present year. By a more careful investigation, and by examining the amend­ments which have been made to the act of May 6,1882, I became entirely satisfied that the act of 1884 extended the time two years, so that the law prohibiting Chinese immigration does not expire until some t1me in July, 1894. Therefore there is no immediate pressure to urge tho passage of the bill reported by the Committee on Foreign Relations. Certain Senators de­sire to speak upon the subject, however, and at some time when

.it is convenient to them I shall call the bill up, but not to-day. THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM.

The VICE-PRESIDENT. The Chair has recognized the Sen­ator from Colorado [Mr. TELLER] as entitled to the floor on the resolution heretofore submitted by the Senator from Alabama (Mr. MORGAN].

Mr. WILSON·. Unless the Senator from Colorado is anxious to proceed now, I should like to suggest that we occupy this morning on the Calendar until 2 o'clock. ~he Calendar is in-creasing. /

Mr. TELLER. I should prefer, if I am to speak at all, to speak now.

Mr. WILSON. The Calendar is increasing every day. Mr. 'l'ELLER. Of course, if the Senator objects I shall not

speak. . Mr. WILSON. I shall not go to that extent, but I merely

make the suggestion that it would be well to have the Calendar considered until 2 o'clock.

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I suppose, in the conditionin which the friends of bimetallism find themselves to-day in this country, perhaps I should apologize to the Senate for taking its time from the Calendar, touching unimportant and t1.,ifling bills,

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1892. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE~ 3439 which pass this body from year to year to die somewhere else. A subject that toucnes every human being in civilized society, a subjectwhichcomes home to every American citizen with pecul­iar force and peculiar interest, would, in ordinary times and un­der ordinary circumstances, scarcely require an apology from a member of the Senate who flatters himself at least that he has given it honest thought and honest study, which he believes to be the duty of every American Senator on this, in his judgment, the most important question which has been presented "t9 the American public since the close of the war.

But, Mr. President, we have fallen upon evil times. We have felt the f?Teat power, the tremendous influence of political and partisan attachments and political and party relations. We are told now that the question which, I repeat, touches every living man in civilized society, which affects his welfare, his prosper­ity, is not of so much importance and consideration as it is to haYe a certain man of one political party or the other elected for the ensuing four years as Chief Executive. We have felt that influence here. We have felt it in other places which the -proprieties of debate and the relation which should exist between the two legislative branches of this great Government prevent me from characterizing or speaking of in terms which I should like to em ploy.

There is no one who does not know that in the election of 1890 the voice of the American people was heard with peculiar strength and with peculiar clearness and with peculiar emphasis upon the question of the use of silver as money in this country. It elected a Democratic House largely from Republican districts, distr icts which had never sent a Democrat to Congress, revolutionized the condition of affairs, and sent Democrats there mainly on this question. I know that now it is the fashion to say, and especb lly on this side of the Chamber, that it was because of certain taritl' legislation which was not then understood, and which it is as­serted now has become very popular, commonly called the Mc-Kinley bill. ·

Mr. President, I assert here, and I believe the consensus of opinion of those who examine this subject will bear me out, that that was not a revolt against tariff legislation; it was a revolt of the people against the currency legislation of this country. Of course just what force has created this great revolution will always be a question of doubt, because you can not determine those questions withabsolutecertainty; but does anybody deny­and if anybody here will challenge the statement I am about to make, I will with pleasure wait to hear upon what ground-does anybody deny that a great majority of the House of Representa­tives as elected were known to be in favor of the use of silver to the utmost and unlimited extent ever proposed by anyone in this body or in the other? A two-thirds vote when that House assem­bled, untouched and uninfluenced by the considerations of which I have spoken, was in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver in this country. .

Mr. President, on two occasions this Senate, practically the same now as then, ·by decided majorities declared in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, 42 votos in favor to 25 against. Is it possible that the American Senate has changed its views on this subject? Is it possible that the men freshfrom their constituents who announced that they were in favor of the free coinage of silver have changed their views? Is it not ap­parent that some agency or some cause has arisen since to affect their conduct and to, for a time at least, compel them to suspend the execution of what they declared when they were elected was the will of their constituents?

What are the agencies? First-and I mention that :fi'rst be­cause I think that it has been the most powerful agency-the executive department of this Government for three years under the present Executive has been hostile to the scheme. I do not say it is more hostile than its predecessor. I need not dilate nor expatiate upon this subject, nor need I produce the proof unless some body challenges the assertion, and when anyone does I will produce the proof. The newspapers everywhere which repre­sentthe Executive have declared that they spoke with authority when they said he was prepared to and would veto a free-coinage bill. In another place the representatives of the President , in sympathy with him politically and seeking his renomination, did not hesitate to speak with authority and say that the President of the United States would vet{) the bill which it was then thought was surely to pass.

The great metropolitan journals of the Republican party have made it the principal claim f6r the renomination of the present in cum bent, that he stood '' like a wall" agafust the wishes of the House and the S enate on this question of finance, and that while the people might get wild, and while even the American Senate, supposed to be the most conservative body in the world, free from extraneous influences, more independent in its action than any other body-when it, too, lost judgment and went for free coinage, the President, with greater patriotism, with greater

intelligence, with greater devotion to the interests of the coun­try, stood as the safeguard to Wall street and the money bags of that region.

So no man can deny when I sa.y here the Executive influence during the last year has been the po tent influence which has con­trolled the party which has professedly, at least, been friendly to silver, so that it rallied, when the crisis came and the oppor­tunity to put itself on record arrived, one-tenth of its members in another place!

Mr. President, I have been for fifteen years the humiliated ob­server of the power of Federal patronage upon people, outside at least. It might not be becoming in me to say that I am more independent than my fellows, more uninfluenced by these con­siderations ordinarily than others. I believe we are all more or less susceptible to such influence. I am only now speaking of the fact that the influence exists and has been exerted, and the dire effects have been seen in the lack of proper legislation.

A-qother influence has been brought to bear. 1t is said the R epublican party as a party can not commit itself to free coin­age; that it can not commit itself to a liberal silver policy. Why? Because the great State of New York, with more elec­toral votes than any other, with a greater population and greater wealth, is the State that we are contending for in every Presi­dential election, and that a liberal policy touching the silver question, especially free coinage, would be detrimental to the in­terests of the party in ·that State, and we can not afford to an­tagonize that sentiment. So, the interests of the country, the interests of the great West and the Northwest, which,asi shall attempt to show before I get through, independent of the States producing silver, are particularly interested in this question, go for nothing that a political party may continue in control.

On the other hand, the Democratic party with equal zeal are c ::mtending for the great State of New York. In a Democratic House, where uninfluenced-if it is proper for me thus to speak­there would have been a vote sufficient to pass the·bill over the veto of the President, it lacks to-day a majority because the Dem­ocratic party were afraid that il the Democrats in that body put themselves squarely on record on the question of free coinage, approving it, the State of New York would cast its vote for the Republican party.

Sir, I understand the power of patronage and party prejudice, and party zeal. When the free-coinage bill was introduced in this body in December, I know whereof I speak when I say that the banks of New York City organized themselves for the pur­pose of defeating this legislation, and I venture to say now there is not a bank in the United States known as a national bank which has not been appealed to by that organization to contribute funds and influence to the defeat of silver legislation.

I know when the bill was before the House that telegrams from bankers, telegrams from brokers, telegrams from chambers of commerce and boards of tra1e were piled in upon the mem­bers, petitions were presented, and we were told that if this legislation took place there would be dire disaster, when every one of those pet itioners knew that there was no probability of the bill becoming a law, when they knew they had in the Ex­ecutive chair now, as they had during the last Administration, a friend who would brave public sentiment and the wishes and wants of the people to please them.

Why were they so solicitous? Why were they so anxious? :rot about the passage of the bill. The chief opponents of the

bill in the House stood there declaring that they had assurances that if the bill passed the House and the Senate it would never become a law. Oh, Mr. President, this is not a fight which is confined to America. This is not a contest in which the Amer­ican :r;eople are alone engaged; it is as wide as the world.

The United States is the greatest nation to-day in the world, without exception. Russia, in numbers is greater, but in wealth we are greater than Russia; in strength we have no equal. The influence of this nation upon the continent of Europe touching silver is more potent than even that of Great Britain. It was to prevent the expression by the representatives of the American people of a friendliness to silver which brought about this great effort. That is why the banks organized, that is why consoli­dated capital made this effort herewith a lobby whichinnumber and in strength I declare has had no parallel sill,Ce I have been in public life. If you can prevent the American people from de­claring in favor of bimetallism, practical bimetallism-not bimet­allism merely b,Y" resolution, but practical bimetallism-you can probably prevent Europe from r~turning to bimetallism. That is the reason why the contest was made, and that is what the fight was for.

Mr. President, some of our friends have been s1,1rprised and some of them have been discouraged. :Allow me to say for my­self that I was neither surprised nor am I discouraged. I knevr thaii whenever it appeared to the class of men who have been the opponents of silver in thiscountry-and they are insignificant in

3440 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 20,

number, 'but great in influence and power-! knew that when the time approached when they thought what we were doing would have its effect, not in bringing free coinage here, but in enc')ur­aging and stimulating bimetallism abroad, we should be met with just such opposition as we have encountered.

Does anybody suppose that the men who hold the credits of the world, so great in amount that I dare not mention them , for they ara beyond the comprehension of ordinary men-does any-

· body suppose the men who hold tho e credits, and who take, by reason of the present condition of affairs financially in this coun­try and in the world, 30 per Comt mora, nay, more than th a t , nearly 40 per cent more, from the people who owe these debts tl;lan th~y would under a proper system of currency , will tamely and quietly surrender the advantage which they secured by so much effort and so much laboe? They will appeal tJ our fears, to our cupidity, and to our partisan attachments, and if there are other methods to which they can resort they will be sure to use them.

Mr. President, i t- is organized capital against the unorganized productive energies of the people. Capital will:make itself felt. Why? Because it has a grip and a grasp through these credits upon the great productive energies of this country and the world. If anybody who has observed believes that the hand of greed with its grasp will unlock it in the interest of the masses, he is mis­taken. They will unlock it only when we have in the executive chair of this country and in both Hous3s of Congress men who are in sympathy with the toiling millions of men who are suffer­ing by reason of the false system of American finance, a system that is not peculiar to this oountry. Can any man tell me why for eighteen cons3cu ti ve years in free democratic America, in despotic Russia, in liberal Franca, in liberal England, in all the countries of the world, the prices of commodities have been year by year going lower and lower? "Oh!" say they, "it is cheapar -produc­tion; it is cheaper transportation; it is overproduction." Ah, Mr. Presidefit, it does not make any difference whether the arti­cle is produced cheaply or dearly, the same inflexible rule ap­plies to it, and down it goes. - I do not care to dilate at great length upon this subject. I did

· not rise this morning to make an extended speech, but I want to touch on one or two other things, and then I shall leave the sub­ject, but before this debate closes I shall return -to it again.

I will only add touching the fall of prices, that the wheat crop this year amounts to 611,000,000 bushels, 125,000,000 bushels more than the crop of 1880, after we had put ourselves on a specie-pay­ing basis. More than 200,000,000 of it have gone to Europe; there are 15,000,000 more American mouths to feed, and yet the wheat crop of the United States with a short crop in Europe, with famine in Russia brings very many millions of dollars less than the comparatively short crop in 1~80. -

Mr. WASHBURN. Mr. President, if the Senatorwill allow me to interrupt him--

Mr. TELLER. It will not interrupt me; go on, sir. Mr. WASHBURN. I would ask why the same reason for the

low prices of wheat would not have existed six months ago, after the crop was harvested as now? Wheat, you understand, is now something like 25 cents a bushel less than it was for three months after it was harvested. ·

Mr. TELLER. I think the Senator could have answered that better even than I can answer it, but I can answer it. Last fall after the wheat crop was harvested it was reported that there was a shortage very much in excess of what turned out to be true. It was supposed that Russia had no wheat whatever for export, and yet Russia has sent this last year into the markets of the world 100,000,000 bushels of wheat.

Another agency in putting up the price of wheat, as the Sen­ator' will recognize, is the peculiar condition of affairs at Chi­cago with reference to dealing in wheat. I think he will not deny that the condition there had much to do with temporarily putting up the price of wheat.

Mr. WASHBURN. Not so much as putting down the price of wheat later.

Mr. TELLER. I have not gotten through. Mr. WASHBURN. I asked tQ.e Senator a question which I

regarded as. very pertinent, but the reasons for the decline in the price of wheat are not based on the silver question. •

Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, I will touch that. What I am trying now to show is that there has been a falling in the prices of all commodities. I am not now referring to the question of the particular fall of wheat prices, but I will touch on that be­fore I get through if my voice does not fail me.

I want to impress on the Senator from Minnesota that there is nothing in the range of human production, whether it be cotton goods or a thrashing machine, that has not depreciated in price more than 30 percentineighteenyears. Iwanttoimpressupon him also that in this greatAmericanRepublic, with its millions of farms, there is not a ~arm to-day, unless it is where the influ-

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ences of town growth may have changed results-there is not a farm in the older sections of this country which is worth as much to-day as it was eighteen or twenty years ago. Of course this does not apply t0 the new lands recently entered and recently taken from the Government, because there the communities have grown and land has increased in value; but I mean to say that in t.he State of Massachusetts, in the State of New York, in the S tate of D3laware, and in the State of Illinois the farms are.not as valuable as they were twenty years ago. I selected wheat as an illustration; I might have taken corn and cotton and hay and cattle, and all other things produced by human hands.

I do not int ~nd to p :md much time on the questiOJ\ of the pe­culiar influence of silver upon wheat, because I proposed when! rose to le3.Ye that for another occasion· but since the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. WASHBURN], who represents the S tate which I believe pro:luced more wheat last year than any other State in the Union, a nd whose people have mora interest in the Eilver question than the people of Colora1o, has a 3ked a que3tion ab:>ut it, I will illustrate how it is.

In the year 1873,. when silver was demonetized, India for the first time sent wheat to the European market; she sentthen290,000 bushels. This year, in eleven months, she has sent 50,000,000 bushels of wheat to compete with the wheat-growers on Ameri­can soil. At the time silver was demonetized here, Russia had never put into the markets of the world more than twenty-five or twenty-six million bushels of_wheat. In less than six months now, with a famine in one-third of her land. she has put 100,000,-000 bushels of wheat in Europe. ·

India had never sent any wheat; she never could send any wheat while silver 'tas at -par. Russia bad never s ::mt much wheat. She labored under disadvantages.

Mr. HIGGINS. Will the Senator yield to me for a qu9stion? Mr. TELLER. I will in a moment. She labored under disadvantages. Russia is a paper country,

nominally bimetallic, but in fact with an irredeemable paper currency; consequently the silver that went to Russia went there just as metal came here during the war and was sold at a premium.

Mr. STEW ART. The silver rouble is the unit of value there. Mr. TELLER. And in thatwaywe have stimulated these two

countries to send 150,000,000 bushels of wheat to Europe-and to that extent-to destroy the market for American wheat.

South America, which had never up to 1873 been a competitor with us in wheat, has become a greatcompetitorwith us in wheat for the same identical reason that the South American countries are on a silver basis, and silver in many sections of South America is to-day at a premium over their paper.

The Senator from Delaware desired to ask me a question, and now I will hear him. ·

Mr. IDGGINS. I wanted to ask the Senator if it was not the fact that in 1873, when silver was demonetized in this country, there ~as a lack of sufficient railroad facilities in India for the wheat to get from the country where it was grown to market, so that for that reason, even if a different state of things financially had existed, could they have sent wheat abroad at that time?

Mr. TELLER. It is possible that they could not have sent it abroad at that time even with silver at present prices, but it is notoriously true, as the Senator must know, that they could not send it to-day if silver were worth $1.29.

Mr. HIGGINS. That is another question. Mr. TELLER. A Senator asks me where they got the money

with which to build the railroads. Great Britain built the rail­roads for them.

Mr. STEW ART. And charged it to them. Mr. TELLER. Of course India is paying for them. The

financial policy of Great Britain has been to never pay anything out to anybody where she does not get a full equivalent back.

Mr. President, we have a low price for cotton in this country, and it has been growing lower and lower year by year. The cotton-growing regions, which are the agricultural regions of this country, along and relating closely to the great Mississippi Valley country, are desirable sections of count.ry so far a :; we are nationally concerned, and they have proJ.uced for many years a vast amount of our exports. They have brought into this coun­try in exchange for the cotton untold millions of gold-if that is a blessing, and I think it is. They are to-day suffering from "low -prices. Undoubtedly they are suffering somewhat from overproduction, but they are also suffering from undercon­sumption. That is the great trouple.

India under this system of financ-3 has increas3d her output of cotton. India, which was not a competitor with any country in the export of cotton until since this question of silver came be­fore the public, has become a decided competitor with us in the country that used the great bulk of American cotton-Great Britain. Eighty millions of raw cotton was exported la&t year from India. I believe a little of it struck this continent, but not enough to affect us. The most of it went to England: and went

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1892. . ' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. ;3441 "

there to the exclusion of American cotton. About $35,000,000 worth of manufactures of cotton went mostly to China, and de­stroyed the British market, or at least lessened the sales there, and thus crippled our market for cotton in England.

I have here before me the London Economist of April 2, in which it is declared that for the last quarter the consumption of cotton in Great Britain was 13 per cent less than it was for the corresponding quarter the year before.

Mr. GRAY. May I ask theSenatoraquestion, entirely for my own information?

Mr. TELLER. Certainly. . Mr. GRAY: I ask the Senator whether he will explain, if it

does not take· him aside from the line of his argument, what the mechanism of the process is by which the vitiation of silver has brought the large export of wheat from India in competition with the grain grown in the United States?

Mr. TELLER. I will explain that to the Senator, and it is not difficult of explanation. I will take as an illustr~tion the price of silver t.o be 90 cents an ounce. It costs to sh1p wheat from Bombay, Calcutta, and other places in India, to Great Britain just about twice what it costs us to ship it from New York. It passes through a region of country hot and unhealthy even for wheat, and when it reaches Great Britain it is not the best of wheat, and not as good as ours, but it comes in competition and fixes the price of American wheat. Now, let us see how it is done. The Indiashipparcan buy wheat for$1.20 a bushel, and he can send it to Graat Britain and sell it for 90 cents a bushel and make money. The American, who sends his wheat to Great Britain and sells it for 90 cents a bushel, gets 90 cents and no more.

The English shipper, who takes it from IndiatoGreatBritaip and sells it, gets gold for it. He takes that 90 cents and buys an ounce and a third of an ounce of silver. That costs him $1.20. What does he do with that silver? He takes it back and puts it into rupees at $1.38 an ounce. He has got from $1.84 to $1.85 for his wheat, while the American wheat-grower, owing to this beautiful system of finance of ours, has got his 90 cents. He gets a little more than that, for wheat has been worth a little more than 90 cents. I only use this as an illustration.

Does the Senator understand now how that is done? If not, I will explain further.

Mr. GRAY. I should like to have the Senator explain fur­ther.

Mr. TELLER. The Senator does not see it yet. Let him take his pencil and a tablet; let him put down the price of wheat in Bombay at $1.20; let him add to it the 14 cents, the cost of transportation, and he has got $1.34. That is what it will cost when it gets to England, and he realizes $1.84 or $1.85, accord­ing to the market price of silver, for his wheat. Can the Sen­ator make the subtraction of $1.34 from $1.85 and find a fair mar­gin for the Indian exporter?

Mr. GRAY. I do not want to interrupt the Senator, but in both cases, both for the bushel of wheat shipped from this coun­try and the bushel of wheat shipped from India, the producer is paid in London or in Liverpool in gold, is he not?

Mr. TELLER. Certainly, and if the American wheat-grower buys silver he brings it back here, and it is still at the same price it was when he got it in London, and it will not buy any more than his 90 cents of gold. But if the Indian merchant takes it back to India it buys as much, ounce for ounce, whethei it is in coin or in bullion, as it did thirty years ago. That is, the purchasing power of an ounce of silver is in India $1.38, and it has cost him 90 cents.

Mr. GRAY. I will ask the Senator whether the 90 cents which the American grower gets for his wheat in Liverpool when it comes ba<Jk here is not equivalent to 90 cents in gold?

Mr. TELLER. Certainly it is. Mr. GRAY. Then, what right has he to complain? Mr. TELLER. Mr. President, he is so stupid in this country

that he does not complain. [Laughter.] The American wheat­growers have sat by and clapped their hands for both of these great political parties who have beencuttingtheirthroats. They will complain after aw bile. But still the fact is, our producer has for his bushel of wheat 90 cents and the Indian has for his $1.84 to $1.85, Liverpool price, in silver.

Mr. BUTLER. May I ask the Senator from Colorado if the same principle does not apply to the price of cotton?

Mr. TELLER. Certainly. I shall come to thatin a moment. Mr. President, I hope to make this so plain that the Senator

from Delaware can see it. When he realizes that the rupee in which they put the silver-and it doas not make any difference whether it is in the rupee or whether it is in the bullion bar, be­cause, the mint being open, practically the bar is of the same value as the rupee-when they take that, they go out and they buy wheat that has not risen in price. Wheat has not risen in India. In this country ii you should attempt to buy in silver bul-

XXIIT-216

lion you would find that there was such a divergence between your bullion and your wheat that you could not make a profit, but

, there is no such thing in India. Take cotton. The price of cotton in Liverpool governs the

price of cotton, of course, in the United States. The Indian ex­porter of cotton puts his cotton into Liverpool and takes his pay in gold at 90 cents an ounce, and when he goes back and buys cotton with it he buys it at $1.38 an ounce. That is the pur­chasing power of his 9() cents in gold converted into silver.

The Senator from Dalaware may challenge the statement, as I heard it often challenged, that silver in India has the same purchasing power now that it had thirty years ago. If he does, I am prepared to show by a recent article from a London finan­cial paper that the facts are as I state.

Mr. GRAY. I do not challenge the statement at all. I am groping somewhat in the dark, and I wa1 quite sincere when I a-sked the Senator a question for information, but really the an­swer that he gave to me would seem to have this corollary, that it would be necessary, in order that the American farmer should realize the profit that the Indian farmer realizes on the sale _ of his wheat, that we should have a disparity in the purchasing power of gold and silver.

Mr. TELLER. Oh, Mr. President-Mr. GRAY. I am sorry to provoke the impatience of the Sen­

ator. Mr. TELLER. I suppose I ought not to be provoked to impa­

tience. Have I said anything that can be tortured by any fair man into such a suggestion? I have simply undertaken to deal with a plain undisputed fact that a 10-year-old boy could under­l::ltand, and I know the Senator from Delaware does.

•Mr. GRAY. If I have come under the disapprobation of the Senator I am sorry. _

Mr. TELLER. I simply said that while this condition of af­fairs exists the American wheat-grower is put on an unfair basis. He sells his wheat for 90 cents and the other man sells his for $1.38, and the purchasing power. of the $1.38 is exactly 48 units more than the purchasing power of the 90 cents. _

Mr. GRAY. I beg the Sentor will not think that it is for the sake of interruption that I ask the question that I am about to ask him. I am not doing it for the sake of exploiting my supe­rior knowledge; on the contrary; I am afraid I shall be exploit­ing my superior ignorance. I will ask this question for my own information: Is the practical ratio of silver to gold in India that of 16 to 1?

Mr. TELLER. The Senator from Delaware h~ been, as I know, a-sserting himself to be an authority on this subject for several years. .

Mr. GRAY. I beg the Senator's pardon; I have not. Mr. TELLER. Then I have been mistaken, because I have

heard the Senator several times vote against free coinage, and I remember some speeches that the Senator made on this floor against free coinage, and yet the Senator does not know what the ratio is between gold and silver in India! It is 15 to 1. A study of this question necessitates some knowledge of the rela­tion of gold and silver in the -different countries of the world.

Now, I desire to get back to cotton. Before silver was demone­tized there was practically no export of India cotton. That has grown up because the condition applied precisely to cotton which i5 applied to wheat, and applied also to India corn, which, for the first time in the history of India, is being raised in that country to aconsiderable degree, and if this condition of affairs continues we shall not only lose the cotton tra-de, but we shall lose the wheat trade and the corn trade.

I call attention to the fact that the exports of cotton from India amounted to $80,000,000 last year, and manufactured cotton to thirty-five or forty millions more, mostly to China, but not all. That, I say, deprived either England or the United States of that market, and thus it is that 13 per cent less of cotton was used during the last quarter than was used the cor­responding quarter the year before.

Let me call attention for a moment to a statement made in a public meeting in the city of Manchester a few years since. The people of Manchester, in Great Britain, are all free-coinage men. So they are in Lancashire. They do not count much; they do not really have much more influence than the American farmer has in this country-very little more. The people who have the money and who are taking toll of all industries treat them just as the people of this country who have the money and wlio are taking toll from the industries of our country treat the pro­ducers in this country; but, nevertheless, they have the right • of free speech there as we have in this country, and they speak out and they tell what their complaint is, and here is a little of it:

We finclthn.t for the first time in the history of the cotton trade competi­tion bas grown up. which is seriously displacing a portion of Lancashire in­dustry. That displacement has become so great that I ~ve no hesitation

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3442 CONGRESSION~L RECORD-SENATE. APRIL 20~

in saying that it a.mounts in wages alone over the district of southeast Lan­cashire to £1,000,000 per annum.

These wage-earners are the men who are manufacturing Ameri­cancotton.

This loss of industry, traced to this question of the operation of silver in relation to gold, is clearly shown to have made a loss to industry during the la.st ten years of £1,000,000 per annum in wages. Now, the markets of China and Japan were in this position eleven years ago. We exported from this country to those markets 29,000,000 pounds weight of yarn par annum.

I desire to attract the attention of Senators whose people are raising cotton to this statement. Let me repeat it:

We exported from thi.s country to those markets­That is, China and Japan-

29,000,000 pounds weight of yarn pe-r annum. At that time there was compe­tition from the Bombay mills, but it was a much less annual export that! ours. They sent to the same markets about 8,000,000 of heavy coarse yarn, a.s against our 29,000,000. We find that ever since these great variation::: ·of exchange set in during the last eleven years, trade between the Bom·bay mUla-

This was in 1887-trade between the Bombay mills and ' these Eastern markets has grown up to 100,000,000 pounds-

From 8,000,000 pounds to 100,000,000 pounds per annum. Mr. STEWART. And it has increased enormously since. Mr. TELLER. This statement was made in 1887, and the in-

crease has been even greater since than before. Now, let us see hOI\v Great Britain increased her output of cotton yarn. To con­tinue the quotation:

The growth between these Indian mills and the farther East is thirteen­fold in eleven years, and in our case it has diminished from 29,000,000 to 26,000,000 pounds.

Mr. President, the cotum-growers of the South can see whera their market for cotton has gone. Great Britain ought, in the nature of things, to increase equally with India. India increased thirteenfold. Great Britain lost from 29,000,000 pounds to 26,-000,000 pounds. It would be a. very proper thingtoinquirewhether there is anything in the

productive powero1' the Bombay mills to account for this change. or course the fact is that they haYe a. cheaper rate of labor.

That is what I call the attention of the American wheat-grower to. The foreign producer has cheaper labor than the American wheat-grower, whether he does the labor with his own hands or hires his neighbors sons to do it for him.

But when you take the cost of mills or of working expenses and errective labor, and when you take what is actually paid for labor, a pound of yarn costs more to-day there than the same pound does here. How is it that the cheaper producer is being displaced by the dearer producer?

That is what he asks. It is clear when we sell a bale of yarn, and we sell it in Shanghai or Hong­

kong at a dollar-say, worth 4s. 6d.-

He sells it for silver in China-when exchanged into gold money it oomes down to 28. la.

That explains how the dearer producer is driving the cheaper producer out of the market. If the Senator from Delaware who does me the honor to listen does not understand that sys£-em of finance I will give him an opportunity to look at this article, and I think when he has completed the investigation he will thm·oughly understand it.

Mr. GRAY. Is it not because of the disparity between the legal value and the bullion value of silver?

Mr. TELLER. It is because of the disparity between gold and silver in Eng-land and because in China silver still maintains its purchasing power as of old. Does not the Senator know that more than one thousand two hund['ed millions of the human race are using silver at a ratio that makes it worth $1.30 an ounce or more in those countries?

Mr. GRAY. That is the question I asked awhile ago, and I do not think the Senator comprehended it or he would not have answered me in the way he did.

J\fr. TELLER. I hope I did not answer the Senator offen­sively.

Mr_. GRAY. Not offensively; but instead of answering my question I think the Senator put me in a false position.

Mr. TELLER. Oh, no; I did not mean to do that. Mr. GRAY. Was it not the same reason, let me ask the Sen­

ator, that made the difference in India in the price of wheat, that the bullion value of silver was less than the legal or lavvful value? •

Mr. TELLER. No; the bullion value in India is the mint value.

Mr. GRAY. The mint value, I mean. That is the proper term.

Mr. TELLER. The bullion value in China is the mint value. They have only had a mint in China about two years.

Mr. GRAY. I mean relatively with gold. Mr. TELLER. They do not use gold. That is the trouble.

The whole country is on a silver basis, and it is on exactly the same silver basis it was thirty years ago. When silver depreci­ates goods rise in value. It has not depreciated, and the goods

have not risen in value in India or China and other silver-using countries.

Mr. BUTLER. We come in competition with them . . There is the evil. •

Mr. TELLER. It is all explained here. They go to China. They sell a bale of yarn for 4s. and 6d. That is paid in silver, because that is the only currency there, and you have to get it in silver if you trade with them. Now, when you have that 4s. and 6d. you can not use that 4s. and 6d. insilverinGreatBritain or the United States. You must put it into gold, and then it is 3s. and 1 penny. There is the difference .' One shilling and 5d. on every bale of yarn is the premium that the India producer gets over the producer in Great Britain, and of course he can afford to produce it at a greater cost because he sells it at a greater price, because the silver to him is the same thing that it was one hundred years ago.

So, we are building up a competition in cotton, in wheat, in manufactured goods, and we are building it up for the benefit of the Indian and the English Government, and not for our own benefit. This speaker from whom I have quoted continues and says it is a bonus of 30 per cent. ''And this is the complaint of the Manchester manufacturing people." This is the complaint also of the Lan­cashire manufacturer. This ought to be the complaint of the American wheat-grower. He ought to be presented on this floor and everywhere else by men who _are willing to give to this ques­tion study and thought. It touches him, it comes home to him in his cabin, it det-ermines the question of big ability to remove the mortgage on his farm: and if he continues much longer to adhere to his political traditions simply because they are tradi­tians, I shall be greatly mistaken . He can have redress . · When­ever you can put silver to par he can secure relief, and he will never get it until that is done.

Fifty million bushels of wheat from India this year, 100,000,000 bushels next, 2CO~OOO,OOO bu hels the next, and you are practically and entirelydrivenoutofthe markets of the world. Do you suppose that the American wheat-grower in Nort.h Dakota, South Da-­kota, or Minnesota can raise wheat with the ryot of India, or the low class of men who raise wheat in South America or Rus­sia? The ryot of India can be hir~d day in and day out for 5 cents a day. You can go to South American wheat countries where you can hire men for 30 cents a day. You can go toRus­sia and hire men for a mere fraction of half a dollar. The American wheat-grower, if he does the labor himself, thinks he must have more than a dollar a day; and he can not hire men unless he pays them practically that, when you count the board and the support he is compelled to give them.

Mr. McPHERSON. Will it interfere with the Senator if I ask him a question?

Mr. TELLER. Nothing interferes with me on this subject. Mr. McPHERSON. I do not quite understand the Senator's

logic, and perhaps it will enable me to understand it more cor­rectlv. I can not conceive of a condition in which there· is a country with an open mint ready to take and bound to take all the supplies of silver that may be sent to it and coin it into money at the ratio of 15 to 1, and 11nderstand how there should be any surplus silver in the world. I can not understand for the life of me what difference itmakes to thepeopleof this country or to the people of England what may be the standard in India. I can not understand how it affects the London market for wheat, for •otton, for cattle, for corn, or' for any product that we export to England because they have a gold standard while India lias a sil­ver standard.

Mr. TELLER. That is exactly the reason. If they had a gold standard in India, then it would have no effect. The Senator knows very well that up to 1873 not a bushel of wheat could ever come or had eYer come from India. He knows very well that if silver to-day went to par not another bushel would come. If one country was not on a gold basis and the other on a silver basis the conditions I have detailed could not exist.

Mr. President, I did not intend to-day to touch the question of the price of wheat inlndia, butthatseemed toariseincidentally, when I was mentioning the great fall of all products, and :I have b~en tempted to dilate somewhat upon the condition of things that I should much rather have left to another time. I wish to leave that" subject for the present at least. I think if the Senator from New Jersey will take the pains to carefully examine this question be can not doubt the conclusions at which I have ar­rived. They are the admitted conclusions of the financial papers of Great Britian, as I have before stated. They do not hesitate to say that the advent into Europe of India wheat is the result of the relaMon between silver and gold. Nobodydisputesitin that country.

Now I come toone other question upon which I desire to spend a few moments, and I shall not continue my remarks at any length thereafter I think. We hear now everywhere the cry of' 'an hon­estdollar." That has been the shibboleth of our opponents-" an

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1892. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 3443 b.onestdollar"-and they assertthatevery man who is in favor of the free coinage of silver is dishonest; that he is in favor of a cheap dollar; that he is a repudiator of the public faith. What is the purpose,and whatistheobject of free coinage? It is to make the bullion out ofthesilverdollarworthjustas much as the bullion in the silver dollar with the Government stamp. Can anybody tell me why 25.8 grains of gold, as at all time in this country, or at least smce that amount was fixed, the bullion has been just as valuable as the coin?

It has been as valuable because you could put your bullion without expense into coin. Whenever you have established a mint and opened it, and said that all the silver in this country or any other can go to it, then the bullion outside of the mint is for all practical and currency purposes reduced to coin. That is what has kept up the price of gold whengoldfellinEurope with the great output of Russian and Australian and the Califorp.ia mines. It was because the mint in this country and the mints of the world were opened and received all the gold that come and coined it that the price did not fall more than it did. Not an ounce of silver did we coin for many years. We coined the cheaper metal, which was gold, and we kept it from depreciat­ing because we had an open mint. France coined more than $500,000,000 of gold within a few years for the express purpose of keeping it at par with silver. Yet in spite of all that silver went in the English markets to a premium of 2, 3,and in one in­stance 10 per cent above gold. What would have been the re­sult if 'the mints had been closed against gold? It would not have been worth the coinage rate.

The purpose, then, of the free-silver people is to put silver bullion to par. But we are talked about as if we were in favor of taking 70 cents' worth of bullion and making it into a dollar. When we have opened our mints there will be no 70-cent bul­lion in this country; it will immediately take the price of the mint. Does anybody deny that?

Mr. IDGGINS. If the Senator will allow me, I will say that is just the great point of division.

Mr. TELLER. The great pointofdivision! There can be no point of division on that. Suppose there are $100,000,000 of sil­ver in this country to-day uncoined. You open your mint. What can you get for it? One hundred million silver dollars, legal-tender dollars, of just as much purchasing power as the dollar compo:3ed of gold. Is not that true to-dayr The poor sil­ver dollar that I have heard for fifteen years in this Chamber denominated a cheap dollar, a nasty· dollar, a dishonest dollar, will buy as much, and what is infinitely of more importance to the American people, it will pay as much as a gold dollar. lt requires as much labor, as many commodities, and as much sac­rifice to obtain it as it does to obtain the gold dollar. Can the Senator from Delaware tell me why the present silver dollar is a dishonest dollar?

Mr. IDGGINS. I should like to answer the Senator's question by asking another, and that is whether in the R.epublic of Mex­ico, where they have free coinage, the Mexican dollar buys as much as a dollar in gold will buy~

Mr. TELLER. Theyhave free coinage in Mexico, butMexioo does not have a legal-tender gold money. She is on a silver basis.

Mr. IDGGINS. Then, in further answer to the inquiry of the Senator as he put it to me, I would say that the question is whether we could retain the purchasing power of the silver dol­lar.

Mr. TELLER. I will address myself to that in a moment. I want to say that the silver dollar in Mexico has the same pur-_ chasing power exactly, except on account of the general fall in prices, that it evee had, and that bas ·really given it a higher purchasing power. The next question the Senator asked is one I was about to a-ddress myself to. If we have free coinage can we maintain that relation between gold and silver which I declared to be indispensable to prosperity in this country? The Senator says that is the question. Why can we not do it? Does the Sen­ator doubt that if we should put all the American product into coin we could maintain that relation? I think not. A limited amount we have maintained. I heard it said here by the dis­tinguished Senator from New York [Mr. Evarts], who is not now with us, that while he was not prepar.ed to vote for free coin­age, there could be no question about out-ability to use all of the new silver that may be produced; that if we were not threatened with the coin silver of the world we would be safe to go to free coinage.

That brings me, then, to this question: Are we threatened with any inundation of silver from Europe, from China, from Asia, or from anywhere? It has been the stock in trade of the Reople who are opposed to free coinage to say in this Chamber, 'You can not maintain the equilibrium between the two metals;

you will be overthrown by the avalanche of silver that will come from abroad, and gradually your gold will go out and you will be left on a silver basis."

Mr. President, I should deplore v~ry much to be on a,silver ,basis, but I will repeat what I have said before, and what the great financial authority of France, Mr. Cernuchi, said in the convention of 1881: "If France must go to one metal or the other, France must go to silver." Then be went on to say why it was better for France to be on a silver basis than on a gold basis.

So I say, as much as I would lament the fact that we were on a single-standard basis, I infinitely prefer, in the interest of my country, that we should be on a silver basis. We should have more money. We should be able to trade' with more people, with silver at par in those countries. We ought, on a silver ba­sis, to take the entire Asiatic trade away from Great Britain. We ought, on a silver basis, to take the entire South American trade away from Great Britain.

It would not be an unmixed evil if we" should come to a silver basis. I would deplore it, because I do not believe there is sil­ver enough in the world to do business on with silver alon3, b3-cause I think the two metals must be kept at parity, if possible, in the interest of commerce, and in the interest of trade, and in the interest of men.

Where is the silver coming from? Recently I took up a report of another body, and I saw in it that the free-silver people asked the United States to lift, unaided, $3,800,000,000 of European, Asiatic, South American silver to the dignity of money. Do not the Senators sitting around me know that that $3,800,000,000 is lifted now to the dignity of money? Do they not know that not a dollar of it could be coined in an American mint without a loss of 3 cents on its face, much of it 10? To lift the whole world's silver is the kind of argument we have been met with for years. Who is going to send it?

Mr. HIGGINS. \Vill the Senatoe yield to a question? Mr. TELLER. Certainly. Mr. HIGGINS. I am prompted to ask a question of the Sen-­

ator because of the assurances that were held out to the Senate when the silver bill of 1890 was pending that if we should enact a law by which four and one-half million ounces of silver should be purchased per month it would take up what the distinguished Senator from Nevada [Mr. JONES], who sits on my left, called the slack, and practically bring silver to par.

Mr. TELLER. I do not care about being interrupted if the Se"hator wants to ask me something out of the order of my re­mal'ks. I am not making a prepared speech, but I am trying to make this speech in the direct order in which I think it ought to be made. .

I will touch that question before I ge t through, and I hope sat­isfactorily to the Senator feom Delaware. I am now touching upon the subjectofthedanger, which is the great bugbear, which is the black beast, that has been held up before us for fifteen years to frighten us from doing that which our judgment, I think, tells us we ought to do, that a great flood of silver money will come from abroad, and we shall be unable to retain our gold. Where will it come from? I shall not spend much time on this point. Will it come from England? She has $105,000,000 of subsidiary mo.ney doing duty up to $10 as a legal tender, and doing duty in­finitely above that, doing as much money duty in Great Britain as her $350,000,000 of gold, which is all she has, although she claims to have $500,000,000. It is the money of everyday trans­actions in that country. It is the money that the man takes to the market; it is the money with which he pays his ordinary bills, with which he pays his servants. It is the money of the ordinary business of ~ife. If it should come here it would come here at a loss of not less than 8 cents on a dollar, saying nothing of insurance, interest, and all the other items which must be in­cluded.

l\lr. MORGAN. I should like to remind the Senator from Colorado that the la,rgest piece of silver coinao-e of England is a. shilling. o

Mr. TELLER. I think the crown. Mr. HIGGINS. A crown. Mr. TELLER. A crown I believe is 120 cents. That is the

largest~ but their crown, which is worth 120 cents, contains verv much less than our silver dollar. It will be admitted that we can nQt get silver from England. She could not spare it. Then let us go to France.

Mr. MORGA...L'\1'. I do not think that there is any coinao-e of the cro ·-m in England now. "'

Mr. TELLER. It is in circulation. Mr. MORGAN. I am talking about the coinage lawsofGreat

Britain. The largest piece now coined is, I understand, a ehill­ing.

Mr. TELLER. Now, let us go to France. France has ~noo,-000,000 of money, according to the Treasury reports; $700,000,000 which belongs to France. She has $120,000,000 of silver belong­ing to other people. - She has had the opportunity for five years to take gold for this $120,000,00() at the French ratio of 15t to 1, which she has declined, in the interest of commerce aqd trade

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and humanity, to take. She keeps it and circulates it as money. While it does not bear her imprint, yet she makes it good to the people, because she says you bring it to us and we will give you French money, gold or silver, as you wish, and she declines to exchange it for gold with the countries whose stamp it bears. Bimetallic France would no more discard her silver than we would discard voluntarily our gold. Bimetallic France has stood in the interest of trade and commerce as the equalizer of the two metals when there was likely to be a disparity because of the great output of gold. Then she sent her silver to India. She sent her dear money to India as to-day she is sending her dear gold to England to buy council bills, and thus she makes the dear money -that she possesses bring her a greater amount of imports than she coold with her cheaper money-cheaper only in Great Britain, not cheaper in France.

I saw in a paper a day or two since a statement that the silver of France did not circulate as money. There is more silver than gold in circulation in France.· While the stock of gold is greater, silver is the money of the people of France. It is the money that the peasantry of France put away for a rainy day. It was silver that they brought out of its hiding when the Government of France asked for a loan and. the French people put up seven dol­lars for one. France will not sell us her silver. Her history is a denial of that statement. Any man who will take the pains to study tl;le question of French finance since the days of Napoleon will see that she is wedded to the bimetallic system as no other nation in the world has been. There are not more than half a dozen men of reputation in all France, men of any considerable character, who are in favor of the single gold standard.

Mr. STEWART. There are only$M>O,OOO,OOO of silver outside of France in Europe.

Mr. TELLER. If France will not send us any silver who will? She could not send us very much without disturbing the business relations of the country. Austria has some silver, it is said. Austria for forty years has not been able to redeem her paper in either silver or gold, and while we have been debating the sil­ver question in this country, Austria, on a paper basis, has been considering what kind of metallic basis she would have. When it looked favorable for silver in this country Austria inclined to­ward the bimetallic system.

When, on the contrary, it looked unfavorable she inclined to­wards the gold system, and there is every prospect to-day that she may go to a gold basis, .driven to it by the irregular market of silver, owing .to the discrimination in which we have joined the world against silver. But she could not send us more than fifty or sixty millions at most if she could send that much. What would that amount to if it came? The Senator from Nevada [Mr. STEWART] says that there are only $450,000,000 of silver all told in Europe outside of France. The Senator has that too high, according to my figures, by at least one hundred million.

Mr.STEWART. Ithinkitistoohigh; butthatisthehighest estimate put on the amount.

Mr. TELLER. They can not send us three hundred millions pfsilver, and we can consume that without difficulty. !know that Senators ask, can you do it? I heard some of the most illustrious members of this body on this subject fourteen years ago; !heard it from the Chairman of the Committee on Finance, I heard it from the present Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re­lations, then Secretary of the Treasury, that you can not main­tain in this country more than fifty millions of silver on a par with gold. Nearly five hundred millions now are practicatly maintained at par-four hundred millions and more of silver dol­larsare maintained at paras good as gold.

The argument that you can not safely open your mints because you will be flo'oded with silver is an argument on a par with the one which I first mentioned, that you can not have an honest dollar unless you have put as much bullion in it as a gold dollar will now buy. I assert that no man here has ever on this floor been able to show with any degree of certainty, or even to a suffi­cient degree of certainty to alarm prudent men, that we could be overcome by an avalanche of silver.

Suppose the silver came here, what would become of it? It must be exchanged for our products. Oh, they say, it would be exchanged for gold. It would be if we wanted silver more than gold; and we would sell our gold whenever it was to our financial interest to sell it, as we sold to Europe in the month of May last $l,000,000of gold every day, the holy Sabbath included. Seventy­two million dollars of gold in less than four months went to Eu­rope from America, and every dollar of it, if the Treasury De­partment does not lie, went at a premium.

If the financial reports of the great money center of the world are not false, eve-ry dollar of it cost more in New York than it could be got fo r at the mint in the city of London. Bar gold has been quoted for a year past, I think without exception, at a higher rate than the mint value thereof in Great Britain. The only country that has gold at a premium (except in the sense that

I shall, if I have time to speak of it, show that gold in this country may be said to be at a premium over products)-the only country that has gold at a premium over its mint value is GI'eat Britain. This gold was absolutely essential to the peace of Great Britain and Europe. The financial condition was such that they had to have it and they sent for it and they got it, and they can com­mand the gold of this country in spite of anything we can do.

Do Senators believe that we can hold gold when the great creditor nation that holds two thousand millions of our securi­ties demands it? All she has to do is to put a premium on it, or, what is the same thing, say, ''I will sell you these securities at a little below the market price,)' and then the gold goes. !twill go, without a mint, without silver coinage. It will go, if on a gold basis, when they want it. We can not command it; we can not hold it. No debtor nation can command the market for gold. Yet we are asked to tie ourselves to the only metal that there is any danger we shall lose and we are told that that is in the in­terest of honest dollars and honest contracts!

Seventy-two million dollars of gold went out of this country, and the only people who were frightened in this country were the bank­ersand the brokers and the newspaper menofNew York. They did their utmost to create a panic and a fright. They said the gold is going, the currency is to be contracted. The American farmer and the American merchant did not take fright. They knew that there were $400,000,000 of legal-tender money that Great Britain would not take and could not take under the pres­ent condition of affairs.

So I say, first, there is no danger of an influx of silver, and, secondly, that if Europe wants our gold she will get :i:t in spite of us. IfFrance and Italy and Germany should discard their sil­ver money for gold they would get our gold whether our mints were open or whether they were closed-if not all, a great share of it.

Mr. President, I pass that point for the present. Now, I want to come down to a thing that touches me and touches my party. What is to be the relation of the Republican party to this ques­tion of currency as applied to silver? Heretofore we have con­tended that the silver question was nonpolitical, and we found ourselves in accord with our brethren on the other side of the Chamber holding different political views from us. We found no difficulty in acting with them upon this great economic ques­tion. To us it appeared to be above partisan feeling and above political influence3, and we have acted with them now for many years with singular accord on this subject.

It is possible that we Republicans of the West have two rea­sons why we are in favor of silver as money. One is that we produce to-day nearly one-half of the silver of the world. We have been compelled by our relation to that industry to study the question of finance as touching silver. We may not be as capable as our Eastern brethren in handling financial questions, but we have been at least as industrious. It was a matter of in­terest to us. We have been helped and aided by the people living near us whose sympathies were naturally with us upon the currency question, not simply because we produce silver, but because they had suffered by the depreciation of all the products of human labor. We came here two years ago with high hopes and expectations. We had elected a Republican Administration upon a platform carefully and deliberately pre­pared, which declared that-

The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic Administration in its e!!ort to demonetize silver.

Many of us were so confiding that we actually believed when that was put in our platform at Chicago that it meant what it said. We thought it meant that we were in favor of silver as money. D8es any sane man say to me, you can use silver as money in the broad sense if you do not open to it your mints as you open your mints to goldr We thought the Republican party actually condemned the course of the late Democratic Adminis­tration in their efforts to repeal what we call the Bland act.

Mr. President, do you wonder that there were high hopes and high expectations, and that Colorado stood third in the list of RepublicanS tates for the present Executive? On every stump, in every camp we proclaimed that we were the party of silver. The Democratic party, in deference to its candidate and his known hostility to silver, did not dare to speak upon it. The only ut­terance that we could learn of was when a distinguished mem­ber of the committee on resolutions was accosted by a member from Colorado-! speak now of the Democratic convention-and he said, "What is the plank on silver?" and he replied, "Damn silver!" We believed that we had at last reached the point that the Republican party at least was in favor of financial relief to the people by the utilizing of the great output oi silver on equal terms with gold. - I believe I stat-e a fact when I say that every silver-producing camp in my State gave to the present Chief Executive a rna-

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1892. , CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE. 3445 jority. When we came here in December we. were met with a proposition, if not an Administration .proposition at least quasi so, for t.he purchase of bullion, for making the United States Treasury the conduit through which the silver could pass to In­dia, and that was all there was of it. We were told by the friends of the Administration everywhere that if we did not ac­cept that we would get nothing. We preferred to have nothing. We made the fight for free coinage here in this body, and we won. We lost in the other House, although I never have doubted, nor do I believe anybody else doubts, that there was a clean majority of that House in favor of free coinage, and they were restrained only from expressing their wishes by undue and improper Executive interference. We were told in the public press, and we were told otherwise, that a free-coinage bill would ba vetoed by the present Executive.

Sir, you can imagine the disappointment of the representa­tives of Colorado. Y (}U can imagine something of the disap­pointment of the people of that State. We made a fight for the best thing we could get. We got but little in the way we wanted, and yet we got something that is better than nothing. We got that because the Executive knew and because the opponents of free coinage in this Chamber knew that if we did not get that we should present to the Executive a free-coinage bill which he would be either compelled to sign or to veto.

That brings me to another question which I have intended for some time to mention. My attention having been called to 'it recently again by some public utterances, I desire to make my statement here. There came from the House ofRepresentatives during that Congress a bill that has been commonly dubbed the force bill. It was an election law. It went to a committee of which I am a member, asiwasthen. It had the attention of that committee for many days. The fifty-six sections; with which it came, were reduced, if I mistake not, to twenty-eight by that committee. I was a member of the majority of that committee. Without my vote that bill could not have got into the Senate un­less atleast the Senate had discharged the committee and ordered a report.

I consented that the bill might be reported to the Senate. Standing in my seat when it came here so reported, I reserved to myself the right to move any amendment to it, to propose any modification of it, and I declared that as it then stood it would not receive my vote. Two years nearly have elapsed. I have read that bill with care and attention more than twenty times; I have read it again in the light of calm consideration; and Ire­peat that if it was presented to me now with the question of my support or party dismissal I should not vote for the bill. A more infamous bill, in my judgment, never -passed the threshold of the Senate. Avowedly in the interest of good government, it was instigated, in my judgment, by men whose interest was in preventing a free expression of the vot.ers at the polls.

I have no time now to speak of that bill in detail. I was at that time laborin~ under a disability of voice that prevented me from speaking on 1t. I want to say here that my attitude on that bill had no relation, no connection directly, remotely, or otherwise with the question of silver. There is not a member who voted with me on the silver question and who voted with me on the election bill who will not bear me out when I say the statement that we contracted withmembers on theothersideof the Cham­ber for their support for the free-coinage bill upon the ground that we would vote against the force bill is absolutely untrue, without the slightest foundation in f~t. .

If this story bad not been repeated aa nauseam I would not add what I will add. What the late distinguished Senator from Kansas, Mr. Plumb, did say in the Senate I will only repeat, that the opponents of siiver in this Chamber entered into a negotiation, some of them at least, with the other side of the Chamber, and proposed to them if they would side-track free coinage they would side-track the election bill; that bill which was said to be of more importance than all other bills. That proposition was declined by the free-silver men on the other side of the Chamber.

Another bill came here. It was a bill of vast importance and I think of great value to the countr:y. It came -in competition, as it were, with the election bill. The Senator from Massachu­setts, who sits on my right and who was the chairman of the com­mittee which reported that bill [Mr. HoAR], was anxious to take the election bill up a"";d dispose of it before anything else, but he was in such a hopeless minority that he must have felt a good deal discouraged when he polled this side of the Chamber on that proposition. So the tariff bill came up and displaced the other bill, which ultimately came to an untimely end, greatly, I think, to the satisfaction of almost all, even my own side of the Cham­ber and the American public at large.

Mr. President, I have digressed in this wav to show the method by which the silver men have been attacked. We are charged

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with betraying our party. We are charged with disregard of the high obligations that are upon us to preserve the elective ftranchise. I yield to no man in devotion to the purity of the bal­lot; I yield to no man in his desire that the public shall have the fullest expression of its will. I am so much in favor of that in the sense I now use it that I do not care to interfere with the expression of public will, even though it shall be against mine. I . have confidence that the public will right itself on all ques­tions if it gets wrong. I voted against the election bill practi­cally, though not directly, because I believed it to be a bad bill, and not because the Senators on the other side of the Chamber liacl supported or intended to support free coinage or bimetal­lism in any shape that it might be presented.

Mr. President, I am brought to the very last thing that I care to speak of now, and I apologize to the Senate for the delay, for I assured the Senate when I rose to speak that I only intended to speak on one or two points, and I thought three-quarters of an hour would be ample. But I have been led into some digres­sions outside by reason of inquiries and interruptions. I now come to the last question: What is the attitude of the Repub­lican party to be in regard to silver? Are we to be put at the next national convention upon a gold-standard platform, or are ' we to have another misleading plank in our platform that shall mean one thing on the stum-p and another thing in executive ad­ministration? We hear we are to~ be put on a gold-standard platform. _

I was present at the birth of the Republican party; I partici­pated in its first gathering; and I did not have the incentive that many of my associates sitting about me had to go into a new party, for I was not a men:rber of a decaying party; I was a mem­ber of the dominant party, the party t.ha t in all probability would continue then to elect Presidents for a generation and to fill all the public offices everywhere. When the party with which I had been connected from my boyhood, and to which my father had belonged and been an honored member, forsook the great principles of democracy as I understood them, I found no diffi­culty in turning my back on that party and finding new political associates.

I do not anticipate turning my back on the Republican party, because I do not anticipate that the Republican party is to be the party of the gold stand~rd; but if the signs of the times mean anything, if the efforts that ar:e ·now being made to repeal the act of 1890 and leave us without any legislation touching silver mean anything at all, they mean that there is to be an effort ma-de at the Minneapolis convention to put the Republican party in antagonism to silver. _

J can not speak for the people of Colorado. They have hon­ored me beyond my desert. They have sent me here by four dif­ferent votes. I am here now by their cons~nt and concurrence without much controversy, and while I know something of the people with whom I have lived for almost a generation, I do not pretend to speak for them. Many of them will be attached to , the party to which they belong, and remain with it no doubt, whatever may be its att.it1:de on the financial question, but if any­thing can be gathered by the present condition in Colorado it will be very unsafe for the Republican party to attempt to put us upon a gold platform at Minneapolis; it will be very unsafe for the Republican party, so far as that ·state at least is co~­cerned, to attempt to go in any way against our utterances here-tofore upon the silver question. ·

Fifteen years ago last fall I came into this body. I came in with the admission of Colorado, the Centennial State. We were the agency that gave to the R ~publican party the President that year. Without our vote the Democratic party would have had an unquestioned majority of the electoral college, and the con­troversy that arose, embittered somewhat and ugly, would have been avoided, but there would have been a Democratic House, and a Democratic Senate following it soon, and a Democratic President. Since I first came into this body there has been one Congress when the Senate was Democratic. There has been no Congress, as I recollect, that the votes of Nevada and Colorado were not m~eded on this floor to make this a Republican body.

I want to say n"Ow to the Senate, and I am saying it here that it may reach the American public, that it may reach the leaders of the Republican party-I do not say it in the excitement of the hour, I say it in the cool and calm deliberation of much thought, weighing well my words and the import of them and the criti­cism that they will bring me--=if the Republican party stands for the gold standard, the four silver-producing States will not, in my judgment, hereafter be able to act in cooperation with the East3rn Republicans in this cr any other body.

Why should we do so? We have local interests, we have gen­eral interests touching the currency question that we believe to be paramount to any other ~estion. We supported the Mc­Kinley bill, not because we had a local interest; we supported it

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3446 CONGRESSIONAL-RECORD-SENATE . . APRIL 20,

because we believed the general good of the country required a a commodity, not by the law but by the practice of the execu .. sacrifice on our part. Our local interests are against the bill. tive department. If we ~rein danger of a silver basis under We are uot the producers of manufactured gooas. If they can the act of 1878, arewe.notequallyi:ndangerunder th~ act Qf 1890? be had cheaper it would appear to be better for us to buy them We are not going to a silver basis. We are either going to cheaper. We believed that the prosperity of the whole nation have bimetallism in this country or we shall go to a gold basis, was bound up in the system of protection, and we have stood for and with it will come the depreciation and the destruction of it here and at home, and we intend to stand for it in the future. property, as it came to Great Britain when she changed her sys­We make no threats. We are protectionists from prin~iple, but tern from silver to a gold standard. By the act of 1815, put in we can not support and assist in the control of the Government force in 1821, she brought dire disaster upon all the industries by a party that is hostile to every local-inoorest 'that we have of that country. That act changed the entire land system of and the general interest of the country as we understand that Great Britain. The independent farmer of Great Britain aisap· general interest. . · peared under that act and its operations. When you have adopted

I do not intend that anybody shall inier from the remarks the gold standard in -;this country the independent farmer will I have made in my criticism of the Republican party, in my disappear, ·as he disappearoo in Great Britain. statement of the dangers which have threatened us, which now When you have given td the dollar a purchasing power, a you threaten us at Minneapolis, that I expect that the Democratic have now, 30 per cs.nt more than normal, when you have added party will be any more liberal towards us as a party. It is true ro it by the entire destruction of the silver of the world as you that we have had from that side of the Chamber many generous propose, so that a dollar will buy what it took two dollars to buy supporters. It is true that for the many years that we have when bimetallism existed, you have doubled the debt; you have been here endeavoring to secure a proper recognition for silver put UJ)On the struggling debtor a burden that he can not stand we have looked to men sitting on the other side of the Chamber under. He can scarcely now stand erect in manhood under the with a certainty that they were our friends in this contest. But great accumulation of debt. Thls is the great debtor period of like our partyt the Democratic party is in the toils of a power it the world. The debts are a hundredfold more than they were dare not offend, and the danger is that these two great political three hundred years ago, and you are by a. depreciation of ,all parties in their anxiety to secure the State of New York, con- products, by means of the gold standard, practically to double trolled as it is by a little circle in and about Manhattan Island, this great indebtedness, not only h re but all over the world. will neglect and repudiate the interest of the great masses of Can you view the prospect with equanimity? We can not look the country and act exactly alike on this silver question. at it with satisfaction, nor can we look at it with composure.

Mr. President, I beg the indulgence of the Senate for what Mr. President, it will not do to say that you can not destroy may appear to some to b3 matters that ought not to be brought this civilization. It will not do to say that the splendid achieve­here, and I want to assure my associates on this side of the ments, intellectually and morally and commercially, of the last Ch.amber that I ·do not come here and make these statements fifty years can not be destroyed by bad finance. Rome and Greece without great regret. No man who is a man criticises those with in their glory might have said the same thing. In many things whom he is associated politically or in any other way ·except their civilization was greater and higher than ours. ln many that it be as a matter of duty. I have felt compelled and im- things they were our superiors. Gradually, for the lack of pelled to say ·what I have said because .of my belief that the money, the civilization of Rom{} went out, and we had the long· question of silver money, the use of the two metals, is the great dreary wilderness through which the race marched from the question now presented for the solution of mankind. days of the decay of Rome to the discovery of America. W)len

I stated in the beginning tha.t it was a question touching every the great treasury chambers of the world were openedi when man. It is a greateconomlc question. It touches not the mate~ Europe felt the reviving influences of the millions of go d and rial interests alone; it touches the intellectual and the moral silver from South America, then the shackles were Ufte from condition of .all men. Can we destroy one-half of the' money of all the industries of the world. Nay more, and what is more im­the world-that is what it actually mea1;1s on our part-can we portant, theywereliitedfrom the mind and the morals of men. The destroy <>ne-half of the money of the world and not (!reate dis- human race moved upward in its plane. Great and good as was tr€ss. Can we do the business of the world and continue the the commercial growth and development1 it was nothing com­progress and the development that have been going on since pared with the mental and moral growth of the people of the 1845, not only here., but all over the world, on the least amount world for three hundred years. . of money metal, gold? The history of the world may repeat itself. Make use of the

L do not believe it. I believe the adopthm of the gold stand- . money we have, and we are the strongest people in the world. ard in this country means the adoption of the gold standard Cast it aside, and there will be distress and disaster and gradual throughout the world. . decay. From 1809 to1846 there was afairprospectthatthe.w01·ld

The Senator from Delaware IMr. GRAY] put a question to me was returning to the conditions before the discovery of America. which evidently refers to the ,efforts being made for an interna- , The output ·of silver and gold had ceased. Business fell off, all tiona! conference. I introduced in July, 1890, a resolution for products were low, and general distress prevailed, and until the an international conference. I have stated once on the fl.oor of great output of gold in Russia, there was a condition that in a the Senate that it came to naught. I state now that it came to degree remarkably resembled the condition of the world at the naught through the influence of the executive -department of time of the discove1•y of America. When the gold poured iri !rom the Go-vernment. I introduced another resolution for an intei'- ~ussia, from Australia, and California, every industry revived, national conference early in this session. It has come to naught commerce increased, and I make no idle statement when I say so far. In my judgment it will come to nothing . .And yet we that from 1846 to 1892, in splendor of achievement, in splendor are told that this is the only way to rehabilitate silver, that it is of progress, ip. splendor of development of all that goes to make the only way to secure bimetallism. life worth living, we have exceeded that of any two hundred

I have ever been in favoe of an international conference that years in the history of the world. should open all the mints of the world if possible, and if not, as Itis to be attributed to the use of metallic money, with the many as could be opened. What has been done by the oppo- full privilege of using all that was produced. With such object nents of silver? Has any gold man ever suggested, except when lessons before us, can we deliberately pursue a course that shall he wanted to defeat free coinage, an international conference? destroy one-half the money in existence and leave the world lias the Executive taken any steps? Is he taking any now? Is without a sufficiency .of currency, not enough even to keep the not the power with him? We shall have an international con- metallic .stock in existence as it now exists? ference when we have elected an Executive who is in favor of it. I may be a fanatic, I may be an enthusiast. Every word I hav-e We shall have open mints all over the world when we have an uttered upon this subject lies close t. o my heart. I believe it, Executive and a Legislature back of him in favor of doing th~t. and I want to r-epeat, I warn my party, great as it has been in We shall make ourselves felt in European politics and European achievements, great as it has been in its history1 much as its .:finance when we try, but we ha'9'e not tried and we can not try members are attached to it, it ca.n not a.:fford to put 1tself on the until we have all the departments of the GoverDJ1lent in .accord side of a contraction to the extent of .one-half of the volume of on this subject. the money of the world, either by deliberate action in that di-

Let us meet this que~ tio:n fairly. A1·e we to go to a gold basis rection or by a refusal to .affirmatively act in opposition to that absolutely, or are we to use the two metals on equal terms? The attempt. • Senator from Ohio [Mr. SHERMAN], who pr~sided over the Treas- Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, I do not desire to submit to ury Department1 told us that the Bland .act would bring us .to a the Senate at the present time any observations upon the ques­silver basis. Every Executive we have ever had since has told tion of the free coinage of silver. The State of Montana, next to us the same thing. Every Secretary of the Treasury, unless it the State of Colorado, is the largest producer of that metal. But be the present one~ told us the same thing. Are we in a better the Senator from Colorado has been pleased to speak of the po· condition with the act of 1890i' If the Bland act was dangerous, litioal affiliations of the four silvel'-pt·oducing States, and to i not the act of 1890? The act o11878 elevated all the silver prophesy something or their future political identifieation. That perchased to the dignity of money. Thl3 act of 1890 leaves it as the people of those States are deeply interested in 'this question

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1892. OONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE. 3447· can not be denied; but speaking for the State of Montana~ I _am certain that she will not change her political identification in any spirit of petulance or for any purposes of revenge.

Indeed, looking at this question as presented by the Senator from Colorado, I am reminded of a young friend of mine who on the evening of the election a year ago last fall as he watched the count of the returns of the town in which I reside and listened to the telegraphic reports from surrounding villages and cities became discouraged, and when he found ills political party over­whelmed declared that he would leave the State. He went home and packed up his library. The next morning he came down and bought a morning paper which contained telegraphic reports ol the results of the election from Maine to Texas and jrom Flor­ida to Oregon. Being interrogatesl as to his purpose to leave the State he said he had changed his m.in.d, for he did not know where to go. [Laught-er.]

Whenever the time shall arrive when the people of the silver­producing States, dissatisfied with existing conditions, shall pro­ceed to inquire how they can best subserve their public interests by political action, they will determine their£identity and iden­tification soberly and with the modesty of tearful duty.

PRESIDENTIAL APPROVALS. A message from the President of. the United States, by Mr. 0.

L. PRUDEN, one of his secretaries, announced that the Presi­dent had on the 19th instant approved and signed the following acts:

An act (S. 418) to change the time for holding the circuit and district courts of the United States for the western district of Missouri; and

An act (S. 1342) for the relief of John R. Blankenship.

HOUSE BILL REFERRED. The bill (H. R. 8001) to authorize a national bank at Chicago,

Ill., to establish a bank office upon the grounds of the World's Columbian Exposition, was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on Finance.

EXECUTIVE SESSION. Mr. SHERMAN. I move that the Senate proceed to the con­

sideration of executive business. The motion was agreed to; and the Senate proce-eded to the

consideration of executive business. After fifty minutes spent in executive iession the doors were reopened, and (at 4 o'clock and 10 minutes p.m.) the Senate adjourned until to-morrow, Thursday, April21, 1892, at 12 o'clock m.

NOMINATIONS.

Executive norninations 1·eceived by the Senate April ~0, 1892.

ASSISTANT TREASURER UNITED STATES. John R. Tanner, of Illinois, to be assistant trea.sureT of the

United States at Chicago, in the State of Dlinois; to succeed Daniel Dustin, dec-eased.

REGISTER OF LAND OFFICE. Lafayette C. Smith, of Stockton, Kans., to be register of the

land office at Kirwin, Kans., vice Webb McNall, resigned. THIRD LIEUTENANTS, REVENUE-CUTTER SERVICE.

John G. Berry, of Maine, to beathirdlieutenantin the Revenue­Cutter Service of the United States, to succeed J. E . Reinberg, promoted.

William E. W. Hall, of Maryland, to be a third lieutenant in the Revenue-Cutter Service of the United States, to succ-eed J. M. ~ioore, promoted.

Samuel P. Edmonds, of Missouri, to be a third lieutenant in the Revenue-Cutter Service of the United States, to succeed F. H. Dimock, promoted.

Walker W. Joynes, of South Carolina, to be a -third lieutenant in the Revenue-Cutter Service of the United States, to succeed L. L. Robinson, deceased.

Edwin V. D. Johnson, of Indiana, to be a third lieutenant in t}le Revenue-Cutter Service of the United States, to succeed C. B. Fengar, promoted.

CONFIRMATIONS. Executive nmninations conjirrned by the Senate April eo, 1892.

PROMOTION IN THE ARMY. Brigadier-general.

To be brigadier-general, Col. .E'rank Wheaton, Second Infan­try.

APPRAISER OF MERCHANDISE. Jsmes H. Butler, of Maryland, to be appraiserof merchandise

in the Q.istrict of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland.

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DISTRICT JUSTICE OF THE PEACE. John H. O'Donnell, of the District of Columbia, to be justice of

the peace in the District of Columbia, to be assigned to the city of Washington. ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY. Frank L. Coombs, of Napa, Cal., to be envoy extraordinary

and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to Japan. · . ASSISTANT TREASURER.

John R. Tanner, of illinois, to be assistant treasurer of the United States at Chicago, in the State of illinois.

REGISTER OF LAND OFFICE. Lafayette C. Smith, of Stockton, Kans., to be register of the

land office at Kirwin, Kans. l

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, .A..p'ril20, 1892.

The House met at12o'clock m. Prayer by the Cha.plain, Rev. W.H.MILBURN,D.D.

The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and ap· proved.

AWARDS OF THE THIRD AUDITOR OF THE TREASURY. The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Act­

ing Secretary of the Treasury, for the consideration of Congr-e s, transmitting a list of awards made by the Third Auditor of the Treasury under the provisions of the act of March 21 1861; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, and oroered to be printed.

LEAVE OF ABSENCE.

By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to Mr. FITHIAN, for one week, from Friday, April22, on account of im-portant business. ·

ORDER OF BUSINESS. Mr. O'FERRALL. Mr. Speaker, I call up for consideration

the contested-election case of Noyes vs. Rockwell. Mr. HOPKINS of illinois. I ask the gentleman to yield to me

for a moment, to ask unanimous consent for the consideration of a bill.

Mr. O'FERRALL, I will yield for that purpose, if it does not provoke any discussion.

BRANCH NATIONAL BANK AT THE WORLD'S FAIR. Mr. HOPKINS of illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous con­

sent for the consideration of the bill (H. R. 8001) to authorize a national bank at Chicago, Ill., to establish a branch office upon the grounds of the World's Columbian Exposition.

The bill was read, as follows: Be it enacted, eta., That any national bank located in the city of Chicago

a.nd State of illinois which may be designated by the Wor~s Columbian Ex­position to conduct a. banking omce upon the Exposition grounds is hereby authorized to open a.nd conduct such omce as a branch of the bank, subject to the same restrictions and having the same rights as the bank to which it belongs: PrO'Didtd, That the branch omce authorized hereby shall not ba op­erated for a longer period than two years, beginning not earlier than .July 1, 1892, and closing not later than .July 1, 1894. ..

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the present consider& tion of this bill?

Mr. GOODNIGHT. I donot knowtha.t I understand what the purpose of that bill is.

Mr. HOPKINS of Illinois. It is to permit the establishment of a branch office of a ne.tional bank on the grounds of the Expo­sition at Chicago. The grounds of the Exposition are 7 miles from any bank, and this is to enable persons interested to do cer­tain banking business necessary. The Comptroller of the Cur­rency recommends that it be done, and to authorize a Chicao-o national bank to establish a branch there, so that parties at the Exposition may be able to do their banking business.

Mr. GOODNIGHT. A local bank? Mr. HOPKINS of illinois. No, a national bank. ~ Mr. GOODNIGHT. Can notthataocomm.odation befurnished

through a private bank? Mr. HOPKINS of illinois. No, it could notJ Mr. GOODNIGHT. Why not? They are doing business all

over the country. . Mr. HOPKINS of Dlinois. It would not have the confidence

that one of these national banks would. This is a unanimous re­port from the committee.

Mr. GOODNIGHT. I do not see any demand for it; but if the gentleman wants it, and it is needed for the World's Fair, IshaJ.l not object.

Mr. HOPKINS of illinois. It was asked for by the board of officers oi the Exposition .

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